TRAVELS   IN  THE  AMERICAN   COLONIES 


THE  MACMILLAN  COMPANY 

NEW  YORK    •    BOSTON   •    CHICAGO  •    DALLAS 
ATLANTA   •    SAN   FRANCISCO 

MACMILLAN  &  CO.,  LIMITED 

LONDON  •    BOMBAY  •    CALCUTTA 
MELBOURNE 

THE  MACMILLAN  CO.  OF  CANADA,  LTD. 

TORONTO 


TRAVELS 

IN  THE 

AMERICAN    COLONIES 


EDITED    UNDER    THE    AUSPICES    OF    THE    NATIONAL 

SOCIETY    OF    THE    COLONIAL    DAMES 

OF    AMERICA 

BY 

NEWTON    D.    MERENESS 


THE   MACMILLAN  COMPANY 

1916 

All  rights  reserved 


COPYRIGHT,  1916, 
BY  THE  MACMILLAN   COMPANY. 


Printed  from  type.     Published  April,  1916. 


J.  8.  Gushing  Co.  —  Berwick  &  Smith  Co. 
Norwood,  Mass.,  U.S.A. 


CONTENTS 

PAGE 

CUTHBERT  POTTER'S  JOURNAL  OF  A  JOURNEY  FROM  VIRGINIA  TO  NEW 

ENGLAND,    1690        ........  3 

JOURNAL  OF  DIRON  D'ARTAGUIETTE,  INSPECTOR  GENERAL  OF  LOUISI 
ANA,    1722-1723       .          .          .          .          .          .          .          .15 

•s  JOURNAL  OF  COLONEL  GEORGE  CHICKEN'S  MISSION  FROM  CHARLESTON, 

S.    C.,   TO  THE  CHEROKEES,    1726        .          .          .          .          -95 

/  JOURNAL  OF  CAPTAIN  TOBIAS  FITCH'S   MISSION  FROM  CHARLESTON  TO 

THE  CREEKS,    1726   .          .          .          .          .          .          .          .175 

'  A    RANGER'S   REPORT   OF   TRAVELS   WITH    GENERAL   OGLETHORPE   IN 

GEORGIA  AND  FLORIDA,   1739—1742      .          .          .  .          .215 

.x  JOURNAL  OF  ANTOINE  BONNEFOY'S  CAPTIVITY  AMONG  THE  CHEROKEE 

INDIANS,    1741  —  1742  .......      239 

JOURNAL    OF    BEAUCHAMP'S   JOURNEY   FROM    MOBILE    TO    THE    CHOC- 
TAWS,    1746     .........      259 

X  JOURNAL  OF  CAPTAIN  PHINEAS  STEVENS'  JOURNEY  FROM  CHARLESTOWN, 

N.    H.,   TO   CANADA,    1752         ......      301 

)    DIARY   OF   A  JOURNEY    OF    MORAVIANS    FROM    BETHLEHEM,    PA.,   TO 

BETHABARA,   N.   C.,    1753  .  .  .  .  .  •      325 

^.    MINUTES  FROM  THE  JOURNAL  OF  MR.   HAMBURGH'S  TRAVELS  IN  THE 

MICHIGAN  AND  ILLINOIS  COUNTRY,    1763       .          .          .  -359 

JOURNAL   OF    AN    OFFICER'S    [LORD    ADAM    GORDON'S]    TRAVELS    IN 

AMERICA  AND  THE  WEST  INDIES,    1764—1765          .          .          .      367  V 
JOURNAL   OF   CAPTAIN   HARRY    GORDON'S  JOURNEY   FROM    PITTSBURG 
DOWN  THE  OHIO  AND  THE  MISSISSIPPI  TO  NEW  ORLEANS,   Mo- 
BILE,   AND  PENSACOLA,    1766         ......      457^ 


840209 


CONTENTS 

PACK 

DAVID  TAITT'S  JOURNAL  OF  A  JOURNEY  THROUGH  THE  CREEK  COUN 
TRY,    1772       .  .  .  .      493 

DR.   JOHN    BERKENHOUT'S   JOURNAL    OF    AN    EXCURSION    FROM    NEW 

YORK  TO  PHILADELPHIA,    1778    ......      569 

V    TRAVEL    DIARY    OF    BISHOP    REICHEL,     MRS.     REICHEL,    AND    THEIR 

COMPANY  FROM  LITITZ,    PA.,   TO  SALEM,   N.    C.,    1780           .      585 
>       EXTRACTS    FROM    THE    TRAVEL    DIARY    OF    BISHOP    REICHEL,    MRS. 
REICHEL,  AND  CHRISTIAN  HECKEWELDER  FROM  SALEM  TO  LITITZ, 
1780 603 

COLONEL    WILLIAM    FLEMING'S  JOURNAL   OF   TRAVELS   IN   KENTUCKY, 

1779-1780      .  617 

COLONEL   WILLIAM    FLEMING'S  JOURNAL   OF  TRAVELS   IN   KENTUCKY, 

1783 659 


CUTHBERT  POTTER'S  JOURNAL  OF  A  JOURNEY 
FROM  VIRGINIA  TO  NEW  ENGLAND,  1690 


INTRODUCTION 

VIRGINIA  was  but  slightly  affected  by  the  fall  of  the 
Stuart  regime  in  1688,  but  in  consequence  of  the  overthrow 
of  the  Andros  government  in  Massachusetts,  the  uprising 
under  Leisler  in  New  York,  and  "great  depredations  com 
mitted  by  the  Indians  "  in  those  parts,  the  Council  of  Virginia, 
on  the  5th  of  June,  1690,  resolved  to  send  a  messenger  north 
ward  with  instructions  "to  ascertain  the  truth  of  matters 
in  New  England  and  New  York."  Colonel  Cuthbert  Potter 
was  forthwith  named  for  the  mission  and  on  the  24th  of  the 
following  month  Governor  Nicholson  announced  to  the  Coun 
cil  that  the  Colonel  had  agreed  to  perform  the  service  for  £60. 

Colonel  Potter  was  practicing  law  in  Lancaster  County, 
Virginia,  as  early  as  1653,  and  three  years  later  his  name 
appears  among  the  justices  of  the  Lancaster  County  Court. 
In  later  years  he  was  one  of  the  large  landholders  of  Middle 
sex  County  and  was  closely  associated  with  Ralph  Wormeley, 
a  leading  member  of  the  Council.  The  narrative  of  his 
journey  to  New  England  shows  that  he  was  an  advocate  of 
strong  government.  Shortly  after  making  that  journey  he 
removed  in  his  own  sloop,  the  Hopewell,  to  the  Island  of 
Barbados,  where,  as  stated  in  his  will,  dated  June  20,  1691,  he 
was  "suddenly  seized  and  taken  with  bodily  sickness."  In 
return  for  his  ill  treatment  in  Boston  the  Governor  and 
Council  of  Virginia  warned  the  Government  of  Massachu 
setts  that  as  "contrary  to  the  Acts  of  Parliament  divers 
goods  are  imported  into  New  England  not  directly  from 
England,  and  that  no  Collector  is  in  New  England,  we  have 
ordered  that  any  ships  bringing  European  goods  hither  from 
New  England  must  produce  their  cocquets  from  England  or 
be  proceeded  against  at  law." 

An  official  copy  of  this  journal  has  been  preserved  in  the 
Public  Record  Office,  London :  Colonial  Office,  Class  5, 
No.  1305,  pp.  176-179. 


MR.    POTTER'S  JOURNALL  FROM  VIRGINIA  TO 
N.   ENGLAND 

A  Journall  and  Narrative  of  a  Journey  made  by  me 
Cuthbert  Potter  from  Middx1  County  in  Virginia  to 
Boston  in  New  England. 

July  6.  In  the  Evening  I  departed  from  the  honble 
Ralph  Wormley  Esqre  his  house  in  a  Shallop  but  having 
very  rainy,  Stormey  weather,  It  was  Sunday  morning  follow 
ing  before  I  could  get  to  Casparas  Harmans  in  Bohemia  2 
and  there  tarried  all  day. 

July  14.  I  took  horses  and  guide  and  went  to  New  Castle, 
that  night,  'tis  accounted  30  miles,  I  met  with  Mr.  Williams 
the  Collector  deliver'd  him  his  Letter,  and  discoursed  him 
about  the  trade  Betwixt  the  head  of  the  Bey  and  that  Town 
for  tobacco,  he  told  me  there  had  been  formerly  much  tobacco 
brought  over  to  that  Town,  but  now  not  so  much,  he  had 
lately  seised  some  tobacco  that  had  been  brought,  but  by 
others  I  perceived  It  is  frequently  carried  over  to  that  Town.3 

July  15.  I  went  from  New  Castle  to  Chester  alias  Up 
lands  accounted  20  miles  by  water. 

July  16.  I  went  from  Chester  to  Philadelphia  by  water 
accounted  20  miles  more.  I  met  President  Loyd  4  and  Mr. 
Plowman,  and  deliver'd  their  Letters  also  Mr.  Markham,5 

1  Middlesex. 

2  Augustine  Herrman,  the  founder  of  Bohemia  Manor,  at  the 
head  of  Chesapeake  Bay,  died  in  1686  and  his  second  son,  Casparus 
Herrman,  took  possession  of  the  manor  house  in  June,  1690. 

3  There  was  at  this  time  a  Maryland  export  duty  on  tobacco  of 
two  shillings  per  hogshead. 

4  Thomas  Lloyd,  president  of  the  Provincial  Council  of  Penn 
sylvania. 

5  William   Markham,    secretary   of   the   Provincial    Council   of 
Pennsylvania. 


CUTHBERT  POTTER'S  JOURNAL 

Mr.  Delaval  l  Mr.  Barbery  and  Mr.  Ducay  with  whom 
I  discourst  some  time,  the  two  last  forced  to  fly  from 
York.2 

July  1 8.  I  went  from  thence  by  water  30  miles  up  to  the 
falls3  and  stopt  about  half  an  hour  at  Mr.  Penns  and  lodged 
that  night  at  Mr.  Wheelers. 

July  19.  I  took  horses  and  guidfe]  for  Eliza4  Town  being 
72  miles,  but  reached  no  farther  than  Onions.6 

July  20.  I  went  from  Onions  to  Eliza  Town,  there  having 
been  very  much  rain,  in  sight  of  Collonel  Townlies  6  my 
horse  fell  with  me,  and  by  Gods  mercy  I  escaped  drowning 
having  been  twice  under  water  wet  all  my  linnen  and 
papers. 

July  21.  I  tarried  all  day  with  Mr.  Townley,  dried  my 
linnen  and  papers,  and  left  two  or  three  letters  with  him 
for  some  New  York  gentlemen  that  were  then  escaped  into 
East  Jersey  which  he  promised  to  deliver  with  his  own 
hand. 

July  22.  I  went  to  New  York  by  water,  16  miles,  pre- 
understanding  the  severity  they  used  in  that  Town  towards 
strangers  by  securing  and  searching  them,  with  the  assistance 
of  the  watermen  I  put  my  portmanteaus  on  board  a  ship  in 
the  harbour  and  went  privately  ashore  to  Mr.  Thompsons, 
and  so  soon  as  it  was  night  that  I  could  get  my  Portmanteaus 
on  shore,  I  delivered  all  the  letters  I  had  for  the  Gentlemen 
in  those  parts. 

July  23  and  24.  I  was  brought  acquainted  with  most  of 
the  honest  Gent :  of  that  Town  who  very  much  deplored  the 
present  state  of  affairs  there,7  but  generally  exceeding  Joy- 

1  John  Delavall,  a  member  of  the  Council  of  the  City  of  New 
York.     He    subsequently    removed    to    Philadelphia,    became    a 
member  of  the  Philadelphia  Council  in  1691,  and  a  member  of 
the  Provincial  Council  in  1692. 

2  New  York.  3  Trenton. 

4  Elizabeth.  5  Mr.  Onions. 

6  Col.    Richard    Townley,    who    came    to    Virginia    with    Lord 
Effingham   in    1683,   removed   to   Elizabeth  Town  in   1684,   and 
married  the  widow  of  Philip  Carteret  in  1685. 

7  The  Leisler  uprising. 


TRAVELS  IN  THE  AMERICAN   COLONIES 

full  for  the  welfare  of  this  our  honorable  Governor,1  every 
one  speaking  highly  in  his  commendacion,  and  earnestly 
wishing  for  the  arrival  of  Governor  Slaughter  there,  which 
might  put  a  period  to  their  present  distraccions.  I  was 
inform'd  the  Indians  had  cut  of  a  small  village,2  near  Fort 
Albany  which  caused  the  Inhabitants  to  keep  a  very  strict 
watch  and  guard,  the  alarm  of  the  French  Pyrates  being  then 
upon  the  Coast,  caused  them  to  prepare  a  force  for  their 
defence,  and  all  the  masters  of  ships  then  in  harbour  and  all 
the  Gentlemen  of  the  Town  were  by  the  Governor  3  sent  for 
to  consult  the  present  safety,  who  most  willingly  assented 
for  the  common  good  to  use  their  utmost  endeavours  to 
oppose  and  resist  the  common  enemy,  by  which  means 
Lashler  4  could  find  no  time  to  send  for  me  as  was  inform'd 
he  intended  and  I  expected. 

July  25.  I  took  horses  and  guide  for  New  England,  and 
that  night  went  to  Horsneck 5  being  40  miles. 

July  26.  I  went  to  Fairfeilds  6  being  25  miles,  and  very 
bad  way  and  tarried  there  the  next  day  being  Sunday. 

July  28.  Major  Gold  7  provided  me  horses  to  Guilford 
being  42  miles. 

July  29.  I  went  to  Sebrook  8  being  20  miles  :  It  rained 
very  fast  all  day. 

July  30.  I  went  from  Sebrook  to  New  London  being 
20  miles  where  I  understood  Major  Winthrop  was  gone  for 
Albany,9  I  delivered  his  letter  to  his  brother  Major  Palmes,10 

1  Francis  Nicholson,  who,  in  1689,  was  made  Lieutenant  Gover 
nor  of  the  Dominion  of  New  England  with  residence  at  New 
York,  was  appointed  Lieutenant  Governor  of  Virginia  in  1690. 

2  Schenectady.  3  Jacob  Leisler.  4  Leisler. 
5  West  Greenwich.               6  Fairfield. 

7  Major  Nathan  Gold,  a  member  of  the  Connecticut  Court  of 
Assistants.  8  Saybrook. 

9  Major-General  Fitz-John  Winthrop  was  commander  of  the  New 
York-Connecticut  expedition  that  set  out  in  the  spring  of  1690 
against  Montreal  but  was  soon  abandoned  because  of  desertion  by 
the  Indians  and  lack  of  supplies  and  means  of  transportation. 

10  Major  Edward  Palmes  was  a  brother-in-law  of  Major  Fitz- 
John  Winthrop. 


CUTHBERT  POTTER'S  JOURNAL 

and  took  his  receipt,  was  told  that  the  French  Pyrates  had 
come  to  an  anchor  before  the  town,  but  rinding  too  great  an 
appearance  to  oppose  them,  they  departed  without  doing  any 
dammage,  the  Inhabitants  there  seeming  no  way  in  dread  of 
the  French  Indians,  In  respect  Major  Winthrop  with  a 
convenient  force  was  then  gone  for  Albany. 

July  31.  I  went  from  thence  to  Bulls  in  the  Narragansit 
Government  being  45  miles. 

August  I.  I  hired  a  shallop,  and  went  for  Newport  in 
Rode  Island  being  10  miles,  where  I  met  Mr.  Brinley,1  Mr. 
Newbery  and  Mr.  Clark,  and  delivered  them  their  Letters 
and  left  Mr.  Smith's  letter  with  Mr.  Brinley. 

August  2.  I  went  for  New  Bristoll  being  16  miles,  the 
next  day  being  Sunday  I  tarried  at  Mr.  Lavins. 

August  4.  I  took  horses  and  guide  and  went  for  Boston 
being  50  miles,  about  midnight  I  got  to  the  Townsend — there 
lay,  in  the  morning  I  went  into  the  Town  to  Md  Usher  and 
Mr.  Jeffreys,  and  deliver'd  them  their  letters. 

August  6.  I  waited  on  the  Governor  Bradstreet,2  and 
deliver'd  him  the  Letter  for  that  Government,  who  did  not 
then  open  it,  I  told  him  it  came  from  the  Present  Governor 
of  Virginia,  and  requested  an  answer  to  which  he  replyed  he 
was  going  to  the  Councill  and  then  I  should  be  sent  for  and 
have  an  answer.  I  rested  there  two  or  three  dayes  and  in  the 
mean  time  deliver'd  what  Letters  I  had  for  other  Gentlemen 
in  the  Town,  I  went  to  Salem  and  waited  on  Major  Brown, 
and  deliver'd  the  Letters  I  had  for  that  place  then  return'd 
to  Boston,  and  waited  on  Bradstreet  the  Governor  who  told 
me  he  would  write  back  to  our  Governor  and  shortly  after 
I  received  his  Letter,  there  I  caused  700  copies  of  his  Majes 
ties  Letter  to  the  Bishop  of  London  to  be  printed  and  dis- 
perst  them  all  along  according  to  order  :  In  which  time  they 
were  very  busy  in  setting  forth  their  Fleet  for  Canada,  which 
consisted  of  32  ships  and  vessels  of  all  sorts,  and  2200  men 
which  set  sail  about  the  Qth. 

1  Francis   Brinley  was  the  leader  of  a  Rhode   Island   faction 
favoring  strong  government. 

2  Simon  Bradstreet  was  governor  of  Massachusetts  in  1689-92. 

7 


TRAVELS  IN  THE  AMERICAN  COLONIES 

August  9.  The  people  [are]  generally  much  dissatis 
fied  with  their  present  Government,  and  blame  it  very 
much  for  all  their  sufferings,  which  have  happen'd  onely 
through  their  ill  management  of  affairs  and  sending  away  Sir 
Edmond  Andrews,1  that  caused  all  those  great  losses  to  the 
Eastward.  I  went  over  to  Cambridge  and  Charles  Town, 
where  I  deliver'd  all  the  Letters  I  had  for  those  places,  and 
having  spent  some  time  in  discoursing  severall  Gentlemen 
and  others,  I  generally  observ'd  that  many  who  had  been 
for,  were  now  inveterate  enemies  to  the  present  Govern 
ment. 

August  13.  I  prepared  to  return  for  Virginia,  but  hearing 
a  rumour  or  whispering  that  the  Governor  had  order'd 
officers  to  seize,  and  search  me  for  Letters  and  papers  I  went 
and  informed  Collonel  Shrimp  ton  and  Collonel  Dongan  what 
I  had  heard,  who  said  they  did  not  think  that  they  would  be 
so  unworthy,  yet  they  stopt  Mr.  Peacock  and  several)  others. 
I  went  to  Governor  Broadstreet,  and  acquainted  him  what 
I  had  heard  touching  my  self,  he  replyed  he  had  heard  noth 
ing  of  it,  he  was  going  to  the  Councill  and  if  any  such  thing 
was  intended  he  would  acquaint  me  with  it,  and  in  the  time 
the  Governor  was  at  the  Councill,  Officers  were  sent  out  to 
seize,  search  me  and  my  papers. 

August  14.  The  officers  found  my  Portmanteaus  at  Mr. 
Seawards  where  I  intended  to  take  horse,  and  brought  them 
away,  but  as  it  happened  by  chance  I  met  them  in  the  street, 
and  demanded  by  what  power  they  seised  my  goods,  they 
shewed  an  order  of  Councill,  but  would  not  let  me  read  it. 
We  went  into  Monks  at  the  Anchor,  I  there  demanded  a  copey 
of  their  order,  but  they  refused  and  two  of  them  took  me 
into  a  private  room,  search'd  my  pockets  and  breeches, 
found  severall  letters  and  papers  which  they  took,  but  gave 
me  leave  to  lock  them  up  in  my  portmanteau,  they  then 
sent  to  the  Councill,  who  order'd  me  to  be  brought  in  the 
afternoon  so  I  was  dismist  for  the  Present,  and  went  home 

1  Sir  Edmund  Andros,  governor  of  the  Dominion  of  New  Eng 
land  from  April  1688  until  his  deposition  by  the  people  of  Massa 
chusetts  in  April  1689. 


CUTHBERT  POTTER'S  JOURNAL 

to  dinner,  then  took  out  those  letters  and  papers  I  had  saved 
about  my  breast  and  back,  in  the  afternoon  I  attended  at 
the  coffee  house  till  near  four  of  the  clock  then  I  was  sent  for 
by  an  Officer,  when  I  came  the  Governor  told  me,  there 
were  a  great  many  seditious  people,  about  the  Town,  dis 
persing  scandalous  papers  tending  to  the  subversion  of  the 
present  Government,  and  that  they  had  reason  to  fear  some 
of  them  kept  correspondence  with  the  enemy.  They  were 
at  great  charge  in  fitting  out  their  fleet,  which  would  cost 
them  near  50  or  60,000  pounds  so  it  behooved  them  to  be 
carefull,  they  had  made  an  order  to  stop  and  examine  all 
Strangers,  and  see  what  papers  and  pamphlets  they  had 
against  the  Government.  I  desired  to  see  the  order,  and 
have  a  copey  of  it  that  I  might  give  an  account  to  those  that 
send  me,  they  replyed  I  was  before  them  which  was  sufficient, 
and  bid  me  open  my  Portmanteau.  I  refused  and  began  to 
argue  the  affront  offered  to  our  honorable  Governor,  whose 
pass  I  shewed,  was  chid  and  called  sawcy,  and  a  smith  was 
sent  for  to  break  my  locks,  which  done  the  Officers  turn'd 
out  all  my  papers,  and  linnen,  the  papers  lying  all  before 
them  on  the  table,  they  then  bid  me  to  with  draw  with  the 
rest  of  my  things.  I  replyed  I  could  not  carry  them  my  self, 
they  ordered  an  officer  to  carry  them  to  the  coffee  house 
where  I  waited  untill  they  broke  open  and  perused  what 
they  pleased,  then  sent  for  me  and  told  me  they  found  cause 
to  stop  some  letters,  they  sent  for  Mr.  Jeffreys  and  ordered 
him  to  give  security  to  answer  next  Court,  turned  the  publick 
Notary  out  of  Office,  kept  about  five  or  six  letters  directed  to 
the  Right  Honble  Governor  of  this  Colony,  besides  other 
papers,  examined  my  being  at  Cambrige  and  Charles 
Town,  shewed  me  Bradstreet's  letter  broke  open,  and  told 
me  they  would  write  next  day  to  the  Governor,  bid  me  take 
the  remainder  of  my  papers,  and  so  dismist  me. 

August  15.  I  waited  on  the  Governor  Bradstreet,  and 
importuned  him  for  his  pass,  that  I  might  be  no  more  mo 
lested,  which  having  received  from  him  with  a  Letter  to 
this  honorable  Governor,  I  took  my  leave  and  came  to  Mr. 
Billings  at  night. 

9 


TRAVELS   IN  THE   AMERICAN   COLONIES 

August  16.  I  came  to  New  Bristoll  where  I  staid  with 
Mr.  Jno  Smith,  Captain  Andrews  and  some  others. 

August  17.  I  came  to  Newport  where  I  stayed  wind  bound 
till  23d. 

August  23.  I  took  a  sloop  for  Long  Island,  and  was  seven 
dayes  in  getting  within  three  miles  of  Flushing. 

August  30.  I  took  horses  and  guide  for  New  York,  I 
tarried  there  all  day  and  received  answers  of  those  letters 
I  had  deliver'd,  but  was  advised  that  Milburn  1  the  present 
deputy  Governor  would  seize  all  my  papers  as  I  was  ready  to 
depart,  I  forthwith  got  a  boat  and  hands  and  came  in  haste 
away. 

Sept.  I.  In  the  morning  I  got  to  Collonel  Townlies  in 
Eliza  Town,  with  whom  I  tarried  two  dayes  expecting  some 
Friend  from  York,  with  letters  but  they  came  not. 

Sept.  3.     I  came  from  Collonel  Townlys  to  Mr.  Onions. 

Sept.  4.     I  came  to  the  falls  and  thence  to  Burlington. 

Sept.  5.  I  came  to  Philadelphia  was  with  Mr.  Loyd, 
Mr.  Markham,  Mr.  Delaval,  and  Mr.  Test. 

Sept.  6.  I  came  to  Chester  thence  to  Newcastle,  and  there 
tarried  the  next  day. 

Sept.  8.  I  came  to  Casparas  Harmans  at  Bohemia  where 
I  tarried  three  dayes  before  I  could  hire  a  boat. 

Sept.  12.  I  hired  a  boat  and  came  from  Casparas  Har 
mans,  down  the  Bey  2  but  by  contrary  wind  and  weather,  I 
could  not  attain  into  Rappa  3  River  till  the  24th  day  of  the 
moneth, 

Sept.  24.     On  which  I  by  the  blessing  of  God  safely  arrived, 
at  the  house  of  the  honorable  Ralph  Wormley  Esqre. 
Memorandum : 

When  I  was  in  Boston  I  understood  there  was  great  plenty 
of  Canary  wine,  and  discoursing  with  several  Gentlemen 
there  they  told  me  they  had  four  ships  with  Canary  wine, 
two  of  which  belonged  to  Bristoll.  I  was  asked  twenty  four 


1  Jacob  Milborne. 

2  Chesapeake  Bay. 

3  Rappahannock. 

10 


CUTHBERT  POTTER'S  JOURNAL 

pounds  a  pipe  but  told  by  others  I  might  have  my  choice  of 
good  wine  for  Eighteen,  and  in  the  time  I  was  at  Salem,  wait 
ing  on  Major  Brown  I  met  with  a  master  of  a  small  vessell, 
that  was  lately  arrived  from  Spain,  belonging  to  Salem,  who 
treated  me  with  a  Glass  of  good  wine,  and  anchovies,  and 
told  me  he  had  made  twenty  pounds  a  hogshead  of  that 
little  tobacco  he  had  with  him  and  that  he  came  directly  from 
Gales. 

[Endorsed] 

1690 

Mr.  Potter's  Journall  from 
Virginia  to  New  England. 

Received  29  January  1690/1. 


JOURNAL  OF   DIRON   D'ARTAGUIETTE,   1722-1723 


INTRODUCTION 

LOUISIANA,  comprising  the  French  possessions  in  the 
Mississippi  Valley,  was  granted  in  1717  by  the  Regent,  the 
Duke  of  Orleans,  to  the  Western  Company,  the  grant  being 
a  part  of  John  Law's  project  for  replenishing  the  exchequer 
of  France  wfienthe  wars  of  Louis  XIV's  reign  had  brought 
that  country  to  the  verge  of  bankruptcy.  The  charter  made 
the  Company  proprietors  of  the  territory  for  twenty -five 
years,  promised  it  full  ownership  of  all  mines  that  should  be 
opened  during  that  period,  and  full  title  to  all  lands  that 
should  be  peopled.  The  Company  was  to  enjoy  the  exclu 
sive  right  of  trade  within  its  territory  and  to  have  a  monop 
oly  of  the  beaver  trade  with  Canada.  The  Crown  was  to 
pay  a  bounty  on  vessels  constructed  in  Louisiana  for  carry 
ing  goods  to  France,  and  for  ten  years  the  import  duty  on 
goods  from  Louisiana  was  to  be  but  one  half  of  that  levied 
on  goods  from  other  French  colonies.  The  Company  was 
authorized  to  provide  armed  vessels  for  the  protection  of  its 
trade,  to  construct  forts  within  its  territory,  to  make  treaties 
with  the  Indians,  to  appoint  officers,  and  to  enact  necessary 
statutes.  The  colonists  were  promised  the  same  liberties 
and  immunities  as  they  enjoyed  in  France  and  exemption 
from  taxation  by  the  Crown. 

The  charter  required  that  the  stock  of  the  company  be 
divided  into  shares  of  500  livres  each,  payable  in  exchequer 
bills,  and  that  every  holder  of  fifty  shares  be  entitled  to 
a  vote  in  the  board  of  directors  and  to  one  additional  vote 
for  each  additional  fifty  shares.  Law  was  made  director- 
general  and  200,000  shares  were  issued.  Subsequently  the 
Western  Company  was  merged  with  another  of  Law's  in 
stitutions,  the  Royal  Bank,  and  with  the  East  India  Com 
pany.  For  a  brief  period  shares  were  fifty  per  cent  or  more 

15 


TRAVELS  IN  THE  AMERICAN   COLONIES 

above  par,  but  security  for  the  stock  was  almost  wholly  lack 
ing,  the  Royal  Bank  failed  in  1720,  and  fear  for  his  life  drove 
Law  from  France. 

The  Company,  however,  did  much  for  the  growth  of  the 
colony.  Bienville,  who  for  years  had  been  its  leading  spirit, 
was  appointed  governor;  the  white  population  increased 
from  a  few  hundred  in  1717  to  more  than  five  thousand  in 
1721 ;  and  settlements  were  established  on  concessions  of 
the  Company  at  Baton  Rouge,  Natchez,  Natchitoches, 
Pointe  Coupee,  Cannes  Brulees,  Tunicas,  Bayagoulas,  on 
the  Yazoo  River,  on  Pascagoulas  Bay,  and  at  other  places. 
In  1721  the  Duke  of  Orleans  intrusted  the  direction  of  the 
affairs  of  the  Company  to  three  commissioners,  and  they 
appointed  Diron  d'Artaguiette  inspector-general.  Arta- 
guiette,  as  royal  commissary  in  the  colony,  defended  Bien 
ville  against  malicious  attacks  in  1707.  He  was  one  of  the 
board  of  directors  of  the  Western  Company,  and  was  the 
founder  of  Baton  Rouge.  His  journal  was  a  report  to  the 
Commissioners  on  conditions  in  the  colony  in  1722-1723  as 
observed  by  Artaguiette  at  New  Orleans  and  while  on  a 
tour  of  inspection  up  the  Mississippi  to  the  Illinois  Country. 

There  is  a  transcript  of  the  journal  in  the  Library  of  Con 
gress  which  was  made  from  a  copy  in  the  Archives  Nationales, 
Paris:  C  13  C  2,  if.  18-269.  The  translation  is  by  Miss 
Georgia  Sanderlin. 


16 


JOURNAL  OF   DIRON   D'ARTAGUIETTE 

Journal  from  the  1st  of  September  to  the  nth  of  the  same  month 

SEPT.  i.  New  Orleans.  There  died  here  Monsieur  Macee, 
chaplain  of  the  ship  L'Avanturier. 

Sept.  2.  We  have  been  informed  that  six  men  —  habit 
ants  or  traders  --  had  deserted  from  this  post  and  that  a 
detachment,  commanded  by  Sr.  De  St.  Esteve,  had  gone 
out  in  search  of  them. 

Sept.  3.  We  have  learned  that  Sr.  de  St.  Esteve  arrived 
at  Fort  Louis  1  three  days  after  his  departure  and  that  he 
had  brought  back  the  six  deserters,  who  made  no  resistance. 
They  were  only  put  in  chains  for  a  short  time. 

Sept.  4.  An  officer,  accompanied  by  four  fuzileers,  set 
out  to  carry  a  large  packet  of  letters,  which  he  delivered  in 
the  bayou 2  to  the  master  of  a  canoe.  The  latter  imme 
diately  departed  for  Fort  Louis  du  Biloxcy.3 

Sept.  5.  A  man  named  Traverse,  living  in  New  Orleans, 
was  today  let  out  of  prison.  The  cause  for  which  he  was 
imprisoned  was  this.  This  man  had  built  a  house  in  New 
Orleans.  This  house  was  not  set  in  accord  with  the  align 
ment  of  the  streets,  as  he  had  built  it  before  the  plan  had 
been  proposed.  M.  Peauger  4  had  it  torn  down.  Traverse 
being  not  well  pleased  about  this,  presented  a  petition  to  the 
council,  asking  them  to  recompense  him  for  his  house  in 
order  that  he  might  have  the  means  to  build  another.  M. 

1  Fort  Louis  was  on  the  site  of  the  present  Biloxi,  Mississippi. 

2  Bayou  Saint  John,  on  the  south  side  of  Lake  Pontchartrain. 

3  The  capital  of  Louisiana  was  at  this  time  removing  from  Biloxi 
to  New  Orleans. 

4  M.  de  Pauger,  engineer,  assistant  to  M.  de  Latour,  the  chief 
engineer. 

17 


TRAVELS  IN  THE  AMERICAN   COLONIES 

Peauger  had  him  sent  for,  and,  after  having  regaled  him  with 
a  volley  of  blows  with  his  stick,  had  him  thrown  into  prison, 
with  irons  about  his  feet,  and  today  this  man  has  come  out 
of  prison  almost  blind. 

Sept.  6.  We  have  been  informed  that  twelve  soldiers  and 
three  sailors  —  the  soldiers  from  the  Company  of  St.  George 
—  had  deserted.  These  people  had  made  an  agreement  with 
the  skipper,  who  was  steering  a  canoe  in  which  were  Mes 
sieurs  Dharcourt  and  Nolan,  the  former  the  treasurer,  and 
the  latter  an  officer,  who  were  going  from  Mobile  to  Fort 
Louis.  The  skipper  running  very  close  in  shore,  these  gentle 
men  asked  him  where  he  was  going  and  why  he  was  not  carry 
ing  them  on  their  journey,  upon  which  the  skipper  replied 
that  the  currents  were  carrying  them  ashore.  Having 
arrived  at  the  Pointe  des  Chutaux,  twelve  soldiers  came  to 
them  with  bayonets  at  the  end  of  their  guns,  and  asked  them 
civilly  to  lend  them  their  canoe,  they  having  a  long  journey 
to  make,  and  to  give  them  a  present  of  some  flasks  of  brandy. 
These  gentlemen,  seeing  themselves  the  weaker  party, 
responded,  also  civilly,  that  they  (the  soldiers)  were  the  mas 
ters.  The  soldiers  took  the  canoe  and  some  flasks  of  brandy 
and  set  sail,  leaving  these  gentlemen  and  their  effects  behind. 

Sept.  7.  Today  the  ship  L'Avanturier  was  preparing  to 
sail  for  France,  but  M.  Bienville  1  detained  her  to  see  what 
news  there  was  from  France,  three  ships  having  recently  cast 
anchor  in  the  roads  of  Fort  Louis. 

Sept.  8.     Nothing  of  interest  took  place. 

Sept.  9.  M.  Delatour,2  having  some  small  jobs  to  be 
done,  sent  for  four  soldiers,  but  all  refused  to  come. 

Sept.  10.  Today  at  two  o'clock  in  the  afternoon,  the  ship 
L'Avanturier  was  to  have  set  sail,  but  a  heavy  wind,  con 
trary  and  violent,  having  sprung  up,  her  departure  was  put 
off  until  tomorrow. 

1  Jean   Baptiste   le   Moyne,    Sieur   de   Bienville,   Governor   of 
Louisiana  in  1701-1713,  1718-1724,  and  1733-1743,  and  founder 
of  New  Orleans. 

2  M.  de  Latour  was  lieutenant-general  of  Louisiana  and  chief 
engineer. 

18 


JOURNAL  OF  DIRON  D'ARTAGUIETTE 

The  same  day  Sr.  Feaucon  Dumanoir,  director  of  the  Con 
cession  of  the  Malouins,1  presented  us  with  the  memoirs 
set  forth  below.  You  will  see  there  the  grievances  which 
they  have  to  allege  against  the  company,2  what  it  has  made 
them  suffer  in  spite  of  the  conventions  and  agreements  made 
between  them.  You  will  also  see  enumerated  the  things 
which  are  absolutely  necessary  for  the  establishment  of 
the  colony. 

Grievances 

1.  The  lack  of  lodgings  and  store-houses,  which  the  com 
pany  ought  to  furnish  to  the  concessionnaires  immediately 
upon  their  arrival. 

2.  The  lack  of  a  hospital  for  the  sick. 

3.  The  lack  of  goods  to  trade  with,  and  necessary  to  have, 
so  as  to  secure  fresh  provisions  to  restore  those  who  have 
been  enfeebled  by  their  journeys  and  to  feed  others. 

4.  The  lack  of  such  supplies  as  flour,  wine,   meat  and 
brandy. 

5.  The  lack  of  boats  and  vessels  for  transportation  to  the 
said    concessionnaires.     From   this    deficiency    have   arisen 
many  inconveniences,  to  wit : 

That  the  concessionnaires  have  remained  upon  arid  sand 
for  eight  months.  This  stay  has  been  the  cause  of  their 
consuming  the  whole  food  supply  intended  for  their  estab 
lishments,  the  company  being  in  want  almost  continually. 
That  all  the  greater  part  of  the  workmen  have  died  in  extreme 
wretchedness  for  lack  of  fresh  provisions  and  lodgings,  being 
exposed  to  injury  from  the  weather  and  from  the  cold  through 
lack  of  clothing  and  storehouses,  not  having  the  materials 
for  making  the  latter.  The  greater  part  of  the  goods  of  the 
said  concessionnaires  have  rotted  or  have  been  plundered, 
damaged  or  stolen. 

1  Merchants  of  Saint  Malo  who  had  a  grant  or  concession  of 
land  near  the  site  of  the  present  Natchez,  Mississippi. 

2  The  Western  or  Mississippi  Company  by  whom  the  concessions 
were  made ;    at  the  head  of  it  was  John  Law. 

19 


TRAVELS   IN  THE   AMERICAN   COLONIES 

As  to  the  seizure  of  the  food  supplies  of  the  concessionnaires, 
which  the  Company  has  made : 

6.  As  soon  as  the  concessionnaires  had  found  themselves 
lodged  and  had  storehouses  in  which  to  put  their  goods  under 
cover,   which  they  had  made  while  consuming  their  food 
supplies,  the  company  had  immediately  seized  them,  forcing 
open  the  doors  of  the  storehouses  and  lodgings,  although 
the  goods  of  the  said  concessionnaires  were  still  within. 

7.  Although  the  company  had  sent  here  many  food  sup 
plies  and  much  merchandise,  both  for  trading  purposes  and 
otherwise,  the  council  of  this  place  replied  nothing  worth 
while  to  the  demands  of  the  concessionnaires,  and  yet  the 
convicts  had  more  of  them  than  was  for  their  good. 

8.  Note,  I  beseech  you,  that  there  are  among  the  conces 
sionnaires  those  who,  for  a  year,  have  had  from  the  company 
only  25  quarters  of  flour,  3  casks  of  white  wine  and  perhaps 
about  30  pistoles  worth  of  merchandise,  in  spite  of  the  fact 
that  the  company  has  received  more  than  8000  quarters  of 
flour,  600  casks  of  wine,  300  quarters  of  meat,  and  an  infinite 
quantity  of  merchandise.     They  prefer  to  support  a  great 
number  of  people  in  idleness  rather  than  to  feed  and  main 
tain  the  concessionnaires,  who  are  the  pillars  and  the  base  of 
the  establishment  of  this  colony.     One  notes  today  two  con 
cessions  in  particular  —  that  of  the  Sr.  Dumanoir,  which  is 
in  a  condition  to  receive  four  or  five  hundred  negroes,  having 
supplies  sufficient  for  two  years,  and  that  of  Sr.  Ceard,  both 
of  which  form  the  ground-work  upon  which  this  establish 
ment  rests  and  which  deserve  to  be  sustained  more  than  they 
have  been  up  to  the  present  time.     As  to  the  protest  of  the 
letters  of  exchange  drawn  by  Sr.  Du  Manoir  and  Sr.  Ceard 
upon  M.  Colly,  in  favor  of  Messrs.  Hubert  Trefontaine  and 
Massy  for  the  purchase  of  their  dwellings,  situated  at  the 
Natchez  and  at  the  Chapitoulas,  the  council  ordered  the 
seizure  of  the  effects  of  the  said  concessionnaires,  parties 
neither  heard  nor  called,  to  which  the  said  Sr.  du  Manoir 
made   much  opposition,   representing  that  if  these   effects 
were  seized  he  would  be  without  the  power  to  continue  his 
enterprise,  and  that  he  would  be  obliged  to  abandon  it  alto- 


JOURNAL  OF  DIRON  D'ARTAGUIETTE 

gether.  To  this  the  council  made  no  reply,  permitting  the 
seizure  to  proceed,  with  no  desire  to  put  a  stop  to  these  evil 
prosecutions  and  chicanery.  It  is  proper  to  remark  here 
that  for  an  establishment  as  large  as  this  one,  such  seizures 
interrupt  the  course  of  work,  discourage  the  inhabitants  and 
make  them  abandon  everything.  This  would  bring  about 
total  and  irremediable  ruin  to  the  whole  country.  In  regard 
to  Sr.  Ceard  :  In  order  to  avert  the  seizure  of  his  effects, 
he  was  forced  to  enter  into  a  very  onerous  agreement  with 
Monsieurs  Trefontaine  and  Massy.  This  does  not  encourage 
the  inhabitants  to  carry  out  the  plans  which  they  have  made. 

9.  That  the  concessionnaires  have  been  obliged  to  go  up  to 
their  lands  at  their  own  expense,  even  to  paying  the  sailors 
for  working  the  boats  which  the  company  furnished  them. 

10.  That  they  also  had  to  provide  themselves  with  vessels 
to  bring  their  effects  up  the  river. 

11.  As  to  the  fact  that  they  paid  no  attention  to  the  num 
ber  of  people  which  each  concession  has,  giving  as  large  food 
supplies  to  the  concessions  which  have  only  60  or  80  men  as 
they  give  to  those  which  have  200.     The  same  is  also  the 
case  with  merchandise  of  all  kinds. 

12.  As  to  the  enormous  expenses  which  the  concessions 
have  made  because  of  the  failure  to  execute  the  contracts 
made  with  them,  I  can  assure  you,  Gentlemen,  without  any 
partiality,  that  if  the  concessions  are  sustaining  themselves, 
the  credit  for  it  is  due  alone  to  the  steadfastness  of  those  who 
direct  them  here,  and  to  the  manner  in  which  the  colonists 
have  conducted  themselves  throughout  the  whole  enterprise. 
The  concessions  of  St.  Catherine  produced  this  year  2000 
quarters  of  grain  and  1000  hogsheads  of  tobacco,  and  so  on. 

Memorandum  of  the  things  which  are  necessary  for  the  estab 
lishment  of  this  colony  and  which  are  absolutely  indis 
pensable,  to  wit: 

1.  That  the  company  should  send  here  great  numbers  of 
negroes  (there  being  no  French)  to  clear  the  land. 

2.  That  the  colony  should  never  be  allowed  to  suffer  for 


TRAVELS  IN  THE  AMERICAN  COLONIES 

lack  of  flour,  as  the  country  does  not  yet  produce  any  wheat, 
nor  will  it  produce  it  for  three  or  four  years,  and  then  only 
after  much  clearing  and  cultivation. 

3.  By  sending  a  great  force  of  negroes,  to  the  number  of 
about  4000  to  5000,  they  could  hope  soon  to  make  returns 
for  them  to  France  in  rice,  indigo,  tobacco,  silk  and  other 
things  which  they  might  produce. 

4.  That  the  colony  should  not  be  permitted  to  lack  for 
wine  or  brandy,  until  the  time  when  every  one  is  permitted  to 
plant  vines   and   they  should  be  producing  —  a  thing  the 
company  has  forbidden. 

5.  Salted  meat;    the  country  in  some  seasons  not  being 
sufficiently  supplied  with  buffalos   to  support  the  colony. 

6.  Shot,  powder,  bullets  and  salt,  which  the  colony  has 
lacked  every  year,  in  order  to  profit  in  winter  from  the  abun 
dance  of  game  and  to  preserve  the  meat  after  one  has  ob 
tained  it  by  hunting. 

7.  Butter ;    because  the  country  has  not  enough  bears  to 
supply  it  with  oil. 

8.  Trading  goods ;   not  being  able  to  dispense  with  these 
because  they  are  needed  to  purchase  meat  from  the  Indians. 

9.  Assortments  of  cloth  and  everything  that  is  necessary 
to  maintain  the  French  of  both  sexes  and  the  negroes  and 
slaves,  and  that  each  thing  should  be  given  in  proportion 
to  the  supply. 

10.  That  the  merchandise  and  food  supplies  coming  from 
France,  also  the  negroes,  should  be  divided  equally  among 
all  the  concessionnaires  and  inhabitants  in  proportion  to  the 
number  of  each. 

1 1 .  That  the  company  should  send  into  this  colony  French 
men  who  have  a  thorough  knowledge  of  indigo,  tobacco  and 
silk,     and    also    vine-dressers,    wheelwrights,    shoemakers, 
tool-makers,  carpenters,  cabinet-makers,  coopers,  and  other 
workmen,  so  that  the  concessionnaires  and  other  inhabitants 
should  have  them  at  hand  when  they  need  them. 

12.  That  the  company  should  procure  a  great  number  of 
all  sorts  of  cattle  in  order  that  each  person  should  have  some 
for  his  own  establishment. 


JOURNAL  OF  DIRON  D'ARTAGUIETTE 

13.  That  the  company  ought  to  think  first  of  enriching  the 
inhabitants  before  it  can  even  think  of  drawing  any  profit 
for  itself.     The  inhabitants  once  enriched,  the  company  will 
find  itself  to  be  suddenly  reimbursed  for  its  advances,  and  it 
would  make  a  large  production  upon  which  it  would  have  a 
large  profit,  for  if  one  counts  upon  stifling  the  inhabitant  at 
the  first  moment  he  begins  to  breathe  —  I  mean  to  say,  if 
one  forces  the  inhabitant  to  give  to  the  company  his  first 
crops  for  nothing  —  this  will  not  be  the  means  of  making 
him  discharge  his  debt,  but  on  the  contrary,  it  will  only  thrust 
him  deeper  into  the  abyss,  by  which  method  the  company 
will  lose  its  advances  and  throw  the  country  into  the  same 
condition  in  which  it  was  formerly. 

14.  That  the  articles  of  merchandise  should  be  sold  to  the 
inhabitants  at  the  same  rate  and  in  the  same  proportion  as 
the  inhabitants  will  sell  their  commodities ;   for  if  the  com 
pany  sells  its  merchandise  at  a  profit  of  200  or  300  per  cent., 
it  is  necessary  also  that  the  company  receive  at  the  same 
profit  the  commodities  of  the  inhabitants  in  proportion  to 
what  its  merchandise  brings,  the  company  deducting  both 
the  expenses  of  its  houses  and  the  incidental  expenses  of  the 
merchandise. 

15.  That  justice  should  be  rendered  equally  to  all  without 
prejudice,  revenge  or  distinction.     The  company  being  sure 
of  the  success  of  this  colony,  as  we  show  by  the  proofs  we 
send  to  it,  it  ought  not  to  hesitate  one  moment  to  procure  the 
necessities  above  specified,  if  it  wishes  to  see  the  colony  in  a 
little  while  rise  to  a  flourishing  condition. 

Sept.  II.  I  learned  today  at  the  home  of  M.  Peauger,  the 
engineer,  where  I  had  gone  to  find  out  why  it  was  that  M. 
Delorme  wrote  to  Sr.  Bhonneau,  formerly  my  secretary,  to 
make  an  agreement  for  him  with  a  man  called  Drapeau,  to 
build  him  a  pigeon-house  within  the  enclosure  about  the 
house  which  Sr.  Bhonneau  lent  him.  M.  Peauger  informed 
me  that  it  was  because  M.  Delatour  had  employed  for  over 
two  months  more  than  sixty  workmen  (men  paid  by  the 
company)  to  clear  up  his  land,  to  build  a  pigeon-house  and 

23 


TRAVELS  IN  THE  AMERICAN  COLONIES 

to  make  over  a  frame  which  M.  Delatour  had  taken  to  make 
him  a  house  and  which  was  intended  for  a  6o-foot  storehouse, 
the  said  frame  belonging  to  the  company,  and  that  appar 
ently  M.  Delorme  did  not  wish  to  imitate  in  that  respect  M. 
Delatour,  who  had  no  fear  as  to  causing  expense.  The  same 
day,  at  half-past  five  in  the  morning,  the  ship  L'Avanturier 
set  sail  from  New  Orleans. 

Sept.  12.  New  Orleans.  The  ship  L'Avanturier  set  out 
about  6  o'clock  this  morning,  but  was  obliged  to  moor  to  the 
shore  a  half  league  below  N.  O.,1  not  being  able  to  proceed  on 
account  of  violent  and  contrary  winds.  The  same  day  at 
four  o'clock  in  the  afternoon,  there  also  set  out  two  passen 
ger-boats,  one  commanded  by  Klaziou  and  the  other  by 
Carron,  which  went  no  farther  than  the  L'Avanturier. 

Towards  ten  o'clock  in  the  evening  there  sprang  up  the 
most  terrible  hurricane  which  has  been  seen  in  these  quar 
ters.  At  New  Orleans  thirty-four  houses  were  destroyed 
as  well  as  the  sheds,  including  the  church,  the  parsonage 
and  the  hospital.  In  the  hospital  were  some  people  sick 
with  wounds.  All  the  other  houses  were  damaged  about  the 
roofs  or  the  walls. 

It  is  to  be  remarked  that  seven  years  ago  there  was  a 
similar  calamity  which  caused  a  terrible  destruction  at 
Massacre  or  Dauphine  Island,  where  I  was  at  the  time.2 

There  were  ten  flat-boats  broken  up  and  sunk  together 
with  launches,  canoes  and  pirogues,  and  in  fact  everything 
in  port  was  lost.  The  wind  came  chiefly  from  the  southeast. 
The  ships,  the  Santo  Christe  and  the  Neptune,  and  two 
passenger-boats,  one  of  which  was  being  used  as  a  powder- 
magazine,  were  damaged  and  grounded  far  ashore. 

It  is  to  be  remarked  that  if  the  Mississipy  had  been  high 
this  hurricane  would  have  put  both  banks  of  the  river  more 
than  15  feet  under  water,  the  Mississipy,  although  low, 
having  risen  8  feet. 

Sept.  13.     The  hurricane,  continuing  until  mid-day,  has 

1  New  Orleans. 

2  This  paragraph  is  in  the  margin  of  the  manuscript. 

2A 


JOURNAL  OF  DIRON  D'ARTAGUIETTE 

not  ceased  to  rage,  but  at  noon,  it  having  become  much  calmer, 
we  learned  from  some  people  who  had  just  come  from  the 
settlements  of  Srs.  Trudeau  and  Coustillas,  that  the  houses 
there  were  blown  down  and  their  crops  lost.  The  same  day, 
in  the  evening,  we  learned  that  three  pirogues  had  been  lost 
up  toward  the  Tensas,1  five  leagues  above  New  Orleans. 
These  pirogues  were  loaded  with  fowl,  Indian  corn  and 
other  goods  which  a  man  called  Poussin,  living  at  the  Thonni- 
quas,2  was  coming  down  here  to  sell. 

Sept.  14.  We  are  working  hard  here  to  repair  the  damage 
which  the  hurricane  has  caused.  The  same  day  we  learned 
from  some  pirogues  which  were  coming  down  from  above 
that  at  the  Cannes  Bruslees  3  the  houses,  barns  and  sheds, 
had  blown  over  and  the  crops  badly  damaged. 

Sept.  15.  All  the  past  night  patrol  was  sounded,  a  work 
man  of  the  company  having  informed  M.  Bienville  that  a 
party  was  being  formed  to  desert.  They  say  that  he  even 
named  the  leaders.  They  were  intending  to  seize  the  pi 
rogues  and  boats  and  go  to  the  lower  end  of  the  river  and 
take  the  passenger-boat  of  Kerlaziou.  The  same  day  at  noon 
there  arrived  a  passenger-boat,  commanded  by  du  Clos. 
It  was  loaded  with  goods  for  the  company. 

Sept.  1 6.  We  have  been  informed  that  a  boat  was  lost 
the  night  of  the  hurricane  toward  Bay  St.  Louis.4  The 
people  on  board  escaped  to  shore. 

Sept.  17.  We  have  been  informed  by  the  Chaouachas  5 
that  a  boat  called  the  Postillion,  belonging  to  Sr.  Dumanoir, 
had  been  sunk  for  lack  of  a  launch  which  he  had  asked  from 
Sr.  Fouquet,  Captain  of  the  L' Avanturier,  but  which  he  refused 

1  Taensa  Indians,  who  were  closely  related  to  the  Natchez. 

2  The  Tonica  Indians  inhabited  the  region  of  the  lower  Red 
River  and  there  was  a  post  named  for  them  on  the  Mississippi, 
about  six  miles  above  the  mouth  of  the  Red. 

3  Cannes  Brulees,  on  the  Mississippi  River,  about  fifteen  miles 
above    New    Orleans.     The    Company    had    made    a    concession 
here  to  the  Marquis  d'Artagnac. 

4  Now  Galveston  Bay. 

5  A  small  tribe  of  Indians  on  the  east  bank  of  the  Mississippi 
about  thirty  miles  above  New  Orleans. 

25 


TRAVELS  IN  THE  AMERICAN  COLONIES 

to  give  him.  This  boat  has  a  deck  and  will  be  used  to  take 
transports  to  Natchez  where  the  Sr.  Dumanoir  has  a  settle 
ment. 

Sept.  1 8.  This  morning  Sr.  Peauger  had  a  quarrel  with 
M.  Delatour  on  the  subject  of  the  work  which  the  latter  has 
had  done,  the  former  having  reproached  the  latter  for  having 
employed  the  workmen  of  the  company  to  do  his  building, 
when  they  did  not  have  there  a  church  in  which  to  put  God 
under  cover  (these  are  the  words  which  he  used)  nor  a  hos 
pital  in  which  to  put  the  sick. 

Sept.  19.  Today  the  two  men  accused  of  having  plundered 
the  storehouse  were  questioned  and  they  confessed  every 
thing.  The  bayou,  which  is  situated  a  league  from  here  and 
by  which  one  goes  and  comes  from  Biloxcy  to  this  place,  has 
overflowed  by  about  two  or  three  feet,  by  reason  of 
the  hurricane.  The  waters  having  subsided,  they  found 
upon  the  surface  of  the  water  many  dead  fish,  which  caused 
a  great  stench. 

Sept.  20.  A  decree  was  issued  this  morning  by  which  the 
commandants  and  directors  order  that  all  the  inhabitants  of 
this  place  must  have  their  houses  or  land  enclosed  by  palisades 
within  two  months  or  else  they  will  be  deprived  of  their  property 
and  it  will  revert  to  the  company. 

The  same  day  we  were  informed  that  there  had  been  seized 
at  Mobile  a  launch  loaded  with  merchandise  which  belonged 
to  a  man  called  Durant,  storekeeper  at  the  above-mentioned 
place.  He  was  sending  it  to  St.  Joseph's  Bay  to  trade  with 
the  Spaniards. 

Sept.  21.  We  have  been  informed  that  the  ship  Le 
Dromadaire  is  in  the  Mississipy  and  that  the  ship  L'Avan- 
turier  departed  the  i8th  of  last  month. 

Sept.  22.     We  have  heard  nothing  of  interest. 

Sept.  23.  Counsel  was  held  concerning  the  two  men 
accused  of  having  plundered  the  stores  and  who  had  been 
questioned  on  the  iQth  of  the  present  month.  They  were  con 
demned  to  be  hanged  and  to  be  strangled  until  life  was  extinct. 
This  sentence  was  executed  the  same  day,  at  four  o'clock  in  the 
afternoon. 

26 


JOURNAL  OF  DIRON  D'ARTAGUIETTE 

Sept.  24.  We  have  learned  by  means  of  a  canoe  which 
arrived  from  the  lower  part  of  the  river  that  the  two  ships, 
the  Loire  and  the  Deux  Freres,  which  had  set  out  from  the 
roads  of  the  Isle  aux  Vaisseaux  a  few  days  before  the  hurri 
cane  to  come  to  N.  O.,1  had  returned  there  without  having 
suffered  any  damage.  They  say  also  that  all  of  the  houses 
and  storehouses  which  are  in  Fort  Louis  were  either  blown 
down  or  damaged  and  that  the  sea  rose  7  or  8  [feet]  more  than 
is  ordinary,  and  that  it  had  partially  inundated  the  place. 

Departure  from  N.  0.  for  the  Cannes  Bruslees 

Sept.  25.  I  set  out  from  New  Orleans  to  go  to  Cannes 
Bruslees.  The  same  day  I  spent  the  night  at  the  house  of 
Sr.  Massy  where  I  noticed  that  the  greatest  injury  which  the 
hurricane  had  done  there  was  to  their  houses  which  it  had 
completely  destroyed.  The  crops  are  not  in  such  a  hopeless 
condition ;  the  rice,  which  was  only  in  flower,  having 
straightened  up  again.  The  loss  to  the  colony,  however, 
will  be  very  considerable,  because  there  was  a  great  deal  of 
rice  ready  to  cut  but  which  is  entirely  lost. 

Cannes  Bruslees 

Sept.  26.  I  arrived  at  Cannes  Bruslees  where  I  found  all 
of  the  houses  and  barns  blown  down  and  not  fit  to  be  used. 
We  set  to  work  to  repair  the  loss  and  to  build  sheds  for  the 
workmen  and  the  grain. 

Sept.  27.  The  continual  rains  which  fall  here  prevent 
us  from  getting  in  our  crops  and  cause  a  considerable 
loss. 

Sept.  28.  The  report  that  the  ships  had  returned  to  the 
road  of  Fort  Louis  without  having  been  damaged  and  that 
four  passenger-boats  belonging  to  the  company  had  been 
stranded  on  the  beach,  has  been  confirmed. 

Sept.  29.  I  have  learned  that  at  New  Orleans  the  troops 
complain  greatly  because  they  are  not  given  any  meat  and 

1  New  Orleans, 
c  27 


TRAVELS  IN  THE  AMERICAN  COLONIES 

yet  they  see  it  given  to  the  workmen  of  the  company  and  to 
the  convicts. 

Sept.  30.  and  the  last  day.  There  are  two  pirogues  full  of 
traders  who  carried  some  young  poultry  to  New  Orleans. 

Continuation  of  the  $oth  and  last  of  September 

Two  pirogues  full  of  voyageurs,  who  were  carrying  some 
young  poultry  and  other  produce  to  New  Orleans,  were  lost 
in  the  hurricane  between  Natchez  and  Thonniqua. 

Continuation  of  the  Journal  for  the  Month  of  October,  1722. 

Oct.  I.  We  learned  from  a  pirogue  which  arrived  today 
from  the  Natchez  that  the  hurricane  had  committed  the 
same  ravages  there  as  down  here. 

Oct.  2.  The  report  has  been  confirmed  by  a  pirogue  which 
arrived  here  from  Fort  Louis  that  the  two  vessels,  the  Loire 
and  the  Deux  Freres,  had  put  back  there  after  the  hurricane  ; 
that  all  the  houses  had  been  damaged ;  that  the  passenger- 
boat  commanded  by  a  certain  Beau  had  been  sunk  on  the 
shoals  off  the  Isle  aux  Chats  ;  that  the  six  sailors  who  were  on 
board  had  been  drowned ;  the  Captain  with  an  attendant 1 
saved  themselves  on  the  main  yard,  where  they  passed  a  day 
and  night  exposed  to  the  violence  of  the  waves  which  nearly 
maimed  them;  the  passenger-boat  commanded  by  du  Clos 
went  ashore  on  Isle  au  Chevreuil ;  the  Spidouelle,  commanded 
by  Bhonneau,  was  stranded  on  the  flats  of  the  Bay  of  St. 
Louis ;  the  passenger-boat  commanded  by  Fontaine  went 
ashore  among  the  pines,  large  trees,  near  Fort  Louis ;  these 
brigantines  belonged  to  the  company  and  were  anchored  in 
the  roads  of  Fort  Louis ;  all  the  other  boats,  canoes  and  pi 
rogues  which  were  at  Fort  Louis  are  wrecked,  sunken  or  use 
less  ;  they  are  working  with  all  possible  diligence  to  repair 
these  brigantines  or  passenger-boats,  and  they  did  this  under 
the  direction  of  M.  Delorme,2  the  director,  whom  they  do 
expect  here  soon. 

1  Mousse. 

2  M.  De  rOrme,  a  principal  agent  of  the  Company. 

28 


JOURNAL  OF  DIRON  D'ARTAGUIETTE 

Oct.  3.  The  ship,  Le  Dromadaire,  is  about  two  leagues 
from  New  Orleans. 

Oct.  4.  We  have  learned  that  the  two  ships,  the  Loire, 
and  the  Deux  Freres,  are  in  the  Mississipy,  one  of  them 
having  remained  at  Fort  Louis  to  partially  unload  so  as  to 
be  able  to  supply  the  needs  of  Massacre  Island  and  Mobile, 
as  well  as  other  ports. 

Oct.  5.  The  ship  Le  Dromadaire,  commanded  by  Fillart, 
arrived  about  noon  at  N.  O.  It  is  loaded  with  one  hundred 
barrels  of  salt,  which  had  remained  at  Fort  Louis,  and  with 
lumber  which  had  been  worked  up  at  the  said  place ;  not 
that  there  is  a  dearth  of  it  here,  but  this  is  wood  which  was 
all  squared  and  it  was  thought  worth  while  to  ship  it 
to  N.  O. 

Oct.  6.  M.  Bienville  has  forbidden  all  the  inhabitants 
to  go  to  cut  wood  within  the  cypress  groves,  especially 
those  which  are  near  N.  O.,  without  his  written  permis 
sion  ;  those  upon  whose  land  there  are  groves  are  ex- 
cepted. 

Oct.  7.  I  have  learned  that  Sr.  Feaucon  Dumanoir, 
director  of  the  company,  and  Monsieurs  Colly  and  associates, 
had  raised  the  ship  Postilion,  which  we  said  in  the  Journal  of 
the  past  month,  was  lost  in  the  hurricane  at  his  settlement 
among  the  Chaouackas  on  the  Mississipy. 

Oct.  8.  They  are  working  at  New  Orleans  on  the  organiza 
tion  of  two  companies,  one  for  M.  Pradel  and  the  other  for 
M.  Bourmont,  who  is  going  as  commandant  to  the  Mysourys, 
but  who  is  very  ill  at  N.  O. 

Oct.  9.  The  commandant  and  engineers  have  discharged 
within  the  last  few  days  forty  laborers  who  were  certainly 
poor  workmen.  Some  of  them  are  joining  the  companies 
which  are  being  formed  and  about  which  I  have  just  spoken 
in  the  entry  of  the  preceding  day.  Others  are  hiring  them 
selves  to  work  for  the  inhabitants. 

Oct.  10.  The  Chonnicas  1  Indians,  to  the  number  of 
twenty,  both  men  and  women,  led  by  their  head  chief, 

1  Tonica. 
29 


TRAVELS  IN  THE  AMERICAN  COLONIES 

today  sang  the  Calumet 1  to  M.  Bienville,  who  presented 
them  with  the  usual  presents. 

Oct.  n.  We  have  learned  that  the  two  ships  which  were 
coming  to  unload  at  New  Orleans,  are  only  six  leagues  from 
there,  which  gives  excellent  hopes,  as  there  was  beginning  to 
be  a  lack  of  everything. 

We  have  learned  from  a  certain  Marie  le  Cadet,  an  officer 
in  the  concession  of  the  Marquis  Demezieres,  that  the 
hurricane  which  wrought  such  destruction  here  was  not 
felt  at  all  at  their  settlement,  which  is  on  the  Wachita 
River. 

Oct.  13.  The  troops  garrisoned  at  New  Orleans  grumble 
greatly  because  they  have  been  reduced  for  so  long  a  time 
past  to  eating  dry  bread,  and  because  they  cannot  get  any 
meat  for  the  money  which  is  paid  them ;  nor  can  they  get 
any  merchandise,  which  they  procure  only  with  difficulty 
in  the  company's  stores. 

Oct.  14.  By  the  three  last  ships  which  have  arrived,  it  is 
said  that  M.  Bienville  had  received  orders  not  to  give  passage 
to  France  to  anyone  whomsoever,  whereupon  several  people, 
having  gone  to  find  Monsieurs  Bienville  and  Delatour, 
to  ask  for  it,  they  were  told  that  it  was  very  much  better  to 
give  passage  to  reputable  people,  who  had  business  in  France 
and  who  doubtless  would  take  it  by  force  if  they  refused  to 
give  it  to  them. 

Oct.  15.  The  two  ships,  the  Loire  and  the  Deux  Freres, 
are  two  leagues  from  N.  O. 

Oct.  1 6.  The  continual  rains  which  we  are  having  here 
prevent  the  completion  of  the  rice  harvest. 

Oct.  17.  The  wife  of  a  certain  German  laborer  in  the 
concession  of  Monsieur  the  Count  D'Artagnan,  is  dead 
at  this  place. 

Oct.  1 8.  The  two  ships,  the  Loire  and  the  Deux  Freres, 
arrived  at  New  Orleans  today  about  3  o'clock  in  the  after 
noon,  after  having  saluted  the  city  (if  it  can  be  called  by 

1  I  do  not  explain  what  Calumet  means  because  they  are  well 
acquainted  with  the  term  in  France.  (A  note  in  the  margin  of 
the  manuscript.) 

30 


JOURNAL  OF  DIRON  D'ARTAGUIETTE 

that  name)  the  one  with  nine  guns,  the  other  with  seven, 
and  they  were  returned  from  N.  O.  by  one  gun  only. 

Oct.  19.  Two  men,  named  Marlot  and  Boutteux,  the 
former  storekeeper  of  the  company  and  the  latter  formerly 
storekeeper  of  the  concession  of  M.  Law,  are,  it  is  said, 
tormented  every  night  by  spirits  which  appear  to  them,  mal 
treat  them  and  create  disorder.  The  people  believe  that 
they  are  the  spirits  of  those  two  men  who  were  hanged,  as  I 
explained  in  the  Journal  of  last  month,  because  Marlot 
performed  the  duties  of  being  procureur  (public  prosecutor) 
and  Boutteaux  made  the  accusations  against  them.  It  is 
easier  to  believe  that  it  is  some  of  their  enemies,  for  those 
gentlemen,  the  clerks,  make  more  enemies  than  they  should. 

Oct.  20.  The  store-house  which  M.  Delatour,  lieutenant- 
general  of  Louisiana,  was  having  made  over  into  a  house  for 
himself,  will  not  serve  him  for  this  purpose.  M.  Bienville, 
Commandant  general,  having  set  himself  against  it  with  some 
haughtiness,  has  completely  fallen  out  with  M.  Delatour  on 
account  of  this  matter  and  because  of  some  other  subjects  for 
jealousy.  This  lumber  has  been  reserved  to  build  the  director's 
house. 

Oct.  21.  We  have  learned  that  two  men,  Langevin  by 
name,  father  and  son,  Canadians,  living  among  the  Illinnois, 
with  two  French  servants  and  an  Indian  slave,  had  been 
captured  on  the  Mississipy  (it  is  not  said  where)  by  the 
Chicachats  *  with  whom  we  are  at  war,  and  that  they  had 
carried  them  off  to  their  village,  from  which  place  these 
Frenchmen  had  written  to  M.  Bienville  that  they  were  being 
well  treated  by  the  Indians,  that  the  latter  only  asked  for 
peace,  and  that  they  had  told  them  that  they  would  not 
give  them  up  unless  peace  was  made,  and  that  they  could  so 
inform  the  great  French  chiefs. 

Oct.  22.  Monsieurs  Bienville  and  Delatour  have  today 
issued  a  warning  to  every  one  [not]  to  go  on  board  the  two 
ships,  the  Loire  and  the  Deux  Freres,  without  having  a 
written  permission  from  them. 

1  Chickasaw  Indians. 
31 


TRAVELS  IN  THE  AMERICAN  COLONIES 

Oct.  23.  We  have  learned  from  a  pirogue  full  of  French 
men,  which  arrived  from  the  Illinois,  that  the  Rock  In 
dians  l  and  those  of  the  Pimiteouy  2  had  been  attacked  by 
the  Fox  [les  Renards],  an  Indian  nation,  who  killed  a  score 
of  them  and  several  women  and  children.  The  Renards 
had  come  "en  village,"  that  is  to  say,  with  their  wives  and 
children.  The  Ilinnois  defended  themselves  very  well  since 
they  killed,  so  they  say,  more  than  120.  M.  de  Boisbriant 3 
having  learned  all  these  things  resolved  to  go  to  the  rescue 
of  these  Ilinnois,  whom  their  enemies  held  besieged,  and  he 
departed  with  a  hundred  Frenchmen  [in  boats  and  pirogues]. 
MM.  D'Artaguiette 4  and  Tisne,  captains  of  infantry,  with 
De  L'Isle,  an  ensign,  and  some  other  subalterns,  accom 
panied  him.  He  then  ordered  Bourdon,  a  Canadian  living 
at  the  Ilinnois,  to  take  the  forty  Frenchmen  who  remained 
and  proceed  by  land  until  he  came  close  to  the  Pymiteouy, 
where  they  would  meet.  Bourdon  added  to  the  40  French 
men  400  Ilinnois  Indians.  M.  Boisbriant  left  as  a  guard 
for  Fort  de  Chartres  5  a  man  named  Mellicq,  lieutenant  of 
a  company,  and  some  soldiers.  But  their  journey  was  not 
long.  M.  Boisbriant  learned  when  forty  leagues  up  the 
Riviere  des  Illinois  that  the  enemies  had  withdrawn.  This 
made  him  turn  back.  The  detachment  which  Bourdon 
commanded  returned  a  few  days  afterward,  but  in  a  pitiable 
condition,  having  suffered  severely  from  hunger  on  account 
of  the  bad  leadership  of  Bourdon  who  is  not  fit  for  this  sort  of 
employment  and  is  more  skilful  at  goading  oxen  in  the  plough 
ing  than  in  leading  a  troop  of  warriors. 

1  Savages  du  Rocher,  a  tribe  of  Illinois  Indians  closely  associated 
with  the  Peorias ;    they  were  also  known  as  Prairie  des  Roches 
Indians. 

2  Illinois    Indians    inhabiting   the   village   of    Pimitoui   on   the 
Illinois  River,  near  the  mouth  of  the  Fox. 

3  Pierre  Duque  de  Boisbriant,  a  cousin  of  Bienville,  and  the 
first  commandant  of  the  Illinois  Country. 

4  Pierre  d'Artaguiette,  either  a  son  or  younger  brother  of  Diron 
d'Artaguiette. 

5  Fort  Chartres  on  the  east  bank  of  the  Mississippi  in  what  is 
now  Monroe  County,  Illinois.     It  was  built  by  Boisbriant  in  1720. 

32 


JOURNAL  OF  DIRON  D'ARTAGUIETTE 

Oct.  24..  The  report  has  been  confirmed  that  the  men 
called  Langevin,  father  and  son,  of  whom  we  spoke  in  the 
entry  of  the  2ist  of  the  present  month,  had  been  taken  by 
the  Chicachats,  and  that  it  was  at  the  Ecorres  a  Prudhomme  1 
when  they  were  ascending  to  go  to  the  Ilinnois,  and  that 
they  had  been  very  well  treated  by  the  Indians,  who  did 
them  no  harm,  and  who  even  carried  Langevin,  the  father, 
for  four  days  because  he  was  ill  and  could  not  walk.  He 
died  of  sickness  four  days  after  his  arrival  at  the  village  of 
the  Chicachats.  This  is  surely  a  sign  that  the  Indians 
want  peace,  for  when  a  prisoner  cannot  work,  it  is  their 
custom  to  kill  him. 

Oct.  25.  A  pirogue  arrived  from  the  Yazous  which  told 
us  that  the  Sieur  de  Grave,  who  is  in  command  at  that  post,2 
had  received  the  Calumet  from  the  Chicachats  and  had 
made  peace  with  them. 

We  beg  the  commissioners  of  the  King  to  correct  these 
errors  and  any  others  which  will  be  found  in  these  journals, 
because  we  have  no  time  to  revise  them.3 

Oct.  26.  We  have  learned  that  at  the  Natchez  a  few 
days  ago  an  Indian  of  that  nation,  owing  something  to  a 
certain  Fontaine,  a  sergeant  in  the  troops,  went  to  see  him. 
This  Frenchman,  having  demanded  a  settlement  of  his  debt, 
the  Indian  replied  that  he  did  not  yet  have  a  payment  for 
him,  upon  which  the  Frenchman  flew  into  a  passion.  The 
Indian  leaped  upon  his  gun  and  aimed  it  at  the  Frenchman. 
Seeing  this,  the  wife  of  the  Frenchman  ran  out  and  called 
the  guard,  who  arrived,  and  seeing  this  Indian,  who  kept 
his  gun  aimed  all  the  time,  they  shot  him  dead  and  wounded 
another  with  a  thrust  of  the  bayonet.  Some  other  Indians 
who  came  up  carried  off  the  dead  man  and  led  the  wounded 
man  away,  grumbling.  The  same  day  at  five  o'clock  in  the 
evening  a  man  named  Guenot,  an  officer  in  the  concession 

1  On  the  east  bank  of  the  Mississippi  at  the  Chickasaw  Bluffs. 

2  Fort  de  St.  Pierre  des  Yazous,  which  was  erected  in  1718  on 
the  Yazoo  River  about  twelve  miles  from  its  mouth. 

3  This  paragraph  is  in  the  margin  of  the  manuscript. 

33 


TRAVELS  IN  THE  AMERICAN  COLONIES 

of  MM.  Collys  and  associates,  returning  from  there  on  horse 
back  to  his  dwelling,  a  league  distant  from  the  fort,  was 
shot  by  a  Natchez  Indian.  The  ball  entered  his  shoulder 
and  lodged  in  his  arm  above  the  elbow.  Although  severely 
wounded,  he  would  not  let  them  probe  for  the  ball,  but 
returned  to  his  home  to  get  the  wound  dressed. 

Oct.  27.  We  have  learned  that  the  Natches  Indians 
have  killed  one  negro  and  wounded  another.  The  two 
negroes  belong  to  the  concession  of  the  Srs.  Collys  and 
associates. 

Oct.  28.  We  have  been  informed  that  the  Natchez 
Indians  every  day  offer  insults  to  the  French  who  are  in 
this  port,  and  that  they  have  even  attacked  twenty  soldiers, 
who  had  been  detailed  to  go  to  meet  a  cart  which  was 
coming  from  the  settlement  of  the  Sieur  Guenot  to  get 
things  and  the  people  who  drove  it  had  been  attacked  by 
the  Natchez. 

Oct.  2Q.  Sr.  du  Tisne,  a  captain  of  the  infantry  in  the 
Ilinnois,  passed  through  here.  He  was  accompanied  by  his 
wife,  who  comes  from  Canada,  and  they  are  going  to  New 
Orleans  to  take  passage  for  France.  He  has  confirmed 
everything  which  we  have  said  since  the  23rd  of  the  present 
month. 

Oct.  30.  A  Jesuit,  the  Father  Boulanger,  who  comes 
from  the  Ilinnois  on  business  for  the  mission  which  they  have 
at  the  Ilinnois,  passed  through  here.  He  has  also  confirmed 
all  of  the  above  from  the  23rd  of  the  present  month  until 
today. 

Oct.  57.  We  have  learned  from  a  pirogue  which  has  just 
come  from  the  Houmas,1  an  Indian  village,  23  leagues  above 
New  Orleans,  that  the  head  chief  of  the  Natches,  called  the 
Great  Sun,2  with  a  band  of  his  people  who  were  coming 
from  New  Orleans,  had  sung  the  Calumet  for  M.  Bienville, 
but  having  learned  what  had  taken  place  at  Natchez,  he 

1  A  Choctaw  tribe  of  Indians. 

2  They  claim  that  the  family  of  their  chiefs  are  descended  from 
the    sun.     That    is  why  they  bear  the  name.     (A  note  in  the 
margin  of  the  manuscript.) 

34 


JOURNAL  OF  DIRON  D'ARTAGUIETTE 

had  resolved  to  return  with  all  of  his  people  to  his  village 
without  having  been  willing  to  open  up  their  minds  to  the 
French,  nor  to  offer  any  opinion  on  this  affair. 

Continuation   of  the    Journal  for  the  Month  of    November, 

IJ22. 

Cannes  Bruslees 

Nov.  i.  Sieur  Pailhoux,1  who  performed  the  functions 
of  Major  General  in  this  place,  passed  here  yesterday,  about 
ten  o'clock  in  the  evening,  in  a  boat,  manned  with  twelve 
men.  He  is  going  in  haste  to  Natches  by  orders  of  M. 
Bienville,  to  quell  the  disturbances  which  are  taking  place 
there.  He  is  travelling  day  and  night  and  does  not  stop  at 
any  place. 

Nov.  2.  We  have  been  informed  by  a  war  chief  from  the 
Colapissas,2  an  Indian  village  situated  12  leagues  from  New 
Orleans,  that  the  chief  of  the  Natches  Indians  had  been 
held,  together  with  several  of  his  people,  by  the  order  of 
this  war  chief,  because,  he  tells  us,  it  was  said  that  the 
Natches  had  killed  and  were  continuing  to  kill  the  French, 
and  that  it  was  right,  since  they  had  the  chief  ones  of  the 
nation  among  them,  to  hold  them  until  the  French  chiefs 
should  reach  a  decision  respecting  them.  This  is  a  mark 
of  attachment  to  the  service  of  the  French  which  deserves 
praise. 

Nov.  3.  I  have  learned  that  this  same  war  chief  of  the 
Colapissas  was  going  down  to  New  Orleans  to  make  a 
present  to  M.  Bienville  of  some  fowl  and  Indian  corn,  to 
the  end  that  he  [M.  Bienville]  should  permit  his  nation  to 
seize  the  medicine  man  of  the  village  of  the  Ouachas,3  living 
among  the  Tensas,  ten  leagues  distant  from  N.  O.,  who 
had  undertaken  to  cure  the  great  chief  of  the  Colapissas, 

1  Paillou,  Major-General  of  Louisiana. 

2  Choctaw  Indians.     The  name  is  also  spelled  Acolapissas. 

3  Washa  Indians.     Their  village   at  this  time  was  on  the  east 
bank  of  the  Mississippi  a  few  leagues  above  New  Orleans. 

35 


TRAVELS  IN  THE  AMERICAN   COLONIES 

but  who,  on  the  contrary,  had  put  into  his  body  the  teeth 
of  serpents  and  other  evil  things.  This  is  the  belief  of  these 
Indians.  It  is  to  be  remarked  that  when  a  medicine  man 
among  them  takes  a  patient  and  does  not  cure  him,  they 
kill  him  [the  medicine  man]. 

Nov.  4.  Today  M.  Delorme,  the  director,  arrived  at 
New  Orleans.  The  ship  L'Alexandre,  one  of  the  last  three 
arriving,  which  had  remained  at  Biloxcy  to  discharge  part 
of  its  freight  in  order  to  supply  the  needs  of  the  posts  of 
Fort  Louis  and  Mobile,  has  entered  the  Mississipy. 

Nov.  5.  We  have  learned  from  a  pirogue  arriving  from 
the  Natchez  that  the  Indians  of  that  section  had  killed  three 
Frenchmen.  We  learned  from  the  people  who  were  in  this 
boat  that  they  had  neither  seen  nor  had  any  knowledge  of 
Sr.  Pailhoux.  The  war  chief  of  the  Colapissas  has  come 
back  by  here  and  had  informed  us  that  M.  Bienville  is  very 
ill  and  that  he  speaks  to  no  one,  and  as  a  consequence  that 
he  [the  war  chief]  had  not  been  able  to  have  any  audi 
ence  with  him  concerning  those  things  of  which  we  have 
spoken. 

Nov.  6.  A  boat  which  came  down  from  the  Arkansas 
(and  which  is  one  of  those  which  the  Sr.  De  Tonty  brought 
up  to  the  Ilinnois  and  of  which  I  spoke  in  the  entry  of  July 
1 8)  has  informed  us  that  they  had  put  in  at  the  Arkansas. 
There  are  twelve  men,  all  sick.  The  Sr.  De  Tonty  had  put 
the  load  from  this  boat  into  three  others.  They  also  say 
that  this  convoy  was  growing  weaker  every  day  for  lack  of 
salt  and  other  fresh  provisions,  and  that  they  did  not 
believe  it  could  reach  the  Ilinnois. 

Nov.  7.  The  great  chief  of  the  Natchez,  accompanied 
by  ten  or  twelve  men  from  his  nation,  has  arrived  here. 
This  chief  is  called  the  Great  Sun  (we  have  explained  why 
in  the  Journal  of  October).  He  escaped  from  the  Colapissas 
and  returned  home,  where  having  learned  of  these  disturb 
ances,  he  had  set  out  with  all  speed  and  is  going  to  New 
Orleans  so  as  to  prove  himself  innocent  of  all  these  dis 
orders. 

Nov.  8.  We  have  learned  that  the  Sr.  Pailhoux,  of  whom 

36 


JOURNAL  OF  DIRON  D'ARTAGUIETTE 

we  speak  in  the  first  entry  of  the  ist  of  this  month,  had  put 
in  at  the  village  of  the  Hommas.  We  do  not  know  why  or 
what  reason  he  can  have  for  this  manoeuvre. 

Nov.  9.  We  have  learned  by  a  pirogue  which  comes 
down  from  the  Natches  that  the  people  of  that  nation  had 
killed,  the  6th  of  this  month,  three  Frenchmen  and  that 
nearly  200  Indians  from  the  same  nation  had  come  to  the 
settlement  of  the  Sr.  Dumanoir  (the  one  which  he  bought  from 
Sr.  Hubert)  and  had  killed  thirty  head  of  cattle  belonging  to 
the  said  concession,  and  a  man  called  La  Rochelle,  formerly  a 
workman  in  the  same  concession. 

Nov.  10.  The  Sieur  Pailhoux  passed  back  by  here  in  a 
canoe  manned  with  fifteen  men,  and  four  pirogues,  each 
manned  with  six  men.  It  is  loaded  with  arms  and  other 
munitions  of  war  and  is  going  to  the  Natchez  to  quell  the 
disturbances  or  to  make  war  upon  that  nation. 

Nov.  ii.  There  passed  here  a  boat,  manned  with  eigh 
teen  men  who  are  going  as  a  reinforcement  against  the 
Natches,  in  case  it  is  necessary  to  make  war  upon  those 
Indians.  They  told  us  that  M.  Bienville  was  drawing  near 
his  end. 

Nov.  12.  We  have  learned  from  Fort  Louis  that  Ker- 
lazious,  captain  of  a  passenger-boat,  who  had  come  down 
to  pilot  the  vessel  L'Avanturier  out  of  the  Mississipy,  and 
of  whom  we  speak  in  the  Journal  of  September,  had  gone  to 
Fort  Louis  where  he  had  loaded  with  flour  and  other  things 
to  carry  to  Mobille  for  the  company ;  that  Sr.  Boispinel, 
engineer,  had  embarked  upon  it,  with  all  his  effects,  that 
this  brigantine,  having  arrived  in  the  Mobile  Bay  was  in 
vested  by  thirty  armed  men,  among  whom  were  twelve 
habitants  and  the  rest  soldiers,  sailors  or  convicts,  who  took 
possession  of  the  brigantine,  and  as  Kerlazious  threatened 
them,  they  put  him  on  shore  after  having  maltreated  him 
severely,  and  themselves  set  sail. 

Nov.  13.  There  passed  here  a  pirogue  which  was  coming 
down  from  the  Natchez,  which  confirmed  all  that  we  have 
said  concerning  that  post,  and  that  the  Indians  of  that 
nation  were  continuing  to  create  disturbances.  The  Sr. 

37 


TRAVELS  IN  THE  AMERICAN  COLONIES 

Guenot,  of  whom  we  spoke  at  the  end  of  last  month  as 
having  received  a  shot  in  the  shoulder,  was  in  this  boat. 
He  is  going  to  New  Orleans  to  be  treated. 

Nov.  14.  We  have  learned  from  New  Orleans  that  M. 
Bienville  continues  very  ill  and  that  MM.  Delatour  and  De- 
lorme  were  not  to  be  seen  and  that  they  did  not  attend  to  any 
business.  We  do  not  know  why. 

Nov.  15.  We  have  learned  that  Sieur  de  Pontual  as  he 
was  returning  from  Biloxcy  to  New  Orleans  had  been 
assassinated  near  the  Isle  aux  Chats,  by  a  man  named  La 
Borde,  a  trader. 

Nov.  1 6.  The  clerk  of  the  ship  Le  Dremadaire  died  today 
from  a  sword  wound  which  he  received  in  a  fight  with  the  clerk 
of  the  ship  the  Deux  Freres. 

Nov.  17.  We  have  learned  that  M.  Bienville  is  much 
better. 

Nov.  1 8.  We  have  been  informed  that  the  Colapissas 
had  taken  as  slaves  a  great  part  of  the  village  of  the  Ouachas. 
The  rest  had  escaped  to  the  French.  I  explain  this  matter 
in  the  entry  of  the  3rd  of  the  present  month. 

Nov.  19.  Sr.  Delatour,  an  officer  of  the  troops  at  New 
Orleans,  passed  here  about  six  o'clock  in  the  evening  on  his 
way  to  the  Colapissas  in  haste  to  order  those  Indians  to 
restore  the  Ouachas,  whom  they  had  made  slaves,  and  to 
live  in  peace  with  them. 

Nov.  20.  The  man  named  La  Borde,  who  assassinated 
Sr.  Pontual,  has  just  been  arrested  at  New  Orleans.  There 
are  many  other  affairs  to  his  account. 

Nov.  21.  Sieur  Damerval,  a  detailed  officer  commanding 
at  Pensacola,  went  to  the  Bay  of  St.  Joseph  to  reclaim  the 
French  deserters  who  were  there.  He  brought  back  fifteen  in 
consideration  of  three  hundred  piasters,  which  he  paid  for  the 
expenditure  which  those  deserters  had  made. 

Nov.  22.  We  have  learned  that  at  New  Orleans  it  is  a 
plague  to  get  anything  from  the  stores.  Many  respectable 
people  can  get  nothing,  not  even  brandy  nor  wine.  It  is 
only  the  friends  who  have  any,  although  there  is  plenty  of 
it  for  private  individuals,  like,  and  for  example,  Rossard, 

38 


JOURNAL  OF  DIRON  D'ARTAGUIETTE 

the  notary,  who  some  days  past  gave  an  entertainment  at 
which  was  drunk  a  cask  of  wine  and  of  the  best. 

Nov.  23.  We  have  learned  that  Sr.  Coustilas,  an  officer 
of  the  troops  at  N.  O.,  who  has  a  very  fine  place  a  league 
below,  had  presented  a  request  to  the  council  to  have  on 
his  pay  certain  articles  of  merchandise,  such  as  toiles  de 
platille,  etc. 

The  council  replied  that  if  he  had  any  piasters  they  would 
give  him  what  he  asked  for.  To  which  Sr.  de  Coustilas  replied 
that  they  paid  him  only  in  copper  money  and  that  it  ought  to 
have  currency. 

Nov.  24.  We  have  learned  that  there  are  ninety  people 
sick  at  N.  O.,  with  fevers  and  with  other  diseases,  and  that 
M.  Bienville  is  much  better. 

Nov.  25.  They  are  engaged  in  the  trial  of  that  La  Borde 
who  killed  Sr.  de  Pontual,  of  which  I  spoke  in  the  entry  of 
the  1 5th  of  this  month.  He  has  undergone  an  examination 
in  which  he  confessed  that  he  had  killed  him. 

Nov.  26.  A  boat,  which  is  going  to  the  Tensas  to  take 
on  Indian  corn  for  the  company  passed  here.  It  informed 
us  that  yesterday  there  was  a  workman  of  the  concession 
and  a  sailor  who  had  had  a  keel-hauling  at  N.  O.  for  having 
insulted  a  man  named  Drilland,  disbursing  clerk. 

Nov.  27.  M.  Chateaugue,1  king's  lieutenant  of  the 
province,  commandant  at  Mobile,  brother  of  M.  de  Bien 
ville,  has  arrived  at  New  Orleans. 

Nov.  28.  Two  Spanish  ships,  loaded  with  troops,  have 
arrived  at  Isle  Dauphine  otherwise  [known  as]  Massacre 
Island.  They  are  going  to  Pensacola  to  take  possession. 

Nov.  29.  M.  Delatour,  the  officer  who  went  to  the 
Colapissas  to  reconcile  them  with  the  Ouachas,  has  passed 
here  on  his  way  back  after  having  restored  peace  between 
these  two  nations,  in  accordance  with  his  orders. 

Nov.  30.  All  of  the  prisoners  whom  Sr.  Damerval,  the 
officer,  had  brought  back,  have  been  set  at  liberty,  having  had 
for  sole  punishment  a  few  days  in  prison. 

1  Sieur  Jean  Baptiste  Lemoyne  de  Chateaugue. 
39 


TRAVELS  IN  THE  AMERICAN  COLONIES 

Continuation  of  the  Journal  for  the  Month  of  December,  7722 

From  New  Orleans. 

Dec.  5.  The  ship  L'Alexandre  has  arrived  at  New 
Orleans. 

Dec.  10.  M.  Guilhet,  director  of  the  company,  died  here 
of  an  attack  of  apoplexy,  which  lasted  only  18  hours,  at 
the  end  of  which  he  gave  up  the  ghost  and  was  buried  the 
same  day. 

Dec.  ii.  Several  bundles  of  merchandise,  belonging  to 
Sr.  Pasquier,  an  officer,  have  been  seized.  Sr.  Marlot,  a 
clerk  at  New  Orleans,  was  involved,  and  they  [Pasquier  and 
Marlot]  were  sending  that  merchandise  to  St.  Joseph  Bay, 
a  Spanish  colony,  to  be  sold. 

Dec.  1 6.  A  brigantine,  with  twelve  soldiers,  commanded 
by  Sr.  de  Mouy,  an  officer,  has  set  out.  It  is  loaded  with 
the  best  merchandise  from  the  magazines,  which  they  are 
going  to  [use  in]  trade  with  the  Spaniards ;  we  do  not  know 
for  whose  account.  From  the  i6th  to  the  2ist  of  the  same 
month  we  have  been  occupied  with  taking  from  the  maga 
zines  of  the  company  the  things  necessary  for  our  trip  to 
the  Ilinnois. 

Departed  from  New  Orleans  for  the  Ilinnois. 

Here  in  the  margin  will  be  given  the  number  of  leagues.1 

Dec.  22  —  3  leagues.  We  departed  from  New  Orleans 
in  a  boat  manned  with  fourteen  men,  nine  soldiers  and  the 
rest  sailors,  accompanied  by  a  pirogue  manned  with  six 
men  belonging  to  a  certain  Dulongpre,  a  Canadian  living  at 
the  Ilinnois,  who  is  returning  there  under  our  escort.  The 
same  day  we  reached  the  Chapitoulas  and  put  in  for  the  night. 

Dec.  23  —  2  leagues.  Early  in  the  morning,  our  men 
having  taken  to  the  oars,  we  continued  our  journey,  and 
came  to  the  Cannes  Bruslees,  where  we  arrived  about  ir 
o'clock  in  the  morning,  and  spent  the  night. 

1  The  date  and  the  distance  traveled  each  day  are  in  the  margin 
of  the  manuscript.  It  is  to  be  noted,  however,  that  the  number 
of  leagues  in  the  margin  differs  in  some  instances  from  that  in  the 
text. 

40 


JOURNAL  OF  DIRON  D'ARTAGUIETTE 

Dec.  24  —  I  league.  We  set  out  about  four  o'clock  in 
the  evening  and  camped  for  the  night  a  league  above. 

Dec.  25  —  6  leagues.  We  departed  early  in  the  morning 
and  had  gone  only  a  league  when  we  perceived  two  boats 
coming  down  on  the  current,  in  one  of  which  was  Sr.  Pail- 
houx,  major-general,  who  is  descending  from  the  Natchez 
with  his  detachment  [which  he  had  taken]  to  make  peace 
(as  I  have  already  explained  in  the  Journal  of  last  October). 
He  told  us  nothing  except  that  peace  was  made  by  the  time 
of  his  arrival  at  the  Natchez. 

The  same  day  we  came  for  dinner  with  the  Tensas,  which 
are  on  the  left  in  ascending,  where  Sr.  Delaire  has  a  little 
shack.  This  Delaire  was  director  of  a  concession  which  has 
not  succeeded. 

A  quarter  of  a  league  back  from  this  concession  are  the 
Chaouachas,1  an  Indian  nation,  which  is  abandoning  this 
land  on  account  of  their  disputes  with  the  Colapissas  respect 
ing  their  medicine  man.  A  half  league  higher  up  on  the 
same  side  and  on  the  bank  of  the  Mississipy,  there  are  three 
little  villages  of  Germans,  commanded  by  Sr.  Darensbourg. 
They  may  be  about  300  in  number,  including  the  women 
and  children.  They  are  the  remnant  of  that  multitude  of 
Germans  whom  the  company  had  sent  here  and  who  have, 
for  the  most  part,  died  of  destitution. 

The  same  day  at  half  past  four  in  the  evening  we  arrived 
at  the  village  of  the  Colapissas,  which  is  on  the  right  as  you 
ascend  and  there  we  spent  the  night.  This  village  is  com 
posed  of  150  warriors.  Their  chief  occupation  is  that  of 
planting  great  quantities  of  Indian  corn  which  they  sell  to 
the  French  in  exchange  for  merchandise. 

Dec.  26  —  4  leagues.  We  left  the  Colapissas  about  10 
o'clock  in  the  morning,  and  passed  on  to  the  Petits  Colas, 
three  leagues  distant  from  the  last  village.  There  was  in 
this  place  a  house  belonging  to  the  Marquis  d'Ancenys, 
which  had  been  abandoned,  and  where  at  present  lives  the 

1  The  Chaouachas  were  closely  associated  with  the  Ouachas  or 
Washas. 

41 


TRAVELS   IN  THE  AMERICAN  COLONIES 

Sr.  De  Chavagne,  who  has  some  negroes  whom  he  employs 
in  raising  food  crops.1 

The  same  day  an  hour  before  sunset  we  put  in  for  the 
night  a  league  above. 

Dec.  27  —  6  leagues.  About  6  o'clock  in  the  morning 
our  men,  having  taken  up  their  oars,  we  continued  our 
journey  and  came  for  the  night  to  the  little  village  of  the 
Hommas  Indians,  which  is  situated  on  the  right  as  you 
ascend.  A  half  league  above  is  the  great  village  of  the 
Hoummas,  of  the  same  nation,  and  between  these  two 
Indian  villages,  there  are  eight  French  settlements  which 
are  engaged  in  raising  food  crops.  This  nation  has  in  all 
300  warriors,  and  works  in  the  same  way  as  the  Colapissas. 

Dec.  28  —  5^  leagues.  We  left  about  seven  o'clock  in 
the  morning  and  arrived  for  breakfast  at  the  fork  of  the 
Chetimacha,2  which  is  on  the  left  as  you  ascend,  distant  a 
league  and  a  half  from  the  Houmas.  This  is  a  branch  of 
the  Mississipy,  which  empties  into  the  sea.  We  put  in  for 
the  night  four  leagues  above  that. 

Dec.  29  —  4  leagues.  We  continued  our  route,  the 
weather  being  cold  and  gloomy,  and  came  for  dinner  to  the 
Bayagoulas,3  a  settlement  which  the  Sr.  Du  Buisson  exploits. 
It  is  on  the  left;  a  league  and  a  half  back  is  the  village  of 
the  Chetimachas,4  with  whom  we  made  peace  in  1719. 
This  nation  has  about  100  warriors,  great  eaters  of  the  croco 
dile,  or  alligator,  which  they  catch  with  considerable  skill. 
When  they  see  one  of  these  animals  in  the  water  (they  call 
them  amphibious)  they  plunge  after  them  and  put  one 
hand  on  the  lower  jaw  and  the  other  on  the  upper  jaw,  and 
they  bring  them  in  this  way  to  the  shore,  where  they  kill 
them.  I  have  seen  some  which  were  17  feet  long,  including 
the  head  and  the  tail.  This  animal  has  no  vertebra.  Two 
leagues  above  the  Bayagoulas,  we  camped  for  the  night. 

1  Vivres.  z  Grand  River  in  Louisiana. 

3  Here  a  village  of  the  Bayagoulas,  a  Choctaw  tribe  of  Indians, 
had  been  nearly  exterminated  by  the  Taensas  in  1706,  and  the 
site  was  subsequently  chosen  for  a  concession  to  Paris  Duvernay. 

4  A  Choctaw  village. 

42 


JOURNAL  OF  DIRON  D'ARTAGUIETTE 

Dec.  30  —  6  leagues.  We  left  about  6  o'clock  in  the  morn 
ing  and  passed  Menchaeg,  which  is  on  the  right  as  you 
ascend,  distant  five  leagues  from  the  Bayagoulas.  It  is  a 
branch  of  the  Mississipy,  which  empties  into  Lake  Pon- 
chartrain,  but  so  obstructed  with  wood  that  it  is  almost 
impossible  to  cross.  However,  there  have  been  some 
traders  who  have  crossed  it  by  cutting  away  much  of  the 
wood.  We  spent  the  night  three  leagues  above  this  place. 

Dec.  31  —  2  leagues.  We  set  out  at  day-break  and  came 
to  Dirombourg,  or  Baton  Rouges,  which  is  on  the  right  as 
you  ascend.  These  are  the  first  bluffs  or  steep  banks  which 
we  have  found  on  the  Mississipy. 

January,  1723 

Jan.  i.  We  have  remained  here,  being  forced  to  do  so 
by  the  rain  which  has  not  stopped  all  day. 

Jan.  2  —  4  leagues.  We  left  about  1 1  o'clock  in  the 
morning  in  a  strong  north  wind  and  put  in  for  the  night  at 
the  Isle  d'Ibervile.  This  is  the  first  island  there  is  in  the 
main  branch  of  the  Mississipy. 

Jan.  3  —  2  leagues.  At  7  o'clock  in  the  morning  our  men 
took  their  oars  and  we  arrived  for  breakfast  at  the  begin 
ning  of  the  Pointe  Coupee  bluffs,  which  are  on  the  right  as 
you  ascend,  where  there  is  a  settlement  belonging  to  the 
Marquis  Demezieres,  which  is  almost  abandoned.  From 
there  we  forced  our  oars  in  order  to  stem  a  very  strong  cur 
rent  which  runs  from  the  bluffs  to  Pointe  Coupee,  and  from 
there  to  the  settlement  of  M.  Collys,  which  is  on  the  right 
as  you  ascend,  a  half  league  above,  where  we  spent  the  night. 
There  are  at  this  settlement  about  twenty  French  and 
twenty-five  negroes  who  cultivate  rice,  beans,  potatoes, 
and  other  things  necessary  to  life. 

Jan.  4  —  5  leagues.  We  left  this  place  and  came  for 
breakfast  to  the  Riviere  de  la  Chaudepisse,  two  leagues 
distant  from  the  last  settlement.  Three  leagues  above  that 
place  we  put  in  for  the  night. 

Jan.  5  —  6  leagues.     About  7  o'clock  in  the  morning  we 

D  43 


TRAVELS  IN  THE  AMERICAN  COLONIES 

embarked  and  at  dinner  time  reached  the  portage  de  la 
Croix.  From  there  it  is  only  two  leagues  by  land  to  the 
Indian  village  of  the  Thonniquas,  although  it  is  ten  by  water. 
We  camped  two  leagues  above. 

Jan.  6  —  4  leagues.  Our  men  having  resumed  their  oars, 
we  reached  by  dinner  time  the  Trois  Chenaux  1  (these  are 
formed  by  two  islands)  and  continuing  from  there  we  put  in 
for  the  night  at  the  entrance  of  Red  River,  which  is  on  the 
left  as  you  ascend,  where  we  found  Father  Boulanger,  a 
Jesuit  missionary  from  the  Ilinnois,  who  was  returning  there 
in  a  pirogue  manned  with  seven  men  and  loaded  with  sup 
plies  for  the  convent.  Those  good  fathers,  who  are  at  the 
Ilinnois,  always  attentive  to  increase  their  patrimony  and 
never  satisfied  with  it,  had  detailed  him  (Boulanger)  in 
order  that  he,  while  attending  to  their  affairs,  might  ask 
for  them  the  ownership  of  a  salt  mine  which  is  two  leagues 
from  the  Kas  Kas  Kias.  This  they  have  not  obtained.  I 
do  not  know  whether  they  had  conscientiously  any  reason 
to  ask  for  this,  but  I  can  affirm  that  for  this  purpose  they 
availed  themselves  of  the  least  skilful  of  all  the  Jesuits. 
This  Reverend  Father  Boulanger  had  left  New  Orleans 
eight  days  before  our  boat  (that  is  to  say,  before  we  left). 

Jan.  7  —  2  leagues.  We  continued  our  route,  accom 
panied  by  the  pirogue  of  the  reverend  Jesuit  father,  and  by 
that  of  Dulongpre,  who  have  the  firm  intention  not  to 
leave  us  until  [we  reach]  the  Ilinnois,  and  arrived  at  the 
village  of  the  Thonniqua  Indians,  which  is  situated  on  the 
right  as  you  ascend.  There  may  be  in  this  village  200 
warriors  who  live  on  hunting  and  Indian  corn,  which  they 
raise.  There  are  some  of  them  who  have  a  smattering  of 
Christianity,  but  just  as  they  were  commencing  to  appre 
ciate  the  Word  of  God,  Father  Davion  2  left  them,  to  such 
a  degree  did  his  own  interests  outweigh  those  of  chanty. 
We  spent  the  night  in  this  place.  There  are  also  in  this 
village  fifteen  French  places  which  raise  rice,  beans,  maize 
and  other  vegetables  necessary  to  life.  Their  greatest 
trade  is  in  poultry,  which  they  go  to  New  Orleans  to  sell. 

1  Three  Channels.  2  Antoine  Davion. 

44 


JOURNAL  OF  DIRON  D'ARTAGUIETTE 

Jan.  8  —  2  leagues.  About  10  o'clock  in  the  morning  we 
left  the  Thonniquas,  which  is  two  leagues  above,  on  the 
same  side,  where  we  spent  the  night  and  purchased  some 
Indian  provisions.  In  this  place  we  hired  an  Indian  hunter 
to  go  with  us  as  far  as  the  Arkansas. 

Jan.  9  —  3  leagues.  In  the  morning  the  pirogue  of  the 
Reverend  Father  and  of  Dulongpre  joined  us.  They  had 
remained  at  the  first  village  of  the  Thonniquas  to  secure 
provisions.  We  then  continued  our  journey  and  arrived  at 
dinner  time  at  the  Chesnal  du  Diable,  where  the  rain  com 
pelled  us  to  spend  the  night.  The  salt  meat  which  we 
brought  for  ourselves  and  our  crew  has  given  out.  Our 
hunter  does  not  kill  anything  and  we  have  no  hope  [of  get 
ting  food]  until  [we  reach]  the  Yazous.  It  is  above  this 
post  that  the  good  hunting  begins. 

Jan.  10  —  5  leagues.  We  set  out  about  7  o'clock  in  the 
morning  and  put  in  for  the  night  at  La  Bature  au  Chevreuil. 

Jan.  ii  --  5  leagues.  Weather  clear  and  cold.  Our  men 
resuming  the  oars,  we  continued  our  route  and  put  in  for 
the  night  at  the  Trois  Chenaux,  which  is  five  leagues  distant 
from  the  Natchez. 

Jan.  12  —  5  leagues.  We  continued  our  journey.  About 
noon  we  passed  the  white  bluffs  which  are  on  the  right  as 
you  ascend.  It  is  to  be  remarked  that  from  Baton  Rouges 
to  Natchez  there  runs  the  same  chain  of  mountains,  which 
meet  in  two  or  three  places  on  the  banks  of  the  Mississipy. 
The  same  day  we  came  to  spend  the  night  at  the  Natchez. 

Jan.  13.  The  fort  of  Natchez  is  a  rather  sorry  fort  of 
piles  the  size  of  a  leg,  where  there  are  two  small,  mounted 
pieces  of  iron  cannon,  with  only  a  brass  swivel  gun.  Its 
form  is  square,  having  four  bastions.  It  is  situated  at  the 
top  of  the  hill,  which  is  nearly  400  feet  high.  There  are 
[in  the  country]  around  this  fort,  which  is  all  hills  and 
valleys,  several  good  habitants,  who  cultivate  maize,  beans, 
and  other  vegetables  in  quantity.  They  labor  principally 
at  tobacco  raising,  which  grows  there  very  fine  and  [is]  good 
and  abundant,  but  the  scarcity  of  negroes  among  them 
prevents  them  from  pushing  forward  this  industry,  which 

45 


TRAVELS  IN  THE  AMERICAN  COLONIES 

would  be  very  profitable  to  them  and  advantageous  to  the 
colony. 

Jan.  14.  We  summoned  the  Natchez  chiefs  to  supply  us 
with  provisions,  which  they  agreed  to  do ;  also  the  chief  of 
the  Tyous.  This  is  a  small  nation  which  has  its  village  a 
league  to  the  south  of  the  fort.  This  nation  is  not  very 
large,  consisting  of  only  50  men  bearing  arms.  It  has  the 
same  language  as  the  Thonniquas  and  does  not  differ  from 
them  in  any  way  as  to  customs. 

Jan.  15.  We  went  to  the  settlement  of  St.  Catherine, 
belonging  to  MM.  Colys  and  Company,  which  is  a  league 
back  from  the  fort  of  the  Natchez.  We  did  not  notice 
anything  in  particular  there  except  a  water  mill  which  is 
on  a  little  river  which  passes  through  the  middle  of  this 
settlement.  The  houses  are  very  ordinary  and  very  badly 
built.  The  Sr.  Dumanoir  Feaucon,  who  is  director  of  this 
concession,  has  two  officers  and  a  surgeon,  together  with 
some  Frenchmen  and  negroes.  I  will  not  put  them  down 
here  because  I  have  made  a  special  enumeration  of  them 
which  will  be  found  joined  hereto.  The  officers  employ 
the  Frenchmen  and  negroes  in  cultivating  the  land  so  as 
to  grow  Indian  corn,  beans,  potatoes,  and  other  necessities 
of  life.  The  land  there  is  very  fine  and  good,  and  is  the 
same  kind  from  New  Orleans  to  here.  They  employ  their 
Frenchmen  and  their  negroes  in  the  cultivation  of  tobacco 
of  which  they  gather  every  year  a  fairly  good  quantity. 

Jan.  1 6.  We  were  invited  to  go  to  the  Terre  Blanche,  a 
settlement  formerly  the  Company's,  belonging  to  M.  Le 
Blanc,  to  be  present  at  the  appraising  of  the  houses  and 
other  effects  which  the  company  left  to  M.  Le  Blanc.  This 
appraising  was  very  badly  done  because  a  house  which  was 
worth  800  livres  was  valued  at  only  200  livres,  and  an 
entirely  new  bridge  which  certainly  cost  more  than  2000 
livres  to  build  [was  valued  at]  20  ecus  and  so  on  with  the 
rest. 

We  did  not  notice  anything  in  particular  except  the  land, 
which  is  very  fine  and  good,  and  where  one  can  make  a  very 
fine  settlement,  for  the  culture  of  tobacco  and  Indian  foods. 

46 


JOURNAL  OF  DIRON  D'ARTAGUIETTE 

The  Natchez  Indians  are  situated  a  league  back  from  the 
fort,  and  are  scattered  along  in  little  villages  to  a  distance 
of  two  leagues  from  the  aforesaid  fort.  These  Indians 
number  perhaps  500  warriors.  They  live  on  Indian  corn 
which  they  raise  and  from  their  hunting,  which  consists  of 
deer,  wild  turkeys,  ducks,  geese  and  other  game.  They 
also  kill  buffaloes,  but  they  have  to  go  a  very  long  distance 
to  find  them.  These  are  the  only  Indians  among  whom  I 
have  noticed  any  kind  of  religion.  They  adore  the  sun 
from  which  they  claim  that  their  chief  is  descended,  and 
they  have  a  temple  where  they  keep  a  sacred  fire,  which  is 
never  extinguished,  several  savages  being  assigned  to  the 
care  of  the  temple  and  to  keeping  up  this  fire.  They  have 
several  festivals.  One  among  others  which  they  call  "La 
Thonne,"  is  a  little  like  our  village  festivals  in  France. 
The  great  chief,  who  is  called  the  Great  Sun,  is  absolute, 
having  the  power  of  death  over  his  subjects.  It  is  a  won 
derful  thing  how  this  great  chief  has  only  to  say  to  one  of 
his  subjects  that  he  must  die  for  that  subject  to  kill  himself. 
When  this  great  chief  dies,  about  a  hundred  [people],  both 
men  and  women,  kill  themselves.  They  die  of  their  own 
accord  in  order  that  (so  they  say)  they  may  go  to  serve  their 
great  chief  in  the  other  world.  It  is  only  the  great  chiefs 
who  are  buried  in  the  temple  of  which  I  have  just  spoken. 
There  is  among  this  nation  a  squaw  chief  who  has  as  much 
authority  as  the  great  chief.  This  squaw  ordinarily  marries 
a  puant,  that  is  as  we  would  call  a  man  who  does  not  go  to 
war,  and  at  the  very  most  he  can  only,  after  he  has  arrived 
at  this  distinction,  take  the  rank  of  noble.  Furthermore, 
upon  the  death  of  his  wife,  he  must  strangle  himself,  and 
with  him  as  many  people  as  if  he  died  a  great  chief.  It  is 
from  this  squaw  chief  that  the  Great  Suns  are  born  and  that 
they  are  perpetuated.  Nevertheless  their  subjects  render 
them  infinite  respect  and  blind  obedience. 

It  is  also  to  be  remarked  that  the  children  of  the  Great 
Sun  can  only  take  the  title  of  "spirits,"  and  are  not  allowed 
to  attain  to  the  degree  of  great  suns.  It  seems  that, 
as  I  said,  the  Natchez  Indians  were  scattered  about  in 

47 


TRAVELS  IN  THE  AMERICAN  COLONIES 

little  villages,  each  of  these  villages  has  a  chief  or  little 
sun,  with  a  squaw  chief,  who  are  subordinate  and  obedient 
to  the  Great  Sun  and  to  the  Great  Squaw  Chief,  whom 
they  do  not  fail  to  greet  with  yells.  These  yells  are  more 
than  a  secular  adoration.  There  are  in  this  nation  three 
orders.  The  first  consists  of  the  great  sun,  the  great  squaw 
chief,  with  the  spirits ;  the  second,  the  nobles,  who  include 
the  warriors,  and  certain  families,  who  have  cut  the  throats 
of  five  or  six  of  their  children  at  the  death  of  the  great 
chief  or  the  great  squaw  chief,  for  in  this  way  they  acquire 
their  nobility.  The  French  are  little  by  little  weaning  them 
away  from  these  barbarous  customs.  The  third  order 
comprises  the  puants,  who  are  men  considered  as  not  being 
warriors,  as  I  have  already  said. 

Polygamy  is  in  practice  here  and  among  all  the  Indian 
nations  which  I  have  seen,  but  especially  among  these. 
The  chiefs  and  the  nobles  can  take  as  many  wives  as  they 
please,  but  for  the  puants,  when  they  have  one,  it  is  a 
good  deal.  Here  the  men  do  not  leave  their  wives,  but  the 
wives  leave  the  men  to  marry  others,  without  the  least  com 
plaint  being  made  by  those  whom  they  leave.  It  is 
necessary,  however,  to  make  an  exception  in  the  case  of  the 
great  sun  :  his  wives  may  not  leave  him  without  his  consent. 

The  women  are  fairly  passable  [as  to  looks]  for  Americans, 
and  are  all  precocious  in  matters  of  love.  One  sees  among 
them  very  few  girls,  twelve  years  old,  who  have  not  several 
lovers^all  of  whom  they  make  happy.  They  blacken  their 
teeth  with  a  certain  root,  a  practice  which  is  greatly  esteemed 
among  them.  This,  together  with  their  tawney  color, 
renders  them  rather  disagreeable  to  those  who  are  not 
prejudiced  in  their  favor.  Nevertheless,  they  have  rather 
regular  features,  and  generally  like  all  the  Frenchmen,  to 
whom  they  refuse  none  of  their  favors,  in  return  for  a  few 
glass  beads  or  other  trifles ;  but  the  malign  influences  of 
Venus  are  so  common  that  those  who  are  wisest  restrain 
themselves  and  go  bridle  in  hand.  They  know  how  to 
cure  all  sorts  of  venereal  diseases  and  have  healed  numerous 
Europeans. 

48 


JOURNAL  OF  DIRON  D'ARTAGUIETTE 

In  the  house  of  the  great  chief  (generally  all  of  their 
houses  are  made  in  the  shape  of  a  dome,  with  neither  chim 
ney  nor  window,  and  only  one  door)  in  the  evening,  by  the 
light  of  a  cane  torch,  when  the  chief  so  orders,  a  sort  of 
comedy  is  performed.  There  are  some  which  one  can  look 
at  and  which  are  very  bizarre,  but  there  are  some  also  which 
are  full  of  all  sorts  of  license  and  in  which  they  make  no 
difficulty  in  representing  the  most  indecent  actions.  So 
much  for  what  I  more  especially  observed  at  the  Natchez, 
both  among  the  French  and  among  the  Indians. 

I  do  not  recount  here  the  war  which  our  French  have 
had  with  these  Indians.  I  have  made  a  separate  Journal 
concerning  this  which  will  be  found  joined  hereto. 

Jan.  17.  I  have  made  my  review  as  inspector  at  Fort 
Rosalie  of  the  Natchez. 

Jan.  1 8.  The  Indians  have  commenced  to  bring  us  pro 
visions,  and  we  have  endeavored  to  take  a  census  of  all  the 
inhabitants. 

Jan.  19.  There  arrived  here  in  a  pirogue  a  man  by  the 
name  of  Lehoux,  clerk  of  the  company  at  the  Arkansas. 
He  is  going  down  to  New  Orleans  to  secure  some  things  for 
the  subsistence  of  the  troops,  not  having  any  at  all  in  his 
stores.  The  same  day  about  four  o'clock  in  the  afternoon, 
this  Lehoux  left  here. 

Jan.  20.  Two  hours  before  day  there  arrived  from  the 
Yazous  a  boat  manned  with  ten  soldiers  in  charge  of  a 
sergeant,  which  is  carrying  a  half  score  of  workmen  for 
Terre  Blanche.  These  people  are  from  the  concession  of 
M.  Le  Blanc.  They  are  abandoning  the  post  of  the  Yazous 
because  of  the  sickness  there,  and  the  company  of  Bernaval 
will  go  to  the  fort  of  the  Yazous. 

Jan.  21.  We  have  finished  the  transportation  of  our 
Indian  provisions,  which  consist  of  Indian  corn,  some 
crushed  and  other  ground  into  meal,  and  we  are  getting 
ready  to  depart. 

Jan.  22  —  3  leagues.  We  left  the  Natchez  about  2 
o'clock  in  the  afternoon  in  company  of  the  boat  of  which  I 
have  just  spoken,  and  which  is  returning  to  the  Yazous,  of 

49 


TRAVELS  IN  THE  AMERICAN  COLONIES 

the  pirogue  of  the  Reverend  Jesuit  Father,  and  that  of 
Dulongpre,  and  we  put  in  for  the  night  three  leagues  above 
the  Natchez. 

Jan.  23  —  6  leagues.  Fine  weather.  Our  men  took  up 
the  oars  about  noon.  A  good  wind  from  the  south  assisted 
us  until  evening,  when  we  put  to  shore  to  camp  for  the 
night. 

Jan.  24  —  6  leagues.  The  stiff  breeze  holding,  we  came 
by  dinner  time  without  rowing  to  the  Petit  Gouffre,  which 
is  a  bluff  where  a  great  eddy  is  formed,  which  is  very  dan 
gerous  when  the  waters  are  high.  Two  leagues  above  this 
spot  we  put  in  for  the  night. 

Jan.  25  —  5  leagues.  Fine  weather.  The  wind  being  in 
the  north,  our  men  took  up  their  oars  and  we  came  in  time 
for  dinner  to  the  Grand  Gouffre,  so  called  because  of  the 
great  currents  which  form  whirlpools  when  the  waters  are 
high.  We  camped  for  the  night  on  an  island  two  leagues 
above  this  spot. 

Jan.  26.  We  set  out  about  7  o'clock  in  the  morning. 
Heavy  currents,  which  is  why  we  have  made  only  four 
leagues. 

Jan.  27  —  3  leagues.  Early  in  the  morning,  our  people 
having  resumed  their  oars,  we  continued  our  journey.  At 
noon  the  rain  having  caught  us,  we  were  obliged  to  seek 
shelter. 

Jan.  28  —  4  leagues.  The  rain  continued  this  morning 
until  about  II  o'clock,  when,  it  having  suddenly  ceased, 
we  continued  our  journey  and  made  four  leagues. 

Jan.  29  —  3  leagues.  Cold  weather.  Our  people  having 
taken  their  oars,  we  continued  our  journey.  Strong  cur 
rents,  together  with  a  violent  north  wind ;  nevertheless  we 
reached  for  the  night  a  little  island  about  two  leagues  from 
the  mouth  of  the  Riviere  des  Yazous. 

Jan.  30  —  2  leagues.  Weather  dark  and  cold.  We  de 
parted  about  10  o'clock  in  the  morning  and  camped  at  the 
entrance  to  the  Petite  Riviere  des  Yazous. 

Jan.  31.  Weather  clear  and  fine.  About  9  o'clock  in 
the  morning  we  set  out  and  arrived  about  noon  at  Fort  de 

50 


JOURNAL  OF  DIRON  D'ARTAGUIETTE 

St.  Pierre  des  Yazous,  which  is  three  leagues  up  this  river, 
on  the  right.  The  concession  of  M.  Le  Blanc  is  in  this 
same  place. 

February,  1723 

Feb.  I.  We  stayed  at  Fort  St.  Pierre  des  Yazous,  which 
is  on  a  bluff.  The  plan  of  the  Fort  is  square,  having  four 
bastions  surrounded  by  a  little  moat  about  six  feet  wide 
and  three  feet  deep.  The  commandant,  who  is  M.  Degrave, 
has  his  house  in  the  fort,  as  do  also  the  officers  and  the 
soldiers,  who  form  two  companies.  It  is  at  this  fort  where 
I  have  seen  the  best  disciplined  troops  and  where  the  duty 
is  performed  with  exactitude,  thanks  to  the  attention  of  the 
commandant.  These  two  companies  are  to  go  to  the 
Natchez,  as  I  have  already  said.  A  league  above  Fort  St. 
Pierre,  on  the  bank  of  the  river,  and  on  the  same  side, 
there  are  three  Indian  villages,  which  hardly  make  one. 
They  are  the  Yazous,  the  Aufaugoulas  and  the  Couroyes. 
The  last  are  going  to  establish  themselves  on  the  Riviere 
des  Ouatchitas.  These  nations  number  in  all  perhaps  200 
warriors,  who  form  a  sort  of  little  republic,  living  without 
recognizing  any  chiefs.  I  will  say  nothing  of  their  manners 
and  customs.  I  stayed  there  too  short  a  time  to  enlighten 
myself  concerning  them.  Their  manner  of  living  is  suffi 
ciently  like  that  of  the  Natchez. 

Feb.  2.  About  9  o'clock  in  the  morning  I  made  my  re 
view  as  inspector.  The  same  day  we  learned  from  the 
Yazous  Indians  that  the  Chectas,1  an  Indian  nation,  our 
allies,  had  entirely  destroyed  the  largest  village  of  the 
Chicachats,  our  enemies. 

Feb.  3.  About  10  o'clock  in  the  morning  we  set  out  from 
Fort  St.  Pierre  des  Yazous  and  put  in  for  the  night  at  the 
entrance  of  that  river,  where  we  joined  the  Jesuit  father  and 
Dulongpre,  who  were  awaiting  us  there  with  their  pirogues. 

Feb.  4  —  5  leagues.  We  departed  about  8  o'clock  in  the 
morning  and  spent  the  night  five  leagues  above. 

1  Choctaws. 


TRAVELS  IN  THE  AMERICAN  COLONIES 

Feb.  5  —  3  leagues.  Our  men  took  up  their  oars  about 
7  o'clock  in  the  morning  and  we  went  about  a  league  when 
we  put  to  shore,  and  found  several  huts  of  the  nation  of 
Couroye  Indians,  whom  I  have  already  said  were  on  the 
Riviere  des  Yazous.  They  were  hunting.  As  we  had  no 
meat,  we  bought  some  buffalo,  bear  oil,  and  other  meat  in 
exchange  for  powder,  shot,  knives  and  other  things.  We 
put  in  for  the  night  at  the  usual  hour,  which  is  an  hour 
before  sunset.  We  figured  we  had  made  three  leagues. 

Feb.  6.  Our  men  having  taken  their  oars,  we  continued 
our  journey  against  rather  strong  currents,  and  camped 
four  leagues  above. 

Feb.  7  —  5  leagues.  It  being  Sunday  before  Lent,  the 
Reverend  Father  Boulanger,  the  Jesuit,  said  mass  for  us 
after  which  we  embarked  and  continued  our  journey.  At 
II  o'clock  in  the  morning  we  perceived  a  little  fire  on  the 
other  side  of  the  river  at  the  end  of  the  cove,  which  we  were 
not  able  to  reconnoitre  because  of  the  strong  currents  and 
[on  account  of]  which,  after  we  lost  two  leagues  of  our  way, 
we  continued  our  route  and  camped  opposite  a  little  island, 
having  made  five  leagues,  during  the  day. 

Feb.  8.  All  the  past  night  it  did  not  stop  raining,  and, 
the  rain  continuing,  we  have  been  obliged  to  stay  here, 
where  we  noticed  numerous  tracks,  all  fresh,  of  buffalo, 
which  induced  us  to  go  hunting,  and  to  dispatch  our  Indian 
[to  hunt],  who  has  killed  nothing. 

Feb.  9.  The  rain  fell  all  the  past  night  and  continued 
this  morning,  which  obliged  us  to  remain  here. 

Feb.  10.  The  rain  having  ceased,  we  continued  our 
journey,  and,  three  leagues  above,  we  found  seven  pirogues 
loaded  with  meat  which  Canadian  traders,  established  at  the 
Ilinnois,  are  taking  down  to  New  Orleans  to  sell.  They 
told  us  that  diseases  had  been  very  prevalent  among  the 
Ilinnois,  and  that  many  Canadians  had  died.  Rain  having 
overtaken  us  in  this  place,  we  passed  the  night  here.  The 
Reverend  Father  Boulanger,  the  Jesuit,  has  sold  many 
things,  such  as  clothes  and  linen,  at  a  profit  of  400  per  cent. 

Feb.  II.  Weather  fair  and  cold.  We  remained  here 

52 


JOURNAL  OF  DIRON  D'ARTAGUIETTE 

with  the  canoes  of  the  Canadians  to  dry  our  clothes  which 
were  wet  through  and  through. 

Feb.  12.  Fine  weather.  Our  men  having  resumed  their 
oars,  we  departed  about  7  o'clock  in  the  morning.  A 
good  current  and  we  put  in  for  the  night  three  leagues 
above. 

Feb.  13 —  2  leagues.  We  departed  about  8  o'clock  in 
the  morning  and  about  noon  we  perceived  on  the  other  side 
of  the  river  a  herd  of  wild  cattle,  [buffaloes],  which  were 
coming  there  to  drink,  a  thing  which  induced  us  to  cross 
over  and  to  go  ashore  so  as  to  kill  some  of  them ;  but  these 
animals,  having  scented  us,  we  could  not  approach  them. 
From  this  place  we  came  to  pass  the  night  at  a  little  island, 
which  is  a  little  above  the  Petite  Pointe  Coupee,  where  our 
Indian  killed  us  a  young  roe. 

Feb.  14.  We  set  out  about  7  o'clock  in  the  morning, 
after  having  heard  the  mass  of  Father  Boulanger,  and  arrived 
at  a  little  island,  which  is  a  league  above,  where  we  waited 
for  a  certain  Legras,  a  Canadian  from  the  pirogue  of 
Dulongpre,  and  a  Yazous  Indian,  who  had  departed  this 
morning.  As  these  two  men  did  not  return,  we  were 
obliged  to  camp  and  to  fire  off  a  gun  at  intervals. 

Feb.  15.  It  rained  all  last  night  and  this  morning,  and 
although  we  have  fired  the  gun  many  times,  it  has  not  been 
responded  to,  which  makes  us  think  that  some  misfortune 
must  have  happened  to  those  men  or  that  they  had  lost 
their  way.  The  rain  continued  all  day  and  did  not  cease 
until  evening,  when  we  began  again  to  fire  off  our  guns, 
which  were  responded  to,  shot  for  shot,  but  night  having 
come,  we  did  not  send  out  to  investigate  these  shots,  not 
knowing  whether  they  came  from  our  enemies  or  from  the 
two  men.  The  same  day  we  noticed  that  the  water  had 
risen  3  feet. 

Feb.  1 6.  Fine  weather.  The  man  called  Dulongpre, 
a  Canadian,  sent  his  pirogue  manned  with  four  men  to 
investigate  the  shots  which  had  been  heard  yesterday  even 
ing.  Our  men,  having  dried  all  their  clothing,  we  set  out 
about  n  o'clock  in  the  morning  and  spent  the  night  on  a 

53 


TRAVELS  IN  THE  AMERICAN   COLONIES 

large  island  which  is  two  leagues  above,  in  the  hope  of  find 
ing  some  buffaloes.     The  water  rose  last  night  8  feet. 

Feb.  17.  We  are  in  great  need  of  meat.  Our  men  begin 
to  grumble,1  and  our  Indian  has  hunted  without  having 
killed  anything,  which  has  determined  us  to  leave  for  Grande 
Pointe  Coupee  to  endeavor  to  kill  some  buffaloes,  for  we 
are  reduced  to  Indian  corn,  without  either  meat  or  flour, 
and  with  no  hope  of  killing  any  buffaloes  from  here  to  the 
Arkansas.  That  nation  having  come  to  hunt  in  these 
quarters,  has  caused  these  animals  to  withdraw  into  the 
back  country. 

The  same  day  at  noon  we  arrived  at  Pointe  Coupee, 
hunting  all  the  time,  and  we  camped  there  as  much  to  hunt 
as  to  wait  for  the  Jesuit  priest  and  Dulongpre,  who  joined 
us  at  three  o'clock  in  the  afternoon  without  having  found 
the  two  men.  This  determined  M.  Diron  3  to  propose  to 
them  to  set  out  with  some  Frenchmen  and  two  Indians  to 
go  to  see  what  had  become  of  these  two  men.  The  past 
night  the  water  rose  5  feet. 

Feb.  1 8.  At  day-break,  Father  Boulanger  said  mass, 
during  which  time  we  unloaded  his  pirogue  and  I  ordered 
out  nine  Frenchmen  and  four  Indians,  and  we  embarked  in 
the  pirogue  of  the  Reverend  Jesuit  Father,  having  left  my 
secretary  with  fifteen  men  as  a  guard  for  my  boat. 

The  same  day  at  ten  o'clock  in  the  morning,  after  we  had 
drifted  three  leagues,  we  perceived  in  the  middle  of  the 
river  two  men  on  a  raft  (cajeu)  made  of  three  pieces  of 
wood  tied  together.  They  were  the  two  men  for  whom  we 
were  looking.  They  told  us  that  they  had  gotten  lost  in  a 
marshy  country,  full  of  canes,  through  which  they  had  diffi 
culty  in  seeing  the  sun  so  as  to  guide  themselves  ;  that  they 
had  been  three  days  without  eating ;  that  the  4th  day 
they  had  each  killed  a  deer ;  that  they  had  not  been  able 
to  find  the  Mississipy ;  that  this  morning  they  had  at  last 
come  upon  the  banks  of  it  without  being  able  to  recognize 
the  place  in  which  they  were,  and  that  they  had  resolved 

1  Tomber  sur  les  dents. 

2  Artaguiette,  the  author  of  the  journal. 

54 


JOURNAL  OF  DIRON  D'ARTAGUIETTE 

to  make  this  raft  (cajeu)  so  as  to  drift  to  the  first  post. 
They  had  still  the  half  of  a  deer  and  a  charge  of  powder, 
which  they  were  saving  to  kindle  a  fire  with.  We  put  about, 
therefore,  after  having  taken  on  these  two  men,  and  by 
dint  of  rowing  rejoined  our  boat  at  three  o'clock  in  the  after 
noon,  and  spent  the  night  there.  Last  night  the  water  rose 
7  feet. 

Feb.  19 —  5  leagues.  We  set  out  at  day-break  and 
passed  the  night  five  leagues  above.  Last  night  we  noticed 
that  the  water  had  risen  3  feet.  Today  we  killed  three 
ducks. 

Feb.  20  —  5  leagues.  Early  in  the  morning  our  men  hav 
ing  taken  to  their  oars,  the  weather  being  fine,  we  put  in  for 
the  night  at  the  usual  hour  five  leagues  above  our  last  camp, 
where  our  Indians  went  to  hunt  and  returned  without 
having  seen  any  animals.  The  past  night  the  water  rose 
4  feet. 

Feb.  21  — 6  leagues.  At  day-break  the  Reverend  Jesuit 
Father  said  mass,  after  which  we  embarked  and  continued 
our  journey,  killed  two  ducks,  and  camped  six  leagues  above. 
Today  the  water  rose  4  feet. 

Feb.  22.  About  5  o'clock  in  the  morning  our  men  having 
taken  the  oars,  we  continued  our  journey  and  at  noon  we 
entered  the  Petite  Riviere  de  Sotehouy  1  or  Arkansas,  which 
is  on  the  left  as  you  ascend,  and  camped  a  league  up  it, 
looking  as  though  it  might  rain.  We  killed  two  ducks. 
Last  night  the  water  rose  7  feet. 

Feb.  23  —  6  leagues.  All  last  night  it  thundered  and 
lightened,  and  a  little  rain  fell.  That  did  not  hinder  us 
from  setting  out  this  morning  at  day-break.  About  3 
o'clock  in  the  afternoon  we  passed  a  branch  of  this  river, 
which  empties  into  the  Mississipy  six  leagues  above  that 
[branch]  which  we  entered.  We  camped  a  league  above. 

Feb.  24.  We  left  at  sunrise  and  arrived  at  the  village  de 
Sotehouy  2  about  9  o'clock  in  the  morning.  It  is  on  the 
left  as  you  ascend.  The  same  day,  at  noon,  Sr.  La  Boulaye, 

1  Named  for  a  portion  of  the  Quapaw  or  Arkansas  Indians. 

2  Quapaw  or  Arkansas  Indians. 

55 


TRAVELS  IN  THE  AMERICAN  COLONIES 

commandant  of  the  post,  which  is  a  league  from  here  by 
land,  and  two  by  water,  on  the  right  as  you  ascend,  came 
to  see  us. 

Feb.  25.  We  have  made  a  talk  to  the  Indians  and  made 
them  promise  to  furnish  us  some  provisions. 

The  same  day  about  8  o'clock  in  the  morning,  the  weather 
being  gloomy,  we  departed,  my  secretary  and  I,  and  we 
had  not  gone  a  league  when  we  came  to  the  new  village  of 
the  Arkansas,  who  lived  not  so  very  long  ago  twelve  leagues 
higher  up  on  the  Mississipy,  on  the  left,  as  you  ascend. 
We  embarked  from  there  in  a  little  pirogue  to  go  to  the 
settlement  of  M.  Law,  which  is  a  quarter  of  a  league  dis 
tant  by  water  from  this  village.  We  arrived  there  at  n 
o'clock  in  the  morning.  We  did  not  notice  anything  in 
particular.  There  are  only  three  miserable  huts,  fourteen 
Frenchmen  and  six  negroes,  whom  Sr.  Dufresne,  who  is  the 
director'there  for  the  company,  employs  in  clearing  the  land. 
Since  they  have  been  on  this  land  they  have  not  even  been 
able  to  raise  Indian  corn  for  their  own  nourishment,  and 
they  have  been  compelled  to  trade  for  it  and  to  send  even 
to  the  Ilinnois  for  it.1 

The  same  day  at  2  o'clock  in  the  afternoon  we  em 
barked  in  a  little  Indian  pirogue  and  arrived  at  about  4 
o'clock  in  the  evening  at  the  post,  where  are  the  troops 
commanded  by  Sr.  La  Boulaye.  There  is  no  fort  at  all. 
The  commandant  there  has  only  a  little  hut.  There  is  also 
a  sort  of  barn  which  serves  as  a  lodging  for  the  soldiers, 
who  are  very  badly  equipped  in  every  respect.  There  are 
also  in  the  vicinity  of  this  post,  on  the  banks  of  the  river, 
many  French  habitants,  who  are  all  men  dismissed  from 
the  concession  belonging  heretofore  to  M.  Law.  The  Jesuit 
father  baptised  there  two  French  children  and  performed 
two  marriage  ceremonies. 

Feb.  26.  In  the  morning  I  made  my  review  at  the  com 
pletion  of  which  I  departed  to  join  my  boat,  which  had 

1  The  Company  granted  John  Law  a  concession  twelve  miles 
square  on  the  Arkansas,  he  agreeing  to  settle  upon  it  a  colony 
of  fifteen  hundred  Germans. 

56 


JOURNAL  OF  DIRON  D'ARTAGUIETTE 

remained  at  the  village  of  Sotehouy  two  leagues  below  by 
water  and  one  league  by  land.  I  found  my  detachment 
very  much  incensed  at  the  Indians,  who  were  playing  a 
thousand  tricks  upon  them.  This  forced  me  to  make 
them  promise  to  discontinue  these  practices,  which  promises 
they  observed  very  religiously  all  the  time  that  I  remained 
there. 

Feb.  27.  I  have  had  collected  all  the  purchased  provi 
sions  which  have  cost  us  rather  dear.  The  nation  of  Arkan 
sas  was  formerly  separated  into  two  villages,  one  on  the 
banks  of  the  Mississipy,  12  leagues  from  here  as  you  ascend, 
called  the  great  village  of  the  Arkansas,  and  this  one, 
which  is  on  the  Riviere  de  Sotehouy,  as  I  have  already  said. 
The  first  has  come  to  establish  itself  near  the  second,  on 
the  same  river.  This  nation  has  perhaps  300  warriors. 
They  clothe  themselves,  as  well  as  their  women  and  chil 
dren,  in  buffalo  skins,  and  plant  Indian  corn,  which  is  their 
principal  food,  together  with  their  hunting,  which  consists 
of  wild  cattle,  stags,  deer  and  bear.  These  Indians  worship 
the  moon,  to  which  they  are  accustomed  to  pray  every 
evening.  These  are  surely  the  coarsest  and  the  most  super 
stitious  savages  that  I  know  in  Louisiana.  They  have  a 
method  of  healing  their  sick  which  is  very  peculiar.  About 
a  year  ago  almost  all  of  them  were  afflicted  with  smallpox 
(a  disease  unknown  among  the  Indians  before  the  French 
came  among  them).  Their  medicine  men,  who  are  jugglers, 
begin  by  approaching  the  sick  person,  uttering  at  the  same 
time  horrible  yells  and  making  frightful  contortions,  which 
they  continue  for  an  hour,  so  as  to  conjure  the  evil  spirit  to 
depart.  At  the  end  of  this  time  they  pour  over  the  sick 
person  five  or  six  pails  of  water,  which  was  almost  ice 
(for  it  was  in  the  winter)  after  which  they  chase  away  the 
spirit  with  imprecations,  and,  acting  as  if  they  held  it,  they 
put  it  out  of  the  tent,  whereupon  is  concluded  the  treat 
ment,  which  is  twice  a  day,  until  the  patient  is  either  dead 
or  cured.  If  he  recovers,  the  juggler  or  medicine  man  is 
highly  esteemed  and  well  paid,  but  if  on  the  other  hand  he 
dies,  the  medicine  man  receives  nothing,  but,  on  the  con- 

57 


TRAVELS   IN  THE  AMERICAN  COLONIES 

trary,  he  loses  much  of  the  respect  which  they  formerly  had 
for  him. 

They  believe  in  metempsychosis,  with  this  reservation  : 
that  they  believe  that  the  soul  of  their  relatives  does  not 
take  up  its  abode  in  the  wild  animals  which  they  kill  or  in 
their  enemies.  I  have  seen  an  Indian  of  this  nation  kill  a 
buffalo  and  make  a  sign  to  several  French  people  who  were 
present  not  to  come  near  until  he  had  given  numerous  yells 
and  had  spoken  some  words  which  we  did  not  understand, 
after  which  he  told  us  that  it  was  an  enemy,  who  was  in 
the  body  of  this  animal. 

The  women  are  passable  for  Americans,  and  are  all  very 
well-behaved,  for  I  do  not  believe  that  there  is  a  man  in 
the  colony  who  can  boast  of  having  had  any  gallant  rela 
tions  with  any  Arkansas  girl  or  woman.  The  reason  which 
is  offered  for  this  is  rather  curious,  if  one  cares  to  believe  the 
interpreters,  who  say  that  their  men  make  them  believe 
that  they  would  die  if  they  had  the  least  intercourse  with 
us.  The  women  do  all  the  work  except  the  hunting  which 
is  the  ordinary  occupation  of  the  men,  as  is  also  the  dress 
ing  of  the  buffalo  skins,  upon  which  they  paint  designs  with 
vermilion  and  other  colors.  These  skins  are  very  highly 
prized  among  the  other  nations. 

Feb.  28.  It  rained  all  of  last  night  and  the  rain  con 
tinues,  which  has  made  us  put  off  our  departure  until 
tomorrow. 

March,  1*723 

Mar.  i --3  leagues.  Early  in  the  morning  we  set  out 
from  the  village  of  Sotehouy  so  as  to  continue  our  journey, 
having  left  there  the  Jesuit  father  and  Dulongpre  who  are 
making  a  search  for  a  young  man  who  deserted  from  the 
pirogue  of  the  Jesuit  father. 

Between  nine  and  ten  o'clock  in  the  morning  we  entered 
the  Mississipy  by  the  upper  branch  and  continued  our 
journey  with  a  favorable  wind  until  about  noon,  when  the 
wind  having  become  contrary,  we  put  to  shore  to  await  the 
two  pirogues.  We  figured  that  we  have  made  7  leagues 

58 


JOURNAL  OF  DIRON  D'ARTAGUIETTE 

today,  4  in  the  Petite  Riviere  de  Sotehouy  and  3  in  the 
Mississipy. 

Mar.  2.  Fine  weather.  We  were  obliged  to  remain  here 
to  await  the  two  pirogues  of  the  Reverend  Father  and  of 
Dulongpre,  who  did  not  join  us  until  very  late  in  the 
evening,  without  having  found  their  man.  The  water  rose 
5  feet  the  past  night. 

Mar.  3  —  5  leagues.  We  departed  early  in  the  morning 
in  company  with  the  Reverend  Jesuit  Father  and  Dulong 
pre,  to  each  of  whom  we  had  to  give  a  man  as  otherwise 
they  would  not  have  been  able  to  follow  us.  The  same  day 
we  reached  and  camped  at  the  old  village  of  the  Arkansas. 
The  water  rose  6  feet  last  night. 

Mar.  4  —  2  leagues.  We  made  two  leagues  today  against 
a  heavy  current.  The  rain,  which  overtook  us,  was  the 
cause  of  our  having  gone  into  camp  alone,  the  Jesuit  father 
and  Dulongpre  having  gone  on  ahead  because  they  make 
very  poor  progress. 

Mar.  5  —  2  leagues.  Our  men  having  taken  to  their  oars 
about  6  o'clock  in  the  morning,  we  continued  our  journey 
and  joined  the  Reverend  Father  and  Dulongpre  by  break 
fast.  The  weather  was  bad  which  was  the  reason  we  made 
only  two  leagues.  The  water  rose  6  feet  last  night. 

Mar.  6  —  3  leagues.  We  departed  about  7  o'clock  in  the 
morning  with  heavy  currents  and  a  contrary  wind.  At 
noon  the  Reverend  Jesuit  Father  and  Dulongpre  fell  be 
hind,  not  being  able  to  follow  us,  which  caused  us  to  camp 
two  hours  before  sunset  so  as  to  wait  for  them.  We  figured 
that  we  had  made  3  leagues  today. 

Mar.  7.  Fine  weather.  We  were  obliged  to  wait  for 
the  pirogues  of  the  Reverend  Father  and  Dulongpre,  who 
joined  us  with  great  difficulty  about  9  o'clock  in  the  morning. 
We  then  continued  our  journey  against  heavy  currents  and 
camped  3  leagues  above.  Killed  a  bustard  which  gave  us 
great  pleasure,  as  we  and  our  men  were  reduced  to  eating 
Indian  corn  with  water  and  salt.  We  noticed  that  the 
past  night  the  water  had  receded  half  a  foot. 

Mar.  8  —  2  leagues.     We  departed  about  6  o'clock  in  the 

E  59 


TRAVELS  IN  THE  AMERICAN  COLONIES 

morning  and  arrived  about  noon  at  Cap  a  PAnguille,  so 
called  because  of  some  travellers  having  caught  eels  there. 
This  is  a  bluff  which  juts  out  into  the  Mississipy,  on  the 
left  as  you  ascend.  There  we  went  ashore  to  make  some 
oars,  as  we  no  longer  had  any  spare  [oars].  We  spent  the 
night  there. 

Mar.  9.  We  departed  about  6  o'clock  in  the  morning 
and  arrived  about  10  o'clock  at  the  mouth  of  the  St.  Fran 
cois  River,  which  is  on  the  left  as  you  ascend,  where,  having 
noticed  some  buffalo  tracks,  quite  newly  made,  we  resolved 
to  camp  and  go  hunting.  Many  of  our  Frenchmen  having 
set  off  for  the  chase  (we  no  longer  had  any  Indians  as  they 
left  us  at  the  Arkansas)  saw  some  buffaloes  but  were  not 
able  to  kill  them.  We  are,  however,  in  great  need  of  them 
as  our  men  are  beginning  to  get  tired  of  boiled  lean  meat.1 

Mar.  10  —  3  leagues.  In  the  morning  we  had  a  little 
rain,  which  lasted  until  about  9  o'clock.  This  having  ceased, 
we  set  out  and  travelled  till  an  hour  before  sunset,  when 
we  camped  for  the  night.  We  figured  that  we  had  gone 
3  leagues.  The  water  fell  a  foot  last  night. 

Mar.  ii  --  5  leagues.  Weather  gloomy  and  foggy.  We 
departed  about  7  o'clock  in  the  morning.  At  noon  with 
fine  weather  and  a  good  south  wind,  we  made  a  league  by 
sail,  without  rowing.  The  Reverend  Father  and  Dulong- 
pre  went  ashore  to  hunt,  and  we  continued  our  journey. 
About  an  hour  before  sunset  we  went  ashore  to  camp  for 
the  night.  We  estimated  that  today  we  had  gone  five 
leagues.  The  water  fell  last  night  a  foot  and  a  half. 

Mar.  12  —  2  leagues.  We  departed  about  7  o'clock  in 
the  morning  and  arrived  about  10  o'clock  at  the  Chenal  du 
Diable,  where,  having  gone  ashore  to  hunt,  we  killed  a  cow. 
At  noon  we  were  joined  by  the  Reverend  Father  and 
Dulongpre,  who  have  not  killed  anything.  We  gave  them 
a  part  of  our  meat,  and  spent  the  night  in  the  same  place. 
The  water  fell  last  night  a  foot. 

Mar.  13  —  3  leagues.     The  weather  was  gloomy,  but  it 

1  Gras  a  Veau  sans  graisse. 
60 


JOURNAL  OF  DIRON  D'ARTAGUIETTE 

did  not  hinder  us  from  setting  out  about  8  o'clock  in  the 
morning,  against  heavy  currents.  We  put  in  for  the  night 
three  leagues  above.  As  we  were  about  to  camp  we  per 
ceived  on  the  other  side  of  the  river  a  herd  of  buffaloes. 
The  pirogue  of  Dulongpre  crossed  over,  but  they  killed 
nothing.  The  water  fell  last  night  two  feet. 

Mar.  14.  The  Reverend  Jesuit  Father  said  mass  this 
morning.  A  violent  north  by  northwest  wind  with  light 
ning  and  thunder,  accompanied  by  rain,  which  continued 
all  day.  This  forced  us  to  remain  here  in  spite  of  ourselves. 

Mar.  15  —  4  leagues.  We  departed  about  6  o'clock  in 
the  morning.  Gloomy  weather,  which  cleared.  About 
noon  fine  weather  and  good  currents.  About  an  hour  before 
sunset  as  we  were  about  to  camp,  one  of  the  Frenchmen 
went  ashore  and  killed  a  buffalo.  We  camped  for  the  night 
at  the  same  place.  We  estimated  that  we  had  gone  four 
leagues.  The  past  night  the  water  fell  three  feet. 

Mar.  16  —  3  leagues.  Fine  weather  and  a  good  north 
west  wind  brought  us  without  rowing  to  the  Riviere  a 
Margot,  where  we  had  dinner.  In  this  place  we  had  a 
violent  and  contrary  wind,  which  was  the  reason  we  made 
only  one  league.  The  hour  for  camping  having  come,  we 
put  to  shore  and  killed  a  cow,  which  we  were  not  able  to  take, 
the  night  having  overtaken  us.  The  past  night  the  water 
fell  two  feet. 

Mar.  17  —  2  leagues.  Two  of  our  Frenchmen  went 
ashore  (while  we  continued  our  journey)  to  look  for  the 
cow  which  they  had  killed  yesterday,  but  they  found  that 
it  had  been  entirely  devoured  by  the  wolves.  They  killed 
another  and  came  to  join  us  a  league  above  our  last  camp, 
where  they  had  gone  ashore  to  search  for  it  [the  cow].  After 
we  had  divided  it  between  the  two  pirogues  and  ourselves, 
we  continued  our  journey  and  had  not  gone  a  league  when 
a  violent  northwest  wind  forced  us  to  go  ashore  to  take 
shelter  for  the  night. 

Mar.  1 8. — A  violent  north  wind  blew  the  past  night 
which  increased  this  morning,  and  still  continues.  This  has 
decided  us  to  remain  here. 

61 


TRAVELS  IN  THE  AMERICAN  COLONIES 

Mar.  19  —  2  leagues.  Weather  gloomy  and  cold.  We 
departed  about  7  o'clock  in  the  morning,  and  we  proceeded 
until  about  noon  when  it  began  to  snow.  This  obliged  us 
to  go  ashore  to  camp.  The  snow  continued  until  evening. 
About  2  o'clock  that  afternoon  a  hundred  paces  from  us 
three  buffaloes  threw  themselves  into  the  water  and  crossed 
over  to  the  other  side. 

Mar.  20  —  3  leagues.  We  set  out  about  7  o'clock  in 
the  morning.  Gloomy  weather  and  heavy  currents.  We 
journeyed  till  an  hour  before  sunset  when  we  put  to  shore 
to  camp  for  the  night.  One  of  our  men  having  gone  about 
two  arpents  inland,  killed  a  buffalo.  We  estimated  that 
we  had  gone  three  leagues  today. 

Mar.  21  —  5  leagues.  Palm  Sunday.  The  Jesuit  father 
said  mass,  after  which  we  embarked  and  rowed  until  break 
fast,  when  a  southeast  wind  sprung  up.  We  hoisted  our 
sail  and  came  without  the  use  of  oars  to  the  Seconds  Ecores  a 
Prud'homme,  where  the  wind  having  failed  us  we  put  to  shore 
to  camp.  We  estimated  that  we  had  made  five  leagues. 

Mar.  22.  The  thunder,  lightning  and  rain  continued  all 
of  the  past  night.  At  10  o'clock  in  the  morning  the  rain 
ceased.  The  weather  was  still  cloudy  and  cold.  We  were 
obliged  to  remain,  the  winds  having  gone  around  to  the 
north  and  becoming  violent. 

Mar.  23  —  3  leagues.  Weather  cloudy  and  cold.  How 
ever,  we  embarked  and  came  in  spite  of  the  currents  to  eat 
dinner  two  leagues  above,  where  we  killed  a  fat  she  bear  of 
enormous  size.  A  league  above  we  killed  a  buffalo.  We 
camped  there. 

Mar.  24.  All  the  past  night  it  has  not  ceased  to  rain, 
and  this  morning  the  rain  continuing,  we  have  been  obliged 
to  remain. 

Mar.  25.  Fine  weather.  We  departed  about  7  o'clock 
in  the  morning,  after  having  heard  the  mass  of  the  Reverend 
Jesuit  Father.  We  breakfasted  on  top  of  the  Ecores  a 
Prud'homme,  and  passed  the  night  in  spite  of  a  heavy 
current  three  leagues  above  where  we  killed  [incomplete]. 
This  is  the  place  where  Langevin,  father  and  son,  were 

62 


JOURNAL  OF  DIRON  D'ARTAGUIETTE 

captured  by  the  Chicachats.  Some  of  the  other  French 
men  who  were  in  the  same  pirogue  killed  a  buffalo.  The 
past  night  the  water  rose  a  foot. 

Mar.  26  —  4  leagues.  Weather  clear  and  cold.  We  set 
out  about  6  o'clock  in  the  morning  against  a  heavy  cur 
rent,  and  ate  dinner  at  the  beginning  of  the  Isle  au  Cana- 
diens,  where  we  saw  a  pirogue  and  some  broken  chests. 
From  this  place  we  went  to  spend  the  night  a  league  above. 
We  estimated  that  we  had  gone  four  leagues. 

Mar.  27.  About  six  o'clock  in  the  morning,  we  departed, 
the  weather  was  cloudy.  We  had  not  gone  a  league  when 
we  were  forced  to  go  ashore  to  seek  shelter,  the  rain  having 
overtaken  us. 

Our  men  went  hunting  and  killed  two  buffaloes,  about  a 
league  above.  This  induced  us,  the  weather  becoming  fine, 
to  embark  so  as  to  get  the  two  buffaloes,  and  we  deter 
mined  to  spend  the  night  there  in  spite  of  the  fact  that  the 
fine  weather  continued. 

Mar.  28.  We  remained  here  to  celebrate  the  holy  Easter 
festival,  and  to  give  time  to  our  men  to  make  their  devo 
tions.  The  Reverend  Father  said  high  mass  for  us  this 
morning,  and,  after  noon,  vespers.  There  were  only  two 
men  in  our  boat  who  did  not  take  communion. 

Mar.  29.  The  Reverend  Jesuit  Father  said  mass  for  us 
this  morning,  after  which  we  had  hopes  of  continuing  our 
journey  but  there  came  on  a  heavy  rain  which  continued  all 
day  and  which  forced  us  to  remain.  The  past  night  the 
water  rose  4  feet. 

Mar.  30.  The  lightning,  thunder  and  rain  continued 
without  ceasing  all  last  night.  This  morning  the  rain  con 
tinues,  which  has  made  it  impossible  for  us  to  depart.  We 
noticed  that  the  water  had  risen  3  feet  since  yesterday. 

Mar.  31.  Fine  weather.  We  set  out  at  day-break  and 
had  not  gone  a  league  when  we  met  seven  pirogues  full  of 
traders  living  among  the  Ilinnois,  who  had  been  hunting  in 
the  Riviere  de  Ouabache.1  They  are  loaded  with  salt  meat 

1  Ohio  River. 
63 


TRAVELS  IN  THE  AMERICAN   COLONIES 

and  bear  oil,  which  they  are  going  to  sell  at  New  Orleans. 
They  were  not  able  to  tell  us  any  news  from  the  Ilinnois  as 
it  had  been  four  months  since  they  left  there.  We  camped 
in  this  place,  both  to  write  by  this  way  to  the  sea  [i.e.  to 
avail  ourselves  of  this  opportunity  of  sending  letters],  and 
to  dry  our  clothes.  The  past  night  the  water  rose  4  feet. 

April,  1723 

Apr.  I  —  4  leagues.  At  day-break  the  Reverend  Jesuit 
Father  said  mass  for  us,  at  which  the  traders  attended. 
After  this  was  over  we  embarked  and  continued  our  journey. 
Heavy  currents  and  contrary  winds.  However,  we  went 
four  leagues  today.  After  we  had  camped,  one  of  our  men 
went  hunting  and  killed  a  buffalo.  In  this  place  Dulong- 
pre  sent  his  pirogue  back  to  the  seat  and  put  part  of  his 
people  in  our  boat  and  part  ^n  the  pirogue  of  the  father; 
and  the  Reverend  Jesuit  Father  got  into  our  boat.  The 
water  rose  last  night  2  feet. 

Apr.  2  —  4  leagues.  We  departed  about  6  o'clock  in  the 
morning  and  proceeded  until  breakfast  time,  when,  having 
seen  a  herd  of  buffaloes,  our  Frenchmen  went  after  them 
and  killed  one  which  was  found  to  be  very  fat. 

Apr.  3  —  6  leagues.  Fine  weather.  We  set  out  about 
5  o'clock  in  the  morning  and  came  to  breakfast  at  La  Petite 
Prairie,  and  from  this  place,  in  spite  of  heavy  currents,  we 
came  to  camp  five  leagues  above. 

Apr.  4.  The  fine  weather  continues.  The  Jesuit  father 
said  mass,  after  which  our  men  taking  up  their  oars  we  con 
tinued  our  journey  and  came  to  eat  dinner  at  the  place 
where  Chesne,  a  Canadian,  had  been  killed,  together  with 
an  Arkansas.  They  were  going  up  the  Ilinnois  from  this 
place.  We  went  on  and  camped  a  league  above.  The  past 
night  the  water  rose  four  feet. 

Apr.  5  —  4  leagues.  The  Reverend  Father  said  mass  for 
us  this  morning,  after  which  we  embarked  and  continued 
our  journey.  At  noon  two  of  our  men  having  wished  to  go 
hunting,  lost  their  way.  We  waited  for  them,  firing  guns 

64 


JOURNAL  OF  DIRON  D'ARTAGUIETTE 

at  intervals,  which  they  heard.  They  joined  us  after  having 
kept  us  waiting  two  hours  and  a  half.  We  then  continued 
our  journey  and  camped  at  the  usual  hour,  having  made 
four  leagues  today.  With  much  difficulty  we  found  a  place 
to  camp. 

Apr.  6  —  5  leagues.  The  water  rose  last  night  four  feet. 
Fine  weather  and  very  warm.  We  departed  at  day-break 
and  proceeded  all  day  against  heavy  currents.  We  were 
until  night  before  we  could  find  any  land  to  camp  on,  the 
two  banks  of  the  river  being  inundated.  At  length  we 
found  a  little  place  about  two  arpents  in  size  where  we  spent 
the  night. 

Apr.  7  —  3  leagues.  We  departed  at  day-break,  the 
weather  being  fine,  and  journeyed  until  about  n  o'clock  in 
the  morning,  when  a  south  by  southeast  wind  began  to 
blow  with  violence,  and  we  went  a  good  league  without 
rowing  when,  the  wind  changing  suddenly  to  the  south 
west,  we  undertook  to  cross,  and  when  we  were  half  way 
over  we  had  a  gust  of  wind  west  by  southwest,  which  made 
us  take  water  over  the  side.  We  were  obliged  to  take  down 
our  sail  and  to  finish  the  crossing  with  the  oar.  On  the 
other  side  we  found  very  fortunately  a  little  bayou  which 
we  entered  for  shelter.  The  pirogue  of  the  Reverend  Jesuit 
Father  was  in  very  great  peril  and  had  much  difficulty  in 
joining  us  in  the  place  in  which  we  were.  At  length  [the 
squall]  having  ceased  we  resolved  to  continue  our  journey 
so  as  to  find  a  place  to  camp. 

Apr.  8.  All  last  night  there  was  lightning  in  the  west 
and  this  morning  rain,  which  did  not  hinder  us  from  setting 
out,  and  from  going  to  the  iron  mine  to  hunt,  as  our  men 
had  no  meat.  We  arrived  there  about  10  o'clock  in  the 
morning,  and  there  we  camped.  As  soon  as  we  were  on 
land  our  Frenchmen  went  hunting  and  killed  two  buffalo, 
two  deer  and  a  wild  turkey. 

Apr.  9.  Weather  clear  and  cold.  We  have  been  obliged 
to  remain  here  so  as  to  make  oars  and  to  give  our  men  some 
rest. 

Apr.  10  —  i  league.  Gloomy  weather.  However  we 

65 


TRAVELS  IN  THE  AMERICAN  COLONIES 

departed  about  7  o'clock  in  the  morning,  and,  the  rain 
having  overtaken  us,  we  were  obliged  to  put  ashore  a  league 
above.  Our  men  went  hunting  and  killed  a  buffalo,  three 
wild  turkeys  and  a  young  deer. 

Apr.  n  —  4  leagues.  All  last  night  there  was  thunder 
and  rain,  which  continued  until  about  n  o'clock  in  the 
morning,  which  having  ceased,  we  embarked,  after  having 
heard  the  mass  of  the  Reverend  Jesuit  Father,  and  put  in  for 
the  night  at  the  usual  hour  four  leagues  above  our  last  camp. 

Apr.  12  —  2  leagues.  It  rained  all  last  night  and  con 
tinued  this  morning  until  noon,  when  we  embarked  to  con 
tinue  our  journey.  High  winds  and  strong  currents,  in 
spite  of  which  we  reached  the  Riviere  de  Ouabache,1  which 
is  on  the  right  as  you  ascend,  where  we  camped.  We 
noticed  that  this  river  had  all  overflowed,  and  that  it  pushes 
back  the  Mississipy,  which  is  very  low. 

Apr.  13  —  8  leagues.  Fine  weather.  We  departed  about 
5  o'clock  in  the  morning  and  came  to  eat  dinner  4  leagues 
above  the  Ouabache  at  the  place  where  the  Sioux,  an  Indian 
Nation  (who  live  towards  the  head  of  the  Mississipy,  a 
hundred  leagues  above  the  Ilinnois),  had  killed  a  man  called 
Desnepveus,  his  wife,  and  two  of  his  children.  They  were 
coming  from  Canada  to  establish  themselves  at  the  Ilinnois. 
From  here  we  came  to  pass  the  night  at  the  place  where 
M.  de  Longuiel  had  been  killed,  [and]  where  we  have  been 
confirmed  (in  our  opinion)  that  the  Mississipy  was  very 
low.  In  this  place  we  killed  three  bears.  We  estimated 
that  we  had  gone  eight  leagues. 

Apr.  14  —  6  leagues.  Weather  fine  and  cold.  At  day 
break  we  embarked  and  came  in  time  for  dinner  to  Cap  a 
la  Cruche,  so  called  because  a  Canadian,  in  ascending  to  the 
Ilinnois  from  Isle  D'Auphine  had  broken  there  a  jug  or  an 
earthen  pot.  Here  the  north  winds  began  to  blow,  which 
is  the  reason  we  made  only  two  leagues,  and  camped.  It 
is  to  be  noted  that  from  the  Ouabache  up  to  this  point  we 

1  Ohio  River,  to  the  lower  part  of  which  the  name  Wabash  was 
then  often  given. 

66 


JOURNAL  OF  DIRON  D'ARTAGUIETTE 

found  no  currents.  The  reason  is,  as  I  have  said,  that  the 
Ouabache  is  high,  the  Mississipy  very  low,  the  former 
pushing  back  the  latter. 

Apr.  15  —  8  leagues.  Fine  weather.  We  set  out  at 
day-break,  no  current,  the  wind  from  the  southeast.  We 
went  two  leagues  of  the  way  without  rowing,  and  came  to 
pass  the  night  a  league  below  Cap  St.  Anthoine. 

Apr.  16  —  8  leagues.  Fine  weather  and  a  good  south 
wind,  which  enabled  us  to  round  with  shipped  oars  Cap. 
St.  Anthoine  where  we  had  breakfast.  This  is  a  rock, 
round  in  shape,  high  and  steep,  so  called  because  a  com 
pany  of  traders  have  sojourned  there  during  the  feast  of 
St.  Anthony.  The  wind  continuing  we  came  without  the 
use  of  oars  to  eat  dinner  at  the  Cap  a  1'Ail,  so  called  because 
there  grows  there  a  great  deal  of  garlic  which  is  very  good 
and  which  does  not  differ  in  any  way  from  that  of  France. 
Here  the  wind  left  us.  Our  men  took  up  the  oars  and  we 
continued  our  journey  to  above  Cap  St.  Cosme,  where  we 
spent  the  night.  This  is  a  high  and  steep  rock,  forming  a 
point  which  juts  out  into  the  Mississipy,  so  named  by  M. 
de  St.  Cosme,1  priest  of  the  seminary  of  Canada,  when  he 
was  descending  from  the  Ilinnois  to  Mobile. 

Apr.  17.  At  midday  we  arrived  at  the  entrance  of  the 
Petite  Riviere  des  Cascakias,2  which  is  on  the  right  as  you 
ascend.  It  is  two  leagues  up  this  river  on  the  left  (on  the 
right  is  a  border  of  high  mountains)  in  a  vast  prairie  that 
is  situated  the  French  village  called  the  Cascakias,  which 
is  composed  entirely  of  farmers  who  live  there  very  com 
fortably.  French  wheat  grows  very  well  there  and  of  a 
fine  quality,  of  which  they  gather  a  fairly  large  quantity, 
which  they  sell  for  the  subsistence  of  the  troops.  All  the 
other  vegetables  necessary  to  life  grow  very  well  there. 
Their  houses  are  all  built  of  frame  timbers  on  the  ground. 
The  chimneys  are  of  stone,  of  which  they  could  very  easily 
build  their  entire  houses,  as  the  stone  there  is  of  very 

1  Jean  Francois  de  St.  Cosme,  an  early  missionary  to  the  Indians 
at  Cahokia  and  Natchez. 

2  Kaskaskia  River. 

67 


TRAVELS  IN  THE  AMERICAN  COLONIES 

good  quality  and  ready  at  hand,  but  the  scarcity  of  men  has 
prevented  them  from  undertaking  this  work.  Several  inhab 
itants  also  have  horse  tread  mills  of  their  own  with  which 
they  grind  their  French  wheat.  There  is  also  a  church  there, 
which  is  certainly  the  finest  in  the  colony.  This  church  is 
ministered  to  by  a  Jesuit  who  performs  the  functions  of 
curate  and  takes  the  tithes  which  are  fairly  large. 

There  is  in  this  village  a  windmill  made  of  wood,  belong 
ing  to  the  Reverend  Jesuit  Fathers.  It  was  formerly 
placed  on  the  bank  of  the  Petite  Riviere,  but  as  it  got  little 
wind  in  this  place,  they  considered  it  wise  to  place  it  in  the 
middle  of  the  prairie,  upon  their  own  land,  where  it  is  cer 
tainly  better  off.  The  Jesuit  priests  have  a  little  farm  in 
this  place,  which  they  manage  themselves.  I  do  not  give 
here  the  number  of  their  cattle  nor  their  other  property, 
because  I  have  put  it  in  a  general  enumeration  which  will 
be  found  affixed  hereto.  It  is  six  leagues  by  land  and 
twelve  by  water  from  this  village  to  Fort  de  Chartres.  A 
league  higher  up  on  the  same  side  on  the  road  which  leads 
to  Fort  de  Chartres  and  upon  the  same  river  is  found  the 
settlement  of  Sr.  Melicq,  lieutenant  of  the  company  of 
Artaguiette,  which  he  manages  himself.  They  gather  here 
French  wheat,  maize,  beans,  peas,  pumpkins  and  other 
vegetables.  From  this  place,  continuing  along  the  road  to 
Fort  de  Chartres,  at  the  upper  end  of  the  same  prairie  as 
that  upon  which  Sr.  Melicq  is,  a  half  league  higher  up  on 
the  bank  of  the  same  river,  is  the  Indian  village  of  the 
Ilinnois,  who  number  about  200  warriors.  From  this  village 
one  goes  on  through  beautiful  wide  prairies  which  are  cut 
only  by  a  few  fringes  of  timber,  to  the  above-mentioned 
Fort  de  Chartres. 

Apr.  1 8  —  5  leagues.  We  set  out  from  the  mouth  of  the 
Petite  Riviere  and  came  to  pass  the  night  at  the  salt  spring, 
which  is  on  the  left  side  of  the  Mississipy.  (This  is  a  foun 
tain  of  salt  water  which  has  its  ebb  and  flow  like  the  ocean.) 
The  habitants  use  it  to  make  salt,  which  they  make  by 
boiling  the  water  in  caldrons  till  a  certain  amount  has  been 
boiled  away,  and  when  this  is  done,  the  water  crystallizes 

68 


JOURNAL  OF  DIRON  D'ARTAGUIETTE 

of  itself  and  forms  a  fairly  good  salt.  They  go  there  every 
year  to  get  a  supply  of  it. 

It  is  only  two  leagues  from  here  to  the  village  of  the 
Cascakias,  although  it  is  seven  leagues  in  making  the  detour 
by  the  Petite  Riviere.  Upon  leaving  the  Cascakias  they 
make  the  west 1  and  come  upon  the  Mississipy,  which 
they  cross  by  means  of  pirogues,  which  they  take  care  to 
have  in  readiness  here. 

From  this  salt  spring  going  west  fourteen  leagues  back  is 
the  region  of  the  mines  which  M.  de  la  Motte  Cadillac,2 
formerly  commandant  of  the  country,  had  opened  up  about 
the  year  1715.  Before  arriving  at  these  mines,  which  are 
a  chain  of  mountains  in  the  middle  of  which  flows  a  brook, 
one  crosses  over  for  about  a  half  league  a  mountain  which 
is  all  stone,  as  clear  as  crystal  and  very  sharp. 

Two  leagues  to  the  west  of  this  mine  is  a  river,  called  the 
St.  Francois  River.  It  is  very  beautiful.  They  claim  that 
is  the  same  St.  Francois  River  which  has  its  mouth  twenty 
leagues  above  the  Arkansas.  This  was  a  discovery  which 
we  had  intended  to  make,  but  did  not. 

Apr.  19  —  5  leagues.  We  departed  from  this  place  and 
arrived  at  5  o'clock  in  the  afternoon  at  Fort  de  Chartres, 
which  is  on  the  bank  of  the  Mississipy,  on  the  right  as  you 
ascend.  From  the  salt  spring  to  Fort  de  Chartres  is  five 
leagues.  Fort  de  Chartres  is  a  fort  of  piles  the  size  of  one's 
leg,  square  in  shape,  having  two  bastions,  which  command 
all  of  the  curtains.  There  are  two  companies  of  infantry 
in  garrison  commanded  by  M.  de  Boisbriant,  Knight  of  the 
military  order  of  St.  Louis,  first  royal  lieutenant  of  the 
province.  There  is  a  church  outside  of  the  fort  and  some 
dwellings  a  half  league  lower  down  on  the  same  side  as  well 
as  half  a  league  above  as  far  as  little  village  of  the  Ilinnois 
where  there  are  two  Jesuit  fathers,  missionaries,  who  have 
a  dwelling  and  a  church.  This  little  village  which  is  called 

1 1  mean  to  say  they  go  to  the  west.  (This  note  is  in  the  margin 
of  the  manuscript.) 

2  Cadillac  was  governor  of  Louisiana  in  1712-1716,  while  Antoine 
Crozat,  the  predecessor  of  the  Western  Company,  was  proprietor. 

69 


TRAVELS  IN  THE  AMERICAN  COLONIES 

Mechiquamias l  numbers  perhaps  about  200  warriors.  From 
there  one  goes  through  a  large  and  vast  prairie  a  league  and 
a  half  to  the  northwest  where  M.  Renaut,2  director  of  the 
mines,  is  established  with  two  score  Frenchmen,  all  laborers. 
This  place  is  a  quarter  of  a  league  distant  from  the  Missis- 
sipy.  There  is  a  fort,  with  stakes  the  size  of  a  leg.  The 
shape  is  that  of  two  horse  shoes,  one  turning  in  and  the  other 
turning  out,  with  two  square  bastions.  There  are  in  this 
fort  a  church,  four  houses,  frame,  and  one  of  stone,  which 
was  begun  last  year  but  which  the  work  of  the  mines  pre 
vented  from  being  finished.  About  a  half  league  to  the 
east  of  this  fort  are  two  large  marshes  which  in  the  winter 
time  are  covered  with  wild  geese,  bustards,  ducks,  teal,  and 
other  game.  When  we  arrived  Sr.  Renaut  had  left,  about 
the  month  of  March  of  the  present  year,  to  go  to  a  mine 
in  the  Riviere  Maramecq,3  with  a  detachment  of  ten  men, 
commanded  by  a  sergeant.  He  is  still  there  and  is  working 
hard.  We  hope  upon  his  return,  which  cannot  long  be 
delayed,  that  we  shall  learn  the  truth  as  to  whether  these 
mines  are  valuable.  The  trade  of  the  inhabitants  of  the 
Ilinnois,  who  are  Canadians,  French  or  discharged  sol 
diers,  consists  in  selling  their  wheat  and  other  products  to 
the  company  for  the  subsistence  of  the  troops,  in  exchange 
for  merchandize  (which  they  are  obliged  to  fetch  from  New 
Orleans)  which  they  trade  to  the  Indians  for  quarters  of 
buffalo,  bear  oil  and  other  meats,  which  serve  them  for  food 
or  which  they  sell  in  exchange  for  merchandize.  They  also 
trade  in  skins,  such  as  beaver,  buck  and  deer,  buffalo  and 
bear  skins,  and  other  peltries,  which  they  get  very  cheap 
from  the  Indians,  and  which  they  sell  at  a  very  high  price 
to  the  traders  who  come  down  from  Canada  every  spring 
and  autumn,  and  who  give  them  merchandize  in  exchange. 
For  it  is  not  necessary  for  them  to  rely  upon  having  their 
needs  supplied  from  New  Orleans,  whence  very  few  convoys 

1  Michigamea. 

2  Philippe  Francois  Renault  arrived  at  Fort  Chartres  in  1720 
with  200  miners  and  artisans,  and  500  negro  slaves. 

3  Meramec  River,  which  joins  the  Mississippi  at  Saint  Louis. 

70 


JOURNAL  OF  DIRON  D'ARTAGUIETTE 

come,  and  even  when  they  do  come  they  bring  so  few  mer 
chandizes  that  they  are  not  nearly  sufficient  to  pay  a  part 
of  the  debts  which  the  company  is  obliged  to  incur  every 
year.  The  Ilinnoise  Nation  was  formerly  numerous,  but  the 
continual  wars,  and  principally  the  one  against  the  Iroquois, 
a  well-known  and  war-like  nation,  have  so  enfeebled  them 
that  they  number  at  present  not  more  than  700  warriors. 
They  are  scattered  about  in  three  villages  —  the  Cascakias, 
the  Mekchiquamias  and  the  Cahokias.  The  last  village  is 
1 8  leagues  by  land  and  15  by  water  from  Fort  de  Chartres. 
Here  are  four  soldiers  in  garrison,  commanded  by  Sr.  de  St. 
Anges.1  One  hundred  and  ten  leagues  from  Fort  de  Char 
tres,  up  the  Riviere  des  Ilinnois,  there  used  to  be  two 
villages  of  the  same  nation,  the  Peorias  and  the  Roches, 
but  they  were  forced  to  abandon  these  villages  and  to  with 
draw  to  the  above-mentioned  villages,  because  of  the 
Outagamis  2  nation  or  the  Renards,  who  last  year  came 
clear  to  their  villages  to  attack  them.  The  Ilinnois  are  in 
general  the  handsomest  and  the  best  built  savages  that  I 
have  seen.  Proud  and  arrogant  at  home,  they  are  the  most 
cowardly  of  men  when  they  are  out  of  sight  of  their  own 
village.  They  live  on  maize  and  their  hunt,  which  con 
sists  of  buffalo,  deer,  roe,  wild  turkeys  and  other  game, 
which  is  in  abundance.  They  clothe  themselves  and  also 
their  women  with  buffalo  skins,  which  they  dress  on  the 
flesh  side  and  leave  the  hair  which  is  long  and  fine,  but  after 
a  while  when  the  French  came  among  them,  they  began  to 
learn  the  French  way  of  dressing.  They  recognize  a  good 
and  an  evil  spirit,  to  whom  they  give  a  few  attributes. 
They  believe  also  in  metemsychosis.  The  Jesuit  fathers 
who  have  for  more  than  thirty  years  been  among  them, 
have  up  to  the  present  failed  in  their  attempts  to  make 
them  understand  that  God  made  himself  man  and  died  for 
us.  Their  huts  are  oval  in  shape,  surrounded  and  covered 
with  mats  which  they  make  out  of  rushes  which  they  get 
from  the  marshes.  These  huts  have  only  one  opening 

1  St.  Ange,  the  father  of  Louis  St.  Ange  de  Bellerive. 

2  Fox. 

71 


TRAVELS  IN  THE  AMERICAN  COLONIES 

through  which  they  come  in  and  go  out  and  get  the  light. 
They  carry  them  with  them  when  they  go  to  hunt,  at  which 
they  are  engaged  for  at  least  seven  months  of  the  year. 
They  prepare  their  food  in  the  filthiest  manner  and  make  no 
objections  to  eating  after  their  dogs,  which  they  have  in  great 
number,  and  which  they  eat  when  they  have  their  war  feasts. 

The  men  concern  themselves  only  with  hunting  and  with 
making  war,  employing  the  remainder  of  the  time  in  eat 
ing  and  in  staining  themselves  (or  in  painting  their  faces) 
which  they  do  with  red,  yellow,  black,  blue  or  other  colors. 
Among  them  the  most  bizarre  are  considered  the  best 
painted.  Their  manner  of  making  war  is  as  barbarous 
as  their  persons.  If  they  go  to  war  and  have  the  good 
fortune  to  capture  any  children,  women  or  men,  they  kill 
them  and  remove  their  scalps,  which  they  carry  home  in 
triumph.  If  they  bring  back  any  slaves,  upon  their  arrival 
they  are  given  over  to  the  old  men,  who  have  the  power  to 
give  them  life  or  death.  When  they  have  condemned  their 
prisoner  to  be  burned  they  tie  him  to  a  boat  and  burn  him 
—  today  one  part  of  the  body  and  tomorrow  another,  and 
sometimes  for  three  days  and  three  nights.  I  have  seen 
some  of  these  unfortunates,  who  kept  singing  up  to  their 
last  breath. 

It  is  to  be  remarked  that  if  the  chief  of  the  party  loses 
one  of  his  warriors,  be  it  by  voluntary  death  or  otherwise, 
or  when  they  win  the  battle  without  losing  a  man,  he  must 
recompense  the  relatives  of  the  dead  warrior,  and  the  rela 
tives  of  the  warriors  who  were  in  the  war  with  this  chief 
enter  his  hut  and  take  whatever  they  find.  They  are  at 
quits  with  him  when  they  say,  "My  relative  has  aided  thee 
to  make  a  prisoner."  This  is  why  they  are  very  often 
constrained  to  flee  in  order  to  avoid  these  persecutions. 
This  is  also  why  all  of  these  people  go  to  war  and  return 
without  striking  a  blow.  They  recognize  no  chief.  There 
are  chiefs,  however,  but  they  have  so  little  authority  that 
they  do  not  deserve  to  bear  this  title,  for  the  last  in  the 
tribe  considers  himself  as  great  a  master  as  the  first. 

They  marry  very  young.  Here  are  all  the  ceremonies 

72 


JOURNAL  OF  DIRON  D'ARTAGUIETTE 

which  I  have  seen  observed  in  their  marriages.  A  good 
hunter  (to  be  a  good  hunter  is  esteemed  the  greatest  merit 
among  them)  who  wishes  to  marry  a  girl  to  whom  he  per 
haps  has  never  spoken  (the  boys  conversing  very  little  with 
the  girls)  sends  by  his  parents  to  the  father  of  the  girl 
a  present  of  skins  and  other  merchandize.  If  the  present 
is  accepted  the  parents  of  the  girl  take  her  in  the  evening 
to  the  hut  of  the  groom.  They  can  have  several  wives,  ex 
cept  the  converts  who  are  not  numerous,  and  even  they 
prefer  (so  they  say)  to  refrain  from  going  to  the  good  fathers 
rather  than  deprive  themselves  of  the  pleasure  of  having 
two  or  three  wives. 

The  women  occupy  themselves  with  housework,  in  sew 
ing  and  gathering  the  Indian  corn,  in  dressing  deer  and 
buffalo  skins  and  the  rest  of  the  time  they  do  porcupine 
work,  which  is  very  well  known  in  France  (where  a  good 
deal  of  it  has  been  sent).  In  return  their  husbands  leave 
to  them  the  say  as  to  the  buying  and  selling.  The  husband 
has  full  power  and  authority  over  his  wives,  whom  he  looks 
upon  as  his  slaves,  and  with  whom  he  does  not  eat.  How 
ever,  they  separate  one  from  the  other,  upon  the  consent  of 
both  parties.  The  married  women  indulge  very  little  in 
gallantry  (although  they  are  all  naturally  inclined  towards 
love)  because  of  their  fear  of  punishment,  for  their  husbands, 
who  are  more  jealous  than  the  Spaniards,  scalp  them  upon 
the  least  proof  of  their  infidelity.  As  for  the  young  girls, 
they  are  the  mistresses  of  their  own  bodies  (to  use  their 
own  expression).  The  good  Jesuit  fathers  are  endeavoring 
as  much  as  possible  to  instil  virtue  in  them,  but  they  have 
not  as  yet  succeeded.  I  forgot  to  say  that  I  have  not  seen 
any  Indians  who  are  more  agile  or  who  run  more  swiftly 
than  the  Ilinnois.  They  begin  to  exercise  themselves  from 
their  earliest  youth,  which  is  of  great  advantage  to  them, 
escaping  when  they  are  hard  pressed  by  the  enemy.  There 
are  some  (if  one  is  to  believe  the  Canadians)  who  have  made 
forty  leagues  in  a  day.  I  have  seen  them  go  and  return 
from  the  Cascakias  to  Fort  de  Chartres,  which  is  ten  full 
leagues,  in  four  hours.  This  is  an  absolute  fact. 

73 


TRAVELS  IN  THE  AMERICAN   COLONIES 

I  do  not  speak  here  of  their  dances.  They  are  as  bar 
barous  as  their  manner  of  living  is  unrefined.  Necessity 
has  forced  these  Indians  to  find  many  good  simples  for 
healing  their  wounds  or  other  accidents.  As  for  the  other 
diseases  which  come  from  the  corruption  of  the  blood,  they 
did  not  have  them  at  all  before  seeing  the  French. 

They  know  also  many  roots  from  which  they  make  very 
good  dyes,  red,  black  and  yellow.  The  climate  of  the 
Illinois  is  very  temperate  and  healthy,  being  38°  in  lati 
tude.  The  soil  is  very  rich  and  fertile.  It  has  never  yet 
failed  to  produce  anything  which  has  been  planted  in  it. 
It  is  to  be  remarked  that  the  winter  is  very  severe,  since 
the  Mississipy  freezes  over  and  one  has  to  cross  it  on  the 
ice  to  go  to  hunt  on  the  other  side.  The  stone  there  is 
very  good  for  building,  and  very  common.  It  only  needs 
some  men  to  work  it.  The  fruits  which  I  have  seen  are 
some  red  plums  which  are  very  good.  There  are  also  some 
apples  the  size  of  an  egg,  but  very  acid  to  the  taste,  and 
some  currants,  which  do  not  differ  in  the  least  from  those 
of  France.  There  are  some  walnut  trees  which  bear  nuts, 
but  of  a  very  bad  taste.  There  is  another  kind  of  nut  tree 
which  bears  fruit  just  like  a  walnut  but  much  smaller. 
The  shell  is  very  thin  and  the  inside  is  exactly  like  our 
French  walnut.  They  call  this  fruit  the  paquannes.1  There 
is  another  tree  which  does  not  grow  any  larger  than  a  leg, 
which  bears  a  fruit  called  the  asmine,  which  is  almost  like 
the  banana.  The  inside  is  entirely  filled  with  little  seeds 
or  nuts,  which  are  the  shape  of  a  marsh  bean,  and  very  hard. 
They  taste  very  good. 

The  wood  which  I  have  seen  is  very  fine,  and  suitable 
for  building,  especially  the  walnut  and  the  paquanier.  The 
mulberry  trees  here  bear  fruit  similar  to  those  of  Europe. 
The  wood  of  the  mulberry  tree  lasts  for  thirty  years  in  the 
ground,  without  rotting.  There  are  two  kinds  of  elms, 
which  are  very  beautiful,  and  two  kinds  of  oak.  The  white 
oak  can  be  worked  up  very  easily,  but  the  other,  which  is 

1  This  is  the  pecan. 

74 


JOURNAL  OF  DIRON  D'ARTAGUIETTE 

red,  is  as  hard  as  iron.  There  are  also  some  grapes,  which 
are  very  good  and  plentiful.  Their  vines  climb  to  the  top 
of  the  highest  trees,  and  when  one  wishes  to  get  the  grapes 
it  is  necessary  to  cut  down  the  tree,  which  is  why  one  says 
commonly  that  they  make  the  vintage  with  a  hatchet. 

Apr.  25.  About  2  o'clock  in  the  afternoon  a  man  called 
Perilaud,  clerk  of  the  Ilinnois  stores,  ran  a  man  named 
Morin,  drummer  for  the  company  of  Artaguiette,  through 
the  body  with  his  sword,  for  having  spoken  impertinently  to 
him.  This  Morin  died  a  quarter  of  an  hour  after  he  received 
the  blow,  and  Perilaud  has  been  arrested. 

Apr.  26.  M.  d'Artaguiette  presented  a  request  to  M. 
Boisbriant  in  which  he  asked  that  he  be  permitted  to  testify 
against  the  said  Perilaud.  This  request  was  responded  to 
the  same  day  with  permission  to  testify. 

Apr.  27  and  28.  They  have  been  occupied  with  the  ex 
amination  of  several  witnesses. 

Apr.  29.  In  the  morning,  M.  De  Lisle,  performing  the 
functions  of  major  of  the  above-mentioned  post,  in  the 
capacity  of  King's  procureur,  conducted  the  examination 
of  the  accused. 

Apr.  30.  Three  Miami  Indians  arrived  here  yesterday 
evening.  We  learned  that  the  Wiatanons  l  Indians,  living 
up  toward  the  head  of  the  Riviere  de  Wabache,  were  leaving 
that  place  to  go  to  establish  themselves  at  their  old  village  of 
La  Babiche,  which  is  on  a  little  river  which  empties  into  Lake 
Erie.  The  same  day  there  arrived  a  party  of  200  Illinois 
warriors,  who  were  on  their  way  to  make  war  upon  the 
Renards. 

May,  7725 

May  i .  Two  boats  of  the  convoy  of  M.  De  Tonty,  which 
they  had  detained  here,  set  out  last  night,  without  orders, 
to  return  to  New  Orleans. 

May  2.  An  Indian  from  the  Cahoskias  2  arrived  here, 
who  told  us  that  four  Mysouri  Indians  had  come  to  them 

1  Wea.  2  Cahokias. 

*  75 


TRAVELS  IN  THE  AMERICAN  COLONIES 

and  had  said  that  as  soon  as  their  planting  was  finished  they 
were  going  to  come  to  pay  their  respects  to  M.  Boisbriant. 

May  3.  The  chiefs  of  the  villages  of  the  Cascakias,  namely 
Kiraoueria,  Michel  and  Mamentouensa,  having  heard  the 
report  that  they  were  going  to  put  to  death  the  man  called 
Perilaud,  held  in  chains  for  having  killed  the  man  called 
Morin,  came  today  to  Fort  de  Chartres  with  a  band  of 
thirty  men  from  their  nation  to  ask  for  his  pardon.  We  beg 
the  Commissioners  to  refer  to  two  sheets  of  paper  joined 
hereto,  where  the  harangues  of  these  Indians  and  the  re 
sponses  are  given  at  length. 

May  5.  We  departed  from  Fort  de  Chartres  for  the 
Cascakias,  where  we  arrived  about  2  o'clock  in  the  afternoon. 

May  6,  7  and  8.  I  received  visits  from  the  reverend 
Jesuit  fathers,  and  from  all  of  the  inhabitants. 

May  9.  I  called  together  all  the  inhabitants  of  this  village 
to  whom  I  said  that  I  had  an  order  from  the  King  to  form  a 
company  of  militia  for  the  purpose  of  putting  them  in  a 
position  to  defend  themselves  with  greater  facility  against 
the  incursions  which  the  Indians, our  enemies,  might  attempt, 
so  I  formed  a  company,  after  having  selected  four  of  the 
most  worthy  among  them  to  put  at  the  head.  This  com 
pany  being  under  arms,  I  passed  it  in  review  the  same  day. 

May  10.  An  Ilinnois  Indian  has  informed  us  that  the 
Renards  were  going  toward  the  Rocher  with  the  purpose 
of  establishing  themselves  there. 

May  ii.  We  left  the  Cascakias  about  noon  and  arrived 
about  5  o'clock  in  the  afternoon  at  Fort  de  Chartres,  where 
we  found  a  band  of  Indians  from  the  village  of  the  Choaskias,1 
who  had  come  to  ask  for  the  pardon  of  Sr.  Perilaud.  There 
will  be  found  on  a  sheet  of  paper  affixed  hereto  their  har 
angues  and  the  replies  which  M.  Boisbriant  made  to  them. 

May  12.  The  chief  of  the  Indians  from  the  Cahoskias 
presented  me  with  a  porcelain  necklace,  at  the  same  time 
wishing  me  all  sorts  of  happiness,  and  a  fine  journey  and 
one  free  from  enemies. 

1  Cahokias,  near  the  site  of  the  present  city  of  Saint  Louis. 

76 


JOURNAL  OF  DIRON  D'ARTAGUIETTE 

May  13  and  14.  The  confrontation  of  the  witnesses  in  th< 
affair  of  Perilaud  was  continued.  From  this  day  until  the  1 9th 
of  the  present  month  nothing  of  importance  has  taken  place. 

May  19.  About  midnight  there  arrived  a  party  of 
Ilinnois  Indians,  who  are  carrying  back  with  them  the  head 
and  the  scalp  of  a  Chicachat. 

May  24.  The  Mysouri  Indians,  a  nation  situated  100 
leagues  up  this  river,  on  the  left  as  you  ascend,  have  arrived 
here  to  see  M.  Boisbriant. 

May  27.  Day  of  the  Feast  of  Our  Lord.1  The  procession 
of  the  Blessed  Sacrament  was  made,  the  troops  under  arms 
lining  the  streets.  The  same  day  about  one  o'clock  in  the 
afternoon  M.  Renaut,  director  of  mines,  arrived  here  from 
the  Maramek  mines  where  he  went  a  month  and  a  half  ago 
to  join  the  thirty  or  so  Frenchmen  who  were  working  at 
getting  out  the  ore.  Sr.  Renaut  keeps  at  these  mines,  not 
without  great  expense,  all  Frenchmen,  who  have  been  there 
for  more  than  six  months.  There  is  perhaps  about  six 
thousand  pounds  weight  of  lead  melted  down.  These  mines 
are  situated  to  the  northwest  from  Fort  de  Chartres,  or  ten 
leagues  above.  One  enters  the  Petite  Riviere  de  Maramek, 
which  is  dry  for  three  fourths  of  the  year.  After  having 
navigated  for  about  sixty  leagues  through  very  strong  rapids, 
one  lands  and  goes  five  leagues  inland.  At  this  place  is  the 
mine  where  Sr.  Renaut  works.  He  has  brought  along  some  of 
this  ore  for  the  purpose  of  making  some  assays  of  it  in  our 
presence  to  send  by  us  to  his  Royal  Highness,  my  lord  the 
Duke  of  Orleans. 

May  28.  Two  Ilinnois  Indians  arrived  here  very  late 
yesterday  evening.  They  had  set  out  about  fifteen  days  ago 
to  the  number  of  thirty  men  to  go  to  war  against  the  Renards. 
They  had  not  gone  forty  leagues  from  here  when  they  were 
attacked  by  a  part  of  the  latter,  who  killed  eleven  of  their 
men.  The  rest  escaped. 

May  31.  The  man  called  Perilaud,  who  killed  the  drum 
mer,  has  been  set  at  liberty. 

1  Corpus  Christi. 
77 


TRAVELS  IN  THE  AMERICAN   COLONIES 

June,  1723 

June  i.  At  noon  we  perceived  in  the  middle  of  the  river 
a  French  canoe,  with  a  man  in  it  who  seemed  to  us  not  to  be 
rowing.  We  sent  out  a  pirogue  which  brought  back  this 
canoe  in  which  was  a  man  called  Ponpon,  a  soldier  detailed 
to  the  Cahoskias.  He  had  received  two  gun  shots,  one  in 
the  head  and  the  other  in  the  arm,  and  several  other  arrow 
shots  and  had  his  scalp  torn  off  to  the  skull.  In  the  stern  of 
the  canoe  there  was  a  bundle  of  skins,  upon  which  there 
were  two  pairs  of  Indian  mittens,  and  the  vest  of  M.  St. 
Ange,  the  son,  in  the  pocket  of  which  we  found  some  letters 
from  MM.  St.  Ange,  father,  and  Mercier,1  the  priest,  which 
informed  us  that  the  Renard  Indians  were  coming  with  300 
men  by  land  and  as  many  by  water  to  attack  the  village  of  the 
Cahoskias.  They  besought  M.  Boisbriant  to  send  to  their 
aid  both  men  and  provisions.  At  four  o'clock  in  the  after 
noon  the  troops  were  put  under  arms  for  the  distribution  of 
powder  and  balls,  and  to  see  if  the  guns  were  in  good  condi 
tion.  They  began  to  cut  down  the  large  bushes  and  other 
things  which  would  favor  an  approach  to  Fort  de  Chartres. 
About  ii  o'clock  at  night  there  arrived  from  the  Cahoskias 
two  Indians  and  a  Frenchman,  who  came  by  land.  They 
told  us  that  two  Indians  from  their  village,  who  were  descend 
ing  with  M.  St.  Ange,  the  younger,2  in  the  canoe  which  had 
been  attacked,  had  returned  to  their  village  about  an  hour 
before  sunset  the  day  of  the  fight,  one  of  them  wounded  in 
the  calf  of  the  leg  by  a  gun  shot  and  that  these  men  had  said 
that  M.  St.  Ange  and  Ponpon  were  dead. 

June  2.  About  9  o'clock  in  the  morning  Sr.  de  St.  Ange, 
the  younger,  whom  the  Indians  believed  to  be  dead,  along 
with  Ponpon,  arrived  here.  He  had  two  slight  wounds. 
This  is  the  account  of  the  affair  as  he  gave  it  to  us  :  The  last 
of  May  he  had  set  out  from  the  Cahoskias  accompanied  by 
the  soldier,  Ponpon  and  two  Indians  from  this  village. 
After  he  had  drifted  about  a  league  above  the  Petite  Riviere 
de  Miaramek,  they  had  found  themselves  attacked  by  two 

1  Francois  le  Mercier.  2  Louis  St.  Ange  de  Bellerive. 

78 


JOURNAL  OF  DIRON  D'ARTAGUIETTE 

canoes,  one  manned  with  twelve  men  and  the  other  with 
three,  whom  they  recognized  as  Renards.  These  two  canoes, 
giving  them  the  chase  and  firing  all  the  time,  had  forced 
them  to  attempt  the  crossing.  The  man  Ponpon  had  been 
killed  as  soon  as  he  had  fired  his  first  shot.  Fortunately 
for  them  they  noticed  that  the  large  canoe  was  completely 
disabled,  there  appearing  in  it  no  more  than  five  men.  Hav 
ing  crossed  back  to  the  other  side  of  the  Riviere  de  Maramek, 
a  little  above,  the  two  Ilinnois  Indians  becoming  angry,  or 
growing  tired  of  fighting,  told  him  to  put  to  shore  so  that 
they  could  fight  to  greater  advantage.  This  St.  Ange  having 
done,  the  Indians  no  sooner  saw  themselves  approaching  the 
land  than,  without  waiting  for  the  pirogue  to  reach  the  shore, 
they  leaped  into  the  water  and  fled.  M.  St.  Ange  saw  that 
the  two  Ilinnois  Indians  were  fleeing.  Seeing  that  the  two 
hostile  canoes  were  about  to  land,  he  adopted  a  plan  of 
action  and  likewise  disembarked  and  concealed  himself 
fifteen  paces  from  the  Pirogue  behind  a  large  tree,  when  seven 
or  eight  hostile  Indians  throwing  themselves  upon  the  pi 
rogue  scalped  Ponpon,  and  returned  precipitately  to  their 
canoes,  giving  vent  to  frightful  yells. 

The  Sr.  de  St.  Ange  about  midnight  crawled  to  the  edge  of 
the  water  to  see  if  the  pirogue  was  still  there,  but  he  could  not 
find  it.  The  first  of  June  he  had  got  down  to  the  entrance  of 
the  Miaramek  where  he  had  made  a  raft  (cajeu)  for  the  pur 
pose  of  drifting  down,  and  arrived  here,  as  I  have  already  said. 

June  3.  There  arrived  here  from  the  Cahokias  two 
Indians,  who  brought  us  some  letters  from  M.  St.  Ange,  the 
elder,  who  is  in  command  there,  in  which  he  tells  us  of  the 
scarcity  of  provisions  among  them,  and  they  beseech  M.  de 
Boisbriant  to  send  them  some,  together  with  some  reinforce 
ments.  I  resolved  to  go  there  and  in  fact  my  departure  was 
set  for  the  next  day. 

June  4  —  5  leagues.  We  departed  about  7  o'clock  in  the 
morning,  after  having  heard  mass.  Our  boat  was  manned 
with  a  sergeant  and  sixteen  soldiers.  I  was  accompanied 
by  M.  St.  Thereze  Ensign  de  Dutisnet  my  secretary,  and 
Sr.  de  St.  Ange,  the  younger,  who  had  just  been  attacked. 

79 


TRAVELS  IN  THE  AMERICAN  COLONIES 

The  weather  was  fine.  In  spite  of  the  strong  currents  we 
came  to  the  upper  end  of  the  Isles  de  Perdues,  where  we  spent 
the  night.  We  estimated  that  we  had  gone  five  leagues. 

June  4 l  —  7  leagues.  About  4  o'clock  in  the  morning  we 
embarked  and  encountered  strong  currents.  Having  arrived 
at  the  island  which  is  the  nearest  to  the  entrance  of  the 
Miaramek,  we  landed  and  found  a  man  dead  from  a  gun 
shot.  His  Manitou  2  was  near  him  (this  is  a  kind  of  bird  of 
prey)  and  a  piece  of  the  skin  of  a  little  dog,  which  was  also 
near  him.  A  little  further  we  found  the  tracks  of  another 
Indian,  who  appeared  to  be  wounded  above  the  left  breast. 
We  did  not  consider  it  wise  to  go  to  look  for  him.  Our 
purpose  was  to  go  to  the  aid  of  the  Cahokias,  whom  we 
believed  to  be  at  that  very  time  in  close  battle  with  the 
enemy.  This  is  why  we  continued  our  journey.  We  came 
to  the  mouth  of  the  Petite  Riviere  de  Miaramek  which  in  the 
Ilinnois  language  means  brill,  a  kind  of  fish,  which  is  very 
good.  We  had  dinner  there,  and,  having  embarked,  we 
continued  our  journey.  A  league  higher  up,  on  the  same 
side,  that  is  to  say  on  the  left  as  you  ascend,  Sr.  de  St.  Ange 
showed  us  the  place  where  he  had  landed  and  where  the 
Indians  had  scalped  Ponpon.  From  this  place  we  continued 
our  journey  and  put  in  for  night  three  leagues  from  the 
Cahokias.  We  estimated  that  we  had  gone  seven  leagues. 

June  6.  At  day-break  we  embarked  and  came  to  get 
breakfast  at  the  old  village  of  the  Cahokias,  which  is  on  the 
left  as  you  ascend,  a  league  and  a  half  distant  from  the  Caho 
kias.  In  this  place  we  perceived  a  large  pirogue,  of  French 
make,  which  was  crossing  over  from  the  village  of  the  Caho 
kias.  We  decided  that  they  were  some  traders  who  were 
going  with  the  Mysouri  Indians  to  their  home  both  to  trade 
in  horses  and  to  buy  skins.  We  then  continued  our  journey 
and  arrived  about  10  o'clock  in  the  morning  at  the  post 
where  Sr.  de  St.  Ange  is  in  command,  with  six  soldiers.  This 
is  a  wretched  fort  of  piles  where  Sr.  Mercier,  priest  of  the 

1  June  5. 

2  This  was  his  spirit.    (A  note  in  the  margin  of  the  manuscript.) 

80 


JOURNAL  OF  DIRON  D'ARTAGUIETTE 

Foreign  Missions  has  a  house  and  a  church.  An  eighth  of  a 
league  higher  up  is  the  village  of  the  Cahokias. 

We  had  no  sooner  arrived  than  they  told  us  that  the 
Mysouri  Indians  in  coming  up  the  river  from  Fort  de  Char- 
tres  to  this  place  had  found,  on  the  right  side  opposite  the 
Riviere  de  Miaramek,  a  Renard  Indian,  recently  killed, 
whose  head  they  had  carried  off  and  given  to  the  Cahokias. 
The  same  day  I  assembled  the  Indian  chiefs  of  the  Cahokias. 
They  came  accompanied  by  forty  of  their  warriors,  who,  after 
they  had  told  me  that  they  were  very  glad  to  see  me  among 
them,  sat  down  on  the  ground  in  a  semi-circle  and  I  addressed 
them  as  follows,  M.  Thaumeur,  a  missionary  priest,  being 
the  interpreter. 

"That  I  had  come  with  my  warriors  both  to  aid  them  and 
to  bring  them  provisions.  That  I  thought  that  all  the  re 
ports  which  they  had  sent  to  Fort  de  Chartres  were  false; 
that  they  should  send  out  parties  to  discover  with  certainty 
whether  the  enemy  were  coming,  and,  in  case  they  should 
have  sure  news  of  it,  that  they,  together  with  their  wives 
and  children,  should  retire  to  the  fort  of  the  French,  who 
would  not  fail  to  defend  themselves  vigorously;  that  I  ex 
horted  them  to  imitate  the  French  and  to  defend  themselves 
strongly  against  the  common  enemy ;  that  for  this  purpose  I 
was  going  to  give  them  a  French  flag;  that  they  ought,  as 
soon  as  they  were  attacked,  to  send  their  best  runners  to 
Fort  de  Chartres  and  that  their  father,  De  Boisbriant,  would 
not  fail  to  come  with  all  the  French  warriors  to  aid  them." 
They  answered  me  with  a  shout  of  joy  and  after  they  had 
given  me  their  thanks,  I  dismissed  them.  The  Cahokias 
are  in  38^°  of  latitude,  in  a  plain  which  is  perhaps  a  league 
in  width  and  two  in  length.  This  plain  is  bounded  on  the 
west  by  an  island,  which  is  a  league  in  length  and  a  half 
league  in  width ;  on  the  south  and  north  by  low  woods ; 
inland  on  the  east  there  is  a  large  marsh  abounding  in  game 
and  in  fish. 

The  Riviere  des  Ilinnois  which  empties  into  the  Mississipy 
eleven  leagues  from  the  fort  of  the  Cahokias,  on  the  right  side 
as  you  ascend,  flows  from  the  northeast  to  the  southwest. 

81 


TRAVELS  IN  THE  AMERICAN  COLONIES 

The  Riviere  des  Mysourys,  which  empties  also  into  the 
Mississipy  six  leagues  above  the  Cahokias,  on  the  left  side  as 
you  ascend,  comes  from  the  northwest. 

In  front  of  the  Indian  village  of  the  Cahokias  flows  a 
little  river,  which  separates  the  prairie  from  the  island. 
It  flows  from  the  northeast. 

June  7.  About  7  o'clock  in  the  morning  we  set  out  from 
the  Cahokias  with  two  score  Indians,  both  men  and  women, 
who  were  going  to  see  their  relatives  at  the  Cascakias. 
About  three  leagues  from  Fort  de  Chartres  we  met  four 
Indian  pirogues  which  were  ascending  the  river.  We 
identified  them.  They  were  Cascaskias  who  were  recon- 
noitering  (so  they  told  us)  to  see  if  they  could  find  any  hostile 
trails.  We  arrived  the  same  day  about  three  o'clock  in  the 
afternoon  at  Fort  de  Chartres. 

June  8.  Sr.  Renaut  came  to  the  Fort  de  Chartres  to  tell 
us  that  he  had  made  several  assays,  which  he  showed  us,  and 
in  which  he  had  not  found  any  traces  of  silver.  He  still 
has  some  to  make,  doubtless  during  the  next  few  days. 

June  9.  Our  boat  set  out  from  here  to  go  to  the  Cascakias 
tojoad  with  maize  for  the  subsistence  of  the  troops. 

^June  12.  One  of  the  sailors  from  our  boat  arrived  here, 
who  informed  us  that  in  returning  to  this  place  the  boat  had 
sunk  and  that  they  were  working  to  repair  it. 

June  15.  Our  boat  arrived  here  with  a  very  light  load 
and  leaking  above  the  second  streak. 

June  17.  We  set  out  from  Fort  de  Chartres  for  the  Cas 
cakias  and  arrived  there  the  same  day. 

June  1 8.  We  careened  our  boat  to  give  it  a  coat  of  tallow. 
We  were  informed  the  same  day  that  the  Cahokias  had  been 
besieged  and  that  M.  Boisbriant  had  sent  three  Frenchmen, 
the  best  runners,  with  ten  Mekchiquamias  Indians. 

June  20.  Towards  evening  the  French  and  the  Indians, 
of  whom  I  have  just  spoken,  arrived  at  Fort  de  Chartres, 
with  a  party  of  Cahokias,  who  brought  with  them  two 
prisoners.  They  gave  one  to  the  Mekchiquamias  and  the 
other  to  M.  Boisbriant  to  replace  Ponpon,  and  a  third,  which 
they  had  burned,  to  the  Cahokias.  These  three  Indians 

82 


JOURNAL  OF  DIRON  D'ARTAGUIETTE 

were  the  same  ones  who  had  attacked  M.  St.  Ange.  They 
admitted  that  in  this  attack  they  had  had  four  men  killed 
and  three  wounded. 

June  22.  The  prisoner  who  was  given  to  the  Mekchi- 
quamias  was  burned  for  four  hours  at  the  end  of  which  a 
Frenchman  killed  him  with  a  gun  shot.  The  one  who  had 
been  given  to  the  soldiers  has  had  his  head  broken. 

June  22.  Our  boat  was  loaded  today,  and  we  are  getting 
ready  to  leave  tomorrow. 

June  27.  (Sunday)  We  set  out  from  the  village  of  the 
Cascakias  in  company  with  another  boat  laden  with  maize 
for  the  concession  of  M.  Law,  which  is  at  the  Arkansas. 
We  had  ten  men  in  our  boat.  The  same  day  we  came  to 
spend  the  night  at  Cap  a  1'Ail  [or  Cape  Garlic]  where  we 
killed  a  young  roe. 

June  28.  At  day-break  we  embarked  and  a  little  below 
Cape  St.  Anthoine  we  found  swimming  across  a  young  roe. 
We  took  it  on  board  and  in  spite  of  a  violent  head-wind,  we 
reached  the  Isles  a  la  Course,  where  we  passed  the  night. 
At  9  o'clock  in  the  evening  our  dogs,  having  scented  either 
men  or  animals,  barked  all  night  long,  and  we  kept  our 
selves  under  arms. 

June  29.  An  hour  before  day-break,  worn  out  from  not 
having  slept  the  previous  night,  we  embarked  and  continued 
our  journey.  There  was  a  strong  wind  and  much  rain, 
which  lasted  till  noon,  when,  having  perceived  a  buffalo  we 
put  to  shore  and  killed  it.  The  same  day  we  came  to  pass  the 
night  at  Wabache. 

June  30.  We  departed  about  5  o'clock  in  the  morning. 
The  weather  was  fair  and  very  hot.  About  breakfast  time 
we  saw  a  buffalo  crossing.  We  overtook  it  in  the  middle  of 
the  river  and  hitched  our  boat  to  it  for  more  than  a  quarter 
of  a  league,  after  which  we  killed  it.  We  took  only  the 
tongue.  About  noon  we  landed  to  go  after  a  herd  of  more 
than  a  hundred  buffaloes,  both  bulls  and  cows,  of  which  we 
killed  five  and  wounded  more  than  twenty.  We  cut  out 
only  the  tongues.  Continued  our  journey  and  camped  at  the 
usual  hour. 

83 


TRAVELS  IN  THE  AMERICAN  COLONIES 

July,  1723 

July  I.  About  4  o'clock  in  the  morning  we  embarked  and 
had  the  pleasure  of  seeing  both  sides  of  the  river  lined  with 
bulls  and  cows.  About  noon  we  landed  on  a  sand  bar  to 
amuse  ourselves  with  hunting.  We  brought  down  eight 
animals.  We  contented  ourselves  with  cutting  out  their 
tongues.  Continued  our  journey  and  camped  at  the  usual 
hour. 

July  2.  At  day-break  our  men  took  up  the  oars  and  we 
continued  our  journey.  The  weather  was  very  hot.  About 
noon  we  landed  opposite  a  little  prairie  and  went  after  a  herd 
of  nine  [buffaloes],  all  of  which  we  killed.  Camped  for  the 
night  in  this  place  so  as  to  dry  the  best  of  these  animals. 

July  3.  About  6  o'clock  in  the  morning  we  embarked  and 
let  ourselves  drift  so  as  to  rest  our  men  who  had  spent  the 
night  smoking  their  meat.  In  the  evening,  a  little  before 
camping,  we  killed  four  buffaloes,  of  which  we  took  only  the 
tongues. 

July  4.  At  day-break  we  embarked  and  continued  our 
journey.  The  weather  was  fine.  The  heat  continued. 
About  noon,  wind  being  contrary,  we  perceived  four  boats 
and  two  pirogues  full  of  Canadians.  We  fired  some  shots 
and  went  on  shore  to  wait  for  them.  It  was  M.  Bourmont, 
who,  with  a  company  of  fifty  men,  of  whom  M.  Pradel  was 
captain,  was  going  up  the  river  to  the  Mysouris.  The  same 
day  at  4  o'clock  in  the  afternoon  I  reviewed  this  company. 
We  camped  five  leagues  from  the  Ecores  a  Prud'homme. 
We  learned  from  the  convoy  of  the  arrival  of  the  Commis 
sioners  appointed  by  the  King  for  the  administration  of  the 
affairs  of  the  colony  at  New  Orleans. 

July  5.  We  took  leave  of  MM.  Bourmont  and  Pradel  and 
[the]  others,  and  left  them,  we  to  descend  the  river  and  they 
to  ascend.  This  convoy  seems  to  me  very  badly  conducted 
and  has  many  sick.  The  great  heat  contributes  largely  to 
this.  Furthermore,  they  hardly  are  given  time  to  eat  maize 
cooked  in  water,  although  they  are  surrounded  by  Buffalo. 
They  tell  me  by  way  of  excuse  that  they  have  not  found  any, 

84 


JOURNAL  OF  DIRON  D'ARTAGUIETTE 

but  I  am  much  more  inclined  to  think  that  it  is  a  case  of 
laziness,  for  the  most  worthless  Frenchman  can  kill  a  buffalo 
in  this  region.  They  told  us  that  they  had  degraded  one  of 
their  sergeants  two  leagues  below  for  mutiny.  We  found 
him  two  leagues  below  resolved  to  die  in  the  woods  rather 
than  to  rejoin  them  [the  convoy]. 

July  6.  Early  in  the  morning  our  men  having  taken  up 
their  oars,  we  continued  our  journey  and  came  to  spend  the 
night  at  the  Riviere  a  Margot,  where  we  killed  four  buffaloes, 
of  which  we  took  only  the  tongues. 

July  7.  At  day-break  we  embarked  and  continued  our 
journey.  About  10  o'clock  in  the  morning,  upon  our  left 
as  we  were  drifting  very  close  to  shore,  we  perceived  on  the 
bank  of  the  river  a  man  who  called  to  us  in  the  language  of 
the  Mobile  to  come  to  him.  We  asked  him,  at  the  same  time 
taking  up  our  guns,  if  he  was  a  Chicachat.1  Our  arms 
frightened  him.  He  got  behind  a  large  tree  and  replied 
that  he  was  a  Chicachat.  The  same  instant,  seeing  others 
appearing,  he  saluted  them  with  eight  gun  shots  which  they 
returned  with  twelve  shots,  two  of  which  hit  the  stern  of 
our  boat.  Our  boat  kept  on  its  way  and  we  did  not  think  it 
wise  to  shoot  at  them,  as  they  were  out  of  range,  nor  were  we 
in  a  position  to  go  to  attack  them  on  shore.  The  other  boat 
was  on  the  other  side  of  the  river  and  joined  us  immediately. 

July  8.  Early  in  the  morning  we  embarked  and  con 
tinued  our  journey.  The  great  heat  continued  to  incon 
venience  us.  Killed  this  morning  a  buffalo.  About  5 
o'clock  in  the  evening  we  came  upon  a  pirogue  manned  with 
six  men,  in  which  was  the  man  Langevin  whojias  been  cap 
tured  the  year  before  by  the  Chicachats.  Although  we  told 
him  about  the  attack  which  we  had  had  yesterday,  he  still 
resolved  to  continue  his  journey  and  go  up  the  Wabache  to 
salt  some  meat.  He  informed  us  that  a  party  of  Arkansas 
had  fallen  upon  some  French  in  the  Riviere  des  Watchitas ; 
that  there  had  arrived  at  the  Yazous  two  score  Chicachats 
and  two  chiefs,  called  the  Courceracs,  to  ask  for  peace ;  that 

1  Chickasaw. 

85 


TRAVELS  IN  THE  AMERICAN  COLONIES 

the  Natchez  Indians  were  still  continuing  to  kill  the  cattle 
belonging  to  the  French,  and  that  he  even  believed  that 
these  Indians  intended  to  besiege  the  fort. 

July  9.  We  embarked  early  in  the  morning,  after  having 
given  to  these  Frenchmen  a  part  of  the  meat  which  we  had. 
About  9  o'clock  in  the  morning  we  came  upon  three  pirogues 
full  of  Arkansas  Indians,  who  were  going  up  the  Petite 
Riviere  St.  Francois  to  hunt.  About  three  o'clock  in  the 
afternoon  we  arrived  at  the  village  of  the  Arkansas.  We 
found  there  three  huts,  and  we  were  told  that  the  others 
were  coming  back  to  form  a  village  after  the  harvests  were 
over. 

July  10.  At  day-break  we  embarked  and  arrived  about 
breakfast  time  at  the  first  fork  of  the  Riviere  de  Sotehouy, 
where  we  had  a  squall,  but  it  did  not  last  long.  We  sent  a 
Frenchman  to  the  post  so  that  men  might  be  despatched  to 
help  in  taking  the  boat  back. 

July  II.  Six  soldiers  from  the  garrison  of  Sotehouy  ar 
rived,  and  we  embarked  in  the  boat  loaded  with  wheat  and 
left  the  other  one  behind  with  four  of  our  men.  We  pro 
ceeded  to  Sotehouy  where  the  captain  delivered  the  wheat  to 
Sr.  Dufresne.  We  returned  by  land  to  the  post  of  Sotehouy 
where  we  spent  the  night. 

July  12.  I  reviewed  the  troops  of  this  post  and  took  a 
census,  as  many  inhabitants  had  established  themselves 
there  since  my  last  review. 

July  13.  In  the  morning  we  departed  and  came  to  join 
our  boat  in  which  we  embarked  and  rejoined  the  boat  which 
we  had  left  at  the  first  fork.  We  entered  the  Mississipy  and 
camped  at  the  usual  hour. 

July  14.  Early  in  the  morning  we  embarked  and  con 
tinued  our  journey.  The  heat  was  very  great.  We  had  no 
longer  any  hope  of  killing  any  buffaloes.  Camped  at  the 
usual  hour  near  Pointe  Coupee. 

July  15.  We  departed  about  sunrise.  The  weather  was 
fair  and  the  sun's  rays  terrible.  Two  of  our  sailors  were 
sick  —  one  with  the  fever  and  the  other  with  the  scurvy. 

July  16.  At  day-break  we  embarked.  No  meat  to  give 

86 


JOURNAL  OF  DIRON  D'ARTAGUIETTE 

them  [the  men],  a  deer  which  was  crossing  most  opportunely 
was  killed.  Camped  at  the  usual  hour. 

July  17.  The  heat  was  intense  the  whole  of  last  night, 
and  the  maraingouins,  a  kind  of  fly,  which  we  call  in  France 
gnats,  annoyed  us  so  much  that  it  was  impossible  to  rest. 
This  caused  us  to  embark  an  hour  before  day.  We  arrived 
at  noon  at  the  entrance  of  the  Yazous,  where  we  left  one 
boat,  and  manned  another  with  ten  oarsmen,  and  we  arrived 
at  the  Yazous  about  4  o'clock  in  the  afternoon. 

July  1 8.  Early  in  the  morning  I  made  my  review,  as 
inspector,  of  the  Fort  Saint  Pierre  des  Yazous,  and  we  sent 
for  the  other  boat  so  as  to  deliver  to  M.  Livilliers  the  corn 
belonging  to  the  company. 

July  19.  This  morning  the  boat  arrived  here  and  the  corn 
was  delivered  to  Sr.  Livilliers,  who  is  without  means  of  sub 
sisting  his  garrison.  It  was  from  M.  Petit  Livilliers  that  [we 
learned]  that  M.  Degrave  had  gone  to  New  Orleans  without 
orders.  That  since  the  departure  of  M.  Degrave  he  had  en 
gaged  the  Aufaugoulas,  Couroye  and  Yazous  to  remain  there. 
They  had  intended  to  go  and  settle  on  the  Riviere  des  Wachi- 
tas.  That  he  had  engaged  the  Tapoucha  Indians  to  come 
and  settle  near  the  fort.  This  is  a  small  Indian  nation,  which 
lived  forty  leagues  up  this  river.  They  were  going  to  come 
in  the  autumn.  That  he  had  sent  to  New  Orleans  two  Chica- 
chat  chiefs  and  two  other  Indians.  They  had  come  to  ask 
for  peace,  which  he  could  not  grant.  He  sent  them  to  M. 
Bienville.  They  brought  back  with  them  a  man  called 
Parisien  whom  they  captured  at  the  same  time  they  did 
Langevin. 

July  20.  About  6  o'clock  in  the  evening  we  departed 
from  Fort  Saint  Pierre  des  Yazous  and  reached  the  entrance 
of  the  river,  where  the  other  boat  awaited  us.  We  passed 
the  night  there. 

July  21.  At  day-break  we  embarked  and  continued  our 
journey.  About  an  hour  before  sunset  we  landed  in  order 
to  put  on  the  kettle,  having  resolved  to  drift  all  that  night. 

July  22.  We  drifted  all  last  night,  not  without  striking 
against  some  trees  where  the  current  carried  us  and  from 

87 


TRAVELS  IN  THE  AMERICAN  COLONIES 

which  we  had  great  difficulty  in  extricating  ourselves.  We 
passed,  however,  the  Grand  Gouffre.  We  continued  our 
journey  and  arrived  at  the  Natchez  about  two  hours  before 
sunset,  where  we  found  two  boats.  One  had  brought  Srs. 
Desliette  and  Chepar,  the  former  commandant  of  the  fort 
of  the  Natchez,  and  the  latter  the  captain  of  a  company,  and 
a  detachment  to  reinforce  this  post.  The  other  boat  was 
going  to  the  Yazous  to  bring  some  relief  to  this  post. 

July  23.  In  the  morning  I  made  my  review,  as  inspector, 
of  the  post  at  Natchez.  The  same  day  I  went  to  the  settle 
ment  of  the  Sr.  dumanoir  Feaucon,  where  I  reviewed  a  de 
tachment  of  fifteen  men,  commanded  by  Sr.  de  Noyant,  an 
ensign.  This  detachment  comes  from  New  Orleans  for  the 
purpose  of  preventing  the  Natchez  Indians  from  troubling  it 
[the  settlement].  They  [the  Indians]  continue  to  be  hostile. 
In  the  evening  we  came  back  to  the  fort  of  the  Natchez. 

July  24.  I  went  to  the  settlement  of  M.  le  Blanc  where  I 
did  not  tarry,  as  I  had  no  business  to  attend  to.  About  noon 
we  embarked,  having  increased  our  company  by  the  addition 
of  the  boat  which  had  brought  MM.  Desliet  and  Chepar. 
The  weather  was  fine.  All  night  we  drifted  our  three  boats 
tied  together. 

July  25.  About  8  o'clock  in  the  morning  we  arrived  at 
the  first  village  of  the  Thonniquas,  where  we  landed  to  put 
on  the  kettle.  They  told  us  that  they  had  killed  two  Natchez 
Indians  and  burned  one.  These  three  Indians  were  drifting 
in  a  pirogue.  They  did  not  know  where  they  were  going. 
These  Indians  are  building  a  fort  so  as  to  provide  them 
selves  with  a  defense  in  case  the  Natchez  should  come  to 
attack  them. 

We  remained  there  only  long  enough  to  cook  our  breakfast, 
after  which  we  embarked  and  continued  our  journey.  About 
sunset  we  came  upon  two  pirogues.  One  was  going  to  the 
Natchitoches  and  the  other  to  the  Thonniquas.  They  told 
us  that  sickness  was  very  prevalent  at  New  Orleans. 

July  26.  We  drifted  all  the  past  night  and  came  about 
noon  to  the  Petite  Pointe  Coupee  where  there  is  a  concession 
belonging  to  MM.  Collys.  We  got  dinner  there,  after  which 

88 


JOURNAL  OF  DIRON   D'ARTAGUIETTE 

we  embarked  and  continued  our  journey.  We  arrived  at 
Dirombourg  about  8  o'clock  in  the  evening,  and  slept  there. 

July  27.  It  rained  all  last  night,  and,  the  rain  continuing, 
we  were  not  able  to  set  out  until  about  1 1  o'clock.  We  ar 
rived  about  sunset  at  the  Bayagoulas. 

July  28.  In  the  morning,  in  spite  of  the  heavy  rain,  we 
started  out,  and  continued  our  journey.  We  drifted  all 
night. 

July  29.  We  arrived  about  5  o'clock  in  the  evening  at 
Cannes  Bruslees,  where  we  slept. 

July  30.  Early  in  the  morning  we  reached  New  Orleans, 
where  we  arrived  about  noon.  One  cannot  enter  any  house 
here  without  finding  sick  people.  The  ship  Galatee  has  gone 
down  a  little  below  New  Orleans  in  order  to  take  on  ballast. 
There  is  sickness  on  board.  They  say  it  is  the  purple  fever. 

July  31.  We  learned  that  during  our  voyage  from  the 
Illinois  a  band  of  more  than  fifty  men  had  carried  off  two 
passenger-boats. 

Aug.  I.  I  went  to  pay  my  respects  to  the  Commissioners, 
who  were  all  sick. 

Aug.  2.  We  were  informed  that  the  Natchitoches  Indians 
had  intended  to  fall  upon  the  garrison  of  the  Natchitoches 
because  M.  St.  Denys,1  who  is  the  commandant  there,  had 
broken  the  head  of  an  Indian  of  this  nation  because  he  had 
killed  about  a  year  ago  a  man  called  Perrier.  I  have  spoken 
fully  of  the  death  of  this  man  in  my  journals,  and  in  the 
memoirs  which  I  drew  up  at  the  time  of  my  trip  to  the 
Natchitoches. 

Aug.  3.  Sickness  continues  to  carry  off  many  people. 
They  bury  eight  or  nine  persons  every  day. 

Aug.  4.  Everybody  complains  here  of  famine.  Everyone 
seems  to  be  discontented  with  the  new  administration. 

Aug.  7.  M.  de  Sauboye,  one  of  the  commissioners  ap 
pointed  by  the  King  to  administrate  the  affairs  of  the  colony, 
died  this  morning  and  was  buried  about  5  o'clock  in  the  after 
noon  with  all  of  the  ceremony  due  his  worth  and  integrity. 

1  Juchereau  de  St.  Denis. 
89 


TRAVELS  IN  THE  AMERICAN  COLONIES 

Aug.  13.  M.  Peauger,  the  engineer  who  had  been  for  many 
months  superintending  the  work  at  the  establishment  of  the 
post  of  Balise,  which  is  at  the  mouth  of  the  Mississipy, 
arrived  here  about  noon  with  a  Spaniard  who  brought  with 
him  six  thousand  piasters  to  spend  in  merchandize.  He  left 
at  Balise  a  bilander  manned  with  fourteen  men  in  which  he 
had  come,  and  he  comes  from  Vera  Cruz. 

Aug.  1 8.  The  two  Chicachat  chiefs  have  left  here  to 
return  to  their  homes  by  way  of  the  Yazous.  M.  Terrisse, 
an  officer,  with  a  detachment,  accompanied  them  as  far  as 
that  post. 

Aug.  24.  There  arrived  here  a  band  of  Chectas,  who  were 
deputized  by  all  of  that  nation  to  come  and  ask  arms,  powder 
and  shot,  from  M.  De  Bienville  so  as  to  go  to  war  against 
the  Chicachats. 

Sept.  2.  M.  De  Bienville  went  today  to  dine  on  board  the 
Galathee,  where  he  was  received  with  a  salute  of  nine  guns. 

Sept.  3.  We  have  been  informed  by  the  Thonniquas  that 
M.  St.  Denys,  commandant  at  the  Natchitoches,  had  de 
scended  the  river  with  all  the  Indians  of  this  nation,  and  that 
he  was  persuading  the  Thonniquas  to  join  him,  to  make  an 
attack  upon  the  Natchez. 

Sept.  4.  We  learned  from  a  boat  which  arrived  from 
Natchez  that  they  were  always  on  the  alert  and  were  con 
stantly  molested  by  the  Indians  of  that  nation,  who  had 
killed  a  horse,  a  cow  and  a  pig  belonging  to  the  concession  of 
St.  Catherine,  (and  that  within  five  or  six  days)  and  that  all 
these  things  were  most  prejudicial  to  the  inhabitants,  who 
could  neither  gather  their  crops  nor  work,  and  that  they  were 
waiting  for  M.  De  Bienville  or  his  orders  to  attack  that  nation. 
M.  Bienville  is  making  no  preparations  to  go  there.  We 
do  not  know  why. 

Sept.  5.  About  4  o'clock  in  the  afternoon  Sr.  Allaire,  an 
Englishman  or  an  Irishman,  was  arrested  and  put  on  board 
the  ship  Galathee,  to  be  taken  to  France.  They  say  that  it  was 
because  he  had  written  in  favor  of  the  colonists  and  against 
the  government.  Others  say  that  he  was  arrested  as  a  spy. 
He  had  carried  on  a  correspondence  with  the  English  and 

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JOURNAL  OF  DIRON  D'ARTAGUIETTE 

the  Spanish  so  as  to  keep  them  informed  of  everything  which 
was  taking  place  in  the  colony.  These  papers  have  been 
immediately  seized  by  the  council  here.  This  Allaire  was 
formerly  storekeeper  in  the  concession  of  Mgr.  Le  Blanc, 
which  he  had  left,  and  he  was  working  at  the  time  of  his 
arrest  for  Sr.  Duval,  auditor  of  accounts.  The  people 
say  that  it  was  because  Duval  was  not  correct  in  his  ac 
counts  and  that  the  authorities  wished  to  make  Allaire 
tell  what  he  knew  about  them. 

Sept.  6.  A  man  called  Berard,  living  at  New  Orleans,  was 
today  condemned  by  M.  De  la  Chaise,  commissioner  on  the 
part  of  His  Majesty  for  the  execution  of  his  orders  in  Louisi 
ana,  to  pay  a  fine  of  500  livres,  to  be  applied  to  building  a 
hospital  for  curing  venereal  diseases.  It  is  for  having 
bought  in  speculation,  a  note  of  100  ecus  for  13  piasters,  and 
in  addition  the  said  Berard  has  been  condemned  to  give  to 
the  bearer  of  the  note  of  100  ecus  27  piasters  as  full  payment 
for  the  note.  The  judgment  was  very  just  as  this  Berard 
had  been  carrying  on  this  sort  of  business  for  more  than  three 
years. 

Sept.  7.  A  boat  which  was  descending  the  river  from  the 
Natchez  arrived  here,  from  which  we  learned  that  the  Indians 
of  this  nation  were  continuing  to  kill  the  cattle  at  the  con 
cession  of  MM.  Colys  ;  that  they  did  not  molest  in  any  way 
the  French  who  are  there ;  that  two  hundred  of  their  men 
had  attacked  the  Thonniquas,  whom  they  had  beaten,  and 
wounded  the  great  chief  in  the  arm,  and  that  the  second  chief 
of  this  nation  had  died  of  disease. 

Sept.  8.  M.  De  la  Chaise  went  today  to  the  home  of  Sr. 
Marlot,  former  storekeeper,  I  mean  chief  clerk  at  New 
Orleans,  where  he  found  much  merchandize  from  the  stores. 
They  examined  him  the  same  day  to  find  out  where  these 
goods  came  from.  They  went  also  to  the  house  of  the  maid 
servant  of  this  Marlot,  where  they  found  much  fine  mer 
chandize,  which  they  seized.  She  will  be  made  to  tell 
where  she  got  these  goods  and  whence  came  this  fortune. 

Sept.  9.  A  pirogue  full  of  Frenchmen  who  were  coming 
down  from  the  Ilinnois,  has  arrived  here.  They  informed  us 
G  91 


TRAVELS  IN  THE  AMERICAN  COLONIES 

that  the  Renard  Indians  had  killed,  opposite  Fort  de 
Chartres,  two  men  named  Sueur  and  Lafond,  Canadians, 
who  were  hunting  deer.  These  same  Frenchmen  were 
attacked  on  their  way  down,  just  as  they  were  approaching 
the  Ecore  a  Prud'homme,  by  a  party  of  Chicachats.  They 
have  confirmed  the  entry  of  the  yth  of  the  present  month, 
in  which  I  spoke  of  the  Natchez.  They  spent  one  night 
with  two  hundred  Natchez  men,  who  were  going  to  attack 
the  Thonniquas,  who  have  not  done  them  any  harm. 

Sept.  10.  We  are  preparing  to  embark  on  the  ship 
Galathee  and  to  leave  tomorrow,  the  4th  l  of  the  present 
month. 


COLONEL   CHICKEN'S   JOURNAL  TO   THE 
CHEROKEES,    1725 


INTRODUCTION 

THE  Cherokee  Indians  occupied  a  prominent  place  in  the 
early  history  of  South  Carolina.  At  the  time  of  Colonel 
Chicken's  visit  they  numbered  upwards  of  10,000,  of  whom 
not  less  than  3800  were  among  the  best  of  Indian  warriors. 
They  were  distributed  among  three  settlements  :  the  Lower 
Settlement,  in  what  is  now  western  South  Carolina  and 
northeastern  Georgia ;  the  Middle  Settlement,  in  western 
North  Carolina  and  northern  Georgia  ;  and  the  Upper  Settle 
ment,  in  western  Tennessee  and  northern  Alabama.  Inter 
course  between  the*  Cherokees  and  the  government  of  South 
Carolina  was  begun  in  1693  when  twenty  Cherokee  chiefs 
visited  Charleston  to  ask  assistance  against  the  Catawbas 
and  the  Congarees.  A  profitable  trade  with  the  Cherokees 
was  begun  about  the  same  time.  At  first  this  was  only  in  a 
private  way,  but  in  1707  all  Indian  trade  of  the  colony  passed 
under  government  regulation,  and  in  1716,  when  for  a  short 
time  it  was  made  a  public  monopoly,  Fort  Moore,  on  the 
east  bank  of  the  Savannah  about  six  miles  below  the  present 
site  of  Augusta,  Georgia,  was  erected  for  its  protection.  By 
a  treaty  with  the  Cherokees  which  was  made  that  year  it 
was  agreed  that  both  parties  should  carry  their  goods  for 
trade  to  Fort  Moore,  the  immediate  consequence  of  which 
was  that  the  Government  established  a  pack-horse  route 
from  Charleston  to  that  place  and  that  the  Cherokees  cut  a 
trail  from  their  country  thither  along  the  east  bank  of  the 
Savannah,  a  trail  which  was  subsequently  widened  for  the 
pack-horse  train.  Fort  Congarees,  on  the  Congaree  River, 
a  little  below  the  present  site  of  Columbia,  was  erected  in 
1718,  and  a  shorter  pack-horse  route  from  Charleston  to  the 
Cherokee  country  was  established.  It  passed  through 
Dorchester,  approached  the  Congaree  opposite  the  mouth  of 

95 


TRAVELS  IN  THE  AMERICAN  COLONIES 

the  Wateree,  crossed  the  Little  Saluda  about  five  miles  from 
its  mouth,  passed  the  site  of  Fort  Ninety-Six,  and  from  thence 
led  direct  to  Keowee,  the  principal  town  of  the  Lower  Chero- 
kees.  It  will  be  seen  that  Colonel  Chicken  went  by  the 
shorter  route  and  returned  by  the  longer  one. 

Colonel  Chicken  became  prominent  in  Indian  affairs  in 
1715,  when,  at  the  crisis  of  the  war  with  the  Yamasees,  he, 
at  the  head  of  the  Goose  Creek  militia,  inflicted  on  those 
Indians  a  decisive  defeat  at  "The  Ponds."  He  was  a  mem 
ber  of  the  Board  of  Indian  Commissioners  in  1721-1723  and 
was  sole  Indian  Commissioner  in  1724-1731.  The  primary 
object  of  the  mission  of  which  he  gives  an  account  in  his 
Journal,  and  on  which  he  was  sent  by  President  Middleton, 
was  to  counteract  the  influence  of  French  emissaries  from 
Louisiana  who  had  been  among  them,  inciting  them  to  war 
against  the  Creeks  and  seeking  to  win  them  from  the  English 
interest. 

A  manuscript  copy  of  this  Journal  is  in  the  Public  Record 
Office,  London;  C.  O.  5,  12,  ff.  14-34,  anc^  tne  Library  of 
Congress  has  a  transcript  which  was  made  from  this. 


COLONEL   CHICKEN'S   JOURNAL    TO  THE 
CHEROKEES,  1725 

Journal  of  the  Comissr  1  for  Indian  Affairs  on  his  Journey  to 
the  Cherokees  and  his  proceedings  there 

Thursday  the  ijth  day  of  June  1725. 

I  took  my  departure  from  my  house  at  Goose  Creek  2 
about  7  of  the  Clock  this  Morning,  and  dined  at  the  Honble 
Thomas  Broughtons  3  and  abt  five  of  the  Clock  in  the  Even 
ing  I  came  to  Mr.  Jones's  being  about  Twenty, Six  Miles 
from  my  house,  where  I  staid  til  Monday  the  21  Instant  in 
Expectation  of  Mr.  Eleazer  Wigan's  attending  me  at  Mr. 
Peter  St.  Julien's  4  which  was  the  place  I  Ordered  the  Chero 
kee  Indians  (then  down)  to  go  to  from  my  house.  And  the 
said  Wigan  not  coming  according  to  my  Expectation,  I  set 
away  from  Mr.  Jones's  the  i8th  Instant  and  abt  five  of  the 
Clock  in  the  Evening  I  came  to  John  Hearn's  Plantation 
where  I  Encamped  for  that  Night. 

Tuesday  the  22d  day  of  June  1725. 

I  sett  away  from  my  Camp  abt  Eight  of  the  Clock  in  the 
Morning  and  abt  half  past  four  in  the  afternoon  I  came  to 

1  Commissioner. 

2  Goose  Creek  was  the  name  of  a  settlement  which  was  estab 
lished  by  the  Huguenots  in  1686  on  Goose  Creek,  a  branch  of  the 
Cooper  River. 

3  Thomas   Broughton  was  Speaker  of  the  Assembly  in   1725. 

4  Peter  St.  Julien's  residence  was  near  Dorchester.     It  was  the 
first  general  stopping  place  on  the  trail  northwest  from  Charles 
ton  and  was  at  the  point  of  divergence  of  the  Creek  trail  from 
that  leading  through  the  valley  of  the  Congaree  and  Saluda  to 
the  Cherokee  country. 

97 


TRAVELS  IN  THE  AMERICAN   COLONIES 

Capt.  Charles  Russells  1  who  in  a  Short  time  after  my  stay  at 
his  house  made  Information  to  me  as  fTollows, 

That  David  Doway  Indian  Trader  when  he  was  Last  at 
his  house,  said  that  he  would  take  his  Oath  that  John  Sharp 
some  time  before  he  came  from  the  Cherokees  went  to  one 
of  the  Towns  in  that  Nation  and  took  away  what  Skines 
he  could  get  from  the  People  of  the  Town  and  afterwards 
Obliged  them  to  take  what  goods  he  thought  fitt  for  the  same 
and  that  One  James  Hitchins  (the  said  Sharps  hireling)  was 
with  him  at  the  time  of  his  so  doing  And  on  Considering  the 
above  Information  I  thought  proper  to  send  the  following 
Letter  to  Majr  Wm.  Blakewey  (who  by  Virtue  of  a  Resolu 
tion  of  the  General  Assembly  I  Empowred  to  grant  Lycences 
to  the  Traders  dureing  my  Absence. 

SIR- 

Sometime  after  my  Arrival  here  Capt.  Russell  made 
Information  to  me  that  he  heard  David  Doway  Indian 
Trader  (now  in  Town)  say  that  he  would  take  his  Oath  that 
John  Sharp  Indian  Trader  (now  in  Town  also)  some  time 
before  the  said  Sharp  came  from  the  Cherokees  went  to  one 
of  the  Towns  in  the  said  Nation,  the  Name  of  which  he  could 
not  then  call  to  mind,  and  took  away  what  Skins  he  could 
get  from  the  people  of  the  Town  and  afterwards  Obliged 
them  to  take  what  goods  he  thought  fitt  to  give  them  for  the 
same,  and  that  one  Ja.  Hitchins,  his  hireling  (who  is  now  in 
Town)  was  with  him  at  the  time  of  his  doing  the  same. 
This  Information  I  thought  would  be  proper  to  Acquaint 
you  off  therefore  would  not  have  you  grant  Sharp  a  Lycence 
til  such  time  you  hear  further  from  me  in  the  Cherokees 
where  I  shall  take  particular  care  to  informe  myself  of  the 
truth  of  this  Affair  and  then  Shall  as  soon  as  possible  give 
you  my  Opinion  thereon  that  you  may  Govern  your  self 
thereby;  in  the  mean  time  I  remain 

Sir     Your  Most  humble  Servant. 

1  Captain  Charles  Russell  was  the  first  commander  of  Fort 
Congaree,  which  was  burlt  in  1718  a  little  below  the  present  site 
of  Columbia  for  the  protection  of  the  Cherokee  trade. 

98 


COLONEL  CHICKEN'S  JOURNAL 

Wednesday  the  2$d  and  Thursday  the  24th  day  of  June  1725. 

Stayed  at  Capt.  Russells  in  Expectation  of  Mr.  Eleazer 
Wigan's  coming,  And  he  coming  according  to  Expectation 

We  set  away  from  Capt.  Russells  on  Friday  morning  being 
the  Twenty  ffifth  Instant  in  Compa  1  with  the  sd  Wigan  and 
John  M~ly  Indian  Trader  and  abt  half  past  twelve  of  Clock 
at  Noon  We  Crossed  Beever  Creek  where  We  Stayed  til 
three  of  the  Clock  in  the  afternoon  and  then  set  away  and 
came  as  far  as  Sandy  run  being  Six  Miles  further  and  making 
up  our  day's  Journey  in  all  Twenty  flour  Miles  here  We 
Encamped  for  this  Night  having  great  Showers  of  Rain  til 
next  Morning. 

Saturday  the  26th  day  of  June  172$. 

We  set  away  from  Sandy  run  and  about  Twelve  a  Clock 
at  Noon  We  Crossed  the  Congree  Creek  and  were  Obliged 
to  Encamp  for  this  Night  (the  Pack  horsses  being  very  much 
gauled)  abt  four  Miles  from  the  sd  Creek  which  made  Our 
day's  Journey  Sixteen  Miles. 

Sunday  the  2?th  June  7725. 

Set  away  from  Our  last  Encampmt  abt  Seven  of  the  Clock 
in  the  Morning  and  abt  two  of  the  Clock  in  the  Afternoon 
We  came  to  Beaver  Dam  and  the  Packhorses  not  coming 
up  with  us  for  some  Considerable  time  and  being  late  in  the 
day  We  Encamped  for  this  Night  having  Travilled  this 
day  24  M. 

Munday  the  28th  day  of  June  1725. 

We  set  away  from  Beever  Dam  about  Six  of  the  Clock 
in  the  Morning  and  about  twelve  Clock  at  Noon  We  Crossed 
Saludee  river  2  where  We  Stayed  for  Our  Packhorses,  which 

1  Company. 

2  What  is  now  the  Saluda  River  was  formerly  known  as  the 
Congaree  and  what  is  now  the  Little  Saluda  was  in  Colonel  Chick 
en's  time  known  as  the  Saluda. 

99 


TRAVELS  IN  THE  AMERICAN  COLONIES 

were  behind  us,  and  they  coming  about  two  hours  after  us 
We  found  that  Sevl  of  them  were  tired  and  it  being  late  in 
the  day  We  Encamped  here  for  this  Night  and  the  day 
following  in  Order  to  rest  our  horses  having  travilled  abt 
15  M. 

Wednesday  the  3Oth  day  of  June  1725. 

Set  away  from  Saludy  river  abt  10  of  the  Clock  in  the 
Morning  and  about  Twelve  Clock  at  Noon  We  came  by 
Saludee  old  Town,1  and  Travilled  as  far  as  a  place  called 
half  way  Swamp  being  Eight  Miles  further  from  the  said 
Town  and  making  up  Our  days  Journey  Twenty  fFour  Miles. 


Thursday  the  1st  day  of  July 

Set  away  from  half  way  Swamp  abt  Nine  of  the  Clock  in 
the  Morning  leaving  John  Neely  and  the  Packhorses  behind 
us  and  abt  Six  of  Clock  at  Night  We  came  to  a  Fort  built  at 
a  place  called  Coronaclo  Sanelo  2  where  We  lay  all  Night 
having  Travilled  this  day  about  Twenty  Seven  Miles. 

Friday  the  2d  day  of  July  1725. 

The  Weather  proving  very  Rainy  and  having  lost  one  of 
Our  horses  we  were  forced  to  Stay  at  Our  Camp  for  this  day, 
About  2  of  the  Clock  in  the  afternoon  two  Indians  came  to 
the  Fort  from  their  hunting  and  Stayed  wth  us  all  Night 
designing  to  Accompany  us  to  Keewohee  and  after  a  Short 
Stay  wth  us  at  the  Fort,  they  went  out  to  look  for  one  of 
Our  horses  wch  was  lost  and  on  their  return  they  brought 
in  a  Deer  which  they  Shott  in  looking  for  the  horse. 

1  Saluda  Old  Town  was  a  few  miles  west  of  the  mouth  of  Little 
Saluda  River. 

2  The  trail  passed  the  site  of  the  present  town  of  Ninety-Six 
(96  miles  on  the  trail  from  the  Lower  Cherokee  town  of  Keowee) 
at  which  there  was  at  a  very  early  day  a  private  fort  and  trading 
house  known  as  Gowdy's  Fort. 

TOO 


COLONEL  CHICKEN'S  JOURNAL 

Saturday  the  $d  day  of  July  1725. 

Set  away  from  Coronaclo  Sanelo  about  Eight  of  the  Clock 
in  the  Morning  and  about  five  of  the  Clock  in  the  Evening 
We  came  to  a  Spring  Eight  Miles  from  the  dividing  Paths 
where  we  Encamped  for  this  Night  having  Travilled  in  the 
rain  all  day  33  Mill's.1 

Sunday  the  4th  day  of  July  1725. 

Set  away  from  Our  Camp  about  Six  of  the  Clock  in  the 
Morning  and  about  four  of  the  Clock  in  the  afternoon  We 
came  to  a  Creek  about  Twenty  Miles  on  this  side  Keewohee 
where  I  was  Obliged  to  leave  my  Secry.  and  Son  in  Order  to 
send  them  fFresh  horses  from  Keewohee  and  Encamped 
myself  with  Mr.  Wigan  within  Six  Miles  of  Keewohee  having 
Travilled  this  day  38  M. 


Munday  the  $th  day  of  July 

Set  away  from  my  Camp  about  five  of  the  Clock  this 
Morning  and  about  Seven  Clock  I  Arrived  at  Keewohee  2 
and  soon  after  I  sent  away  Two  fFresh  Horses  for  my  Secry. 
and  Son. 

At  my  Arrival  here  King  Crow  and  the  head  men  were  out 
of  Town  at  their  Plantations  and  a  Messinger  being  sent  to 
inform  them  of  my  Arrival,  they  Imediatly  repaired  to  Town 
and  soon  after,  they  after  their  Ceremonial  way  placed  me 
in  a  Great  Chair  in  the  most  Publick  Place  in  the  Town 
and  set  down  by  me  themselv's  faning  me  with  Eagles 
Feathers  and  the  Ceremony  being  over,  the  King  made  the 
following  Speech  to  me  : 

That  they  long  Expected  a  beloved  Man  of  the  English 
among  them  and  that  now  they  had  sent  me  and  that  they 
were  as  glad  to  see  me  as  if  I  had  come  from  above. 

1  Miles. 

2  Keowee,  the  principal  town  of  the  Lower  Cherokees  ;    it  was 
situated  on  the  Keowee  River  in  what  is  now  Oconee  County, 
South  Carolina,  about  fifteen  miles  northeast  of  Walhalla.     Fort 
Prince  George  was  erected  here  in  1753. 

101 


TRAVELS  IN  THE  AMERICAN  COLONIES 

I  Answered  them,  that  I  was  as  glad  to  see  them,  and  that 
I  was  come  with  a  great  talk  from  all  the  beloved  men  of  the 
English  and  that  I  intended  to  give  it  to  them  as  soon  as 
they  had  gott  together  the  head  Men  of  as  many  of  their 
Towns  as  they  could  and  as  soon  as  my  Pack  hors's  Arrived. 

They  returned  me  thanks  with  a  great  deal  of  Joy  and 
fired  a  Volley  over  my  head  and  then  King  Crow  taking  me 
under  the  Arm  lead  me  into  Joseph  Coopers  house  with  a 
great  deal  of  Ceremony,  the  head  men  at  the  same  time 
following  us  and  in  a  little  time  after  my  being  in  the  house 
they  presented  me  with  their  pipes  to  Smoak  out  of  (it 
being  their  Custom). 


Tuesday  the  6th  day  of  July 

The  King  having  given  Orders  to  his  Towns  people  to 
provide  Provvissions  for  us,  they  accordingly  this  day  pre 
sented  me  with  some  Fowles  and  Venison. 

Wednesday  the  7th  day  of  July  1725. 

This  day  Arrived  here  from  the  Settlemt  Alexr.  McCormick 
Indian  Trader  who  informed  me  that  he  had  left  his  Pack 
horses  at  the  Congree  *  Creek  and  that  he  left  mine  at 
Wilsons  Creek. 

Thursday  the  8th  day  of  July  1725. 
Sent  the  following  Order  to  Saml.  Brown  Indian  Trader. 

To  Mr.  Samuel  Brown  Indian  Trader  — 

You  are  hereby  Ordered  on  receipt  hereof  to  send  down  to 
Keewohee,  Jno.  Hewet,  who  I  have  Information  is  in  your 
Employ  and  hath  been  in  the  Indian  Country  for  a  Consider 
able  time  without  my  leave  or  Lycence  and  Contrary  to  a 
Law  in  that  Case  made  and  provided.  Hereof  fail  not  as  you 
will  Answer  the  Contrary. 

Given  under  my  hand  at  Keewohee  this 
8th  day  of  July  Anno  Dom.  1725. 

1  Congaree. 

102 


COLONEL  CHICKEN'S  JOURNAL 

The  following  Accot  was  brought  this  day  into  Town  by  a 
Chickesaw  fellow  who  made  his  Escape  from  his  Enemies  : 

That  the  ffrench  Indians  1  had  killed  on  the  other  side  the 
Hills  Six  Chickesaw2  Men  four  Women,  Seven  boys  and 
Girls  and  two  Cherookee  Women. 

Friday  the  pth  and  Saturday  the  loth  of  July  1725. 
Nothing  happened  this  two  days  worth  my  Observation. 

Sunday  the  nth  day  of  July  172$. 

1  gave  Orders  to  all  the  Traders  in  the  Town  to  Attend  me 
this  Morning  in  Order  to  have  the  Service  of  the  day  read  to 
them,  and  as  a  Duty  Incumbent  on  me,  I  desired  them  to 
follow  so  good  an  Example  beleiving  they  might  be  Negligent 
therein. 

Monday  the  I2th  day  of  July  1725. 

Arrived  here  from  the  Catabaws  William  Ballow  and  one 
John  Ellis  Indian  Traders  and  having  Demanded  their 
Invoice  of  goods,  found  that  it  Amounted  to  1341  wt  of  leather 
at  Indian  Price  and  that  they  Traded  for  Majr  Bowling  in 
Virginia. 

Tuesday  the  i$th  day  of  July  1725. 
Wednesday  the  14.  day  of  July  1725. 
Nothing  Occurred  these  two  days  for  my  Observation. 

Thursday  the  75  day  of  July  1725. 

Arrived  here  from  Tuccaseegee  3  Samuel  Brown  and  John 
Hewet  who  I  sent  for  by  an  Order  of  the  8th  Instant,  And 

F*  1  The  Choctaws,  in  what  is  now  Mississippi  and  western  Alabama, 
were  the  principal  tribe  of  Southern  Indians  that  were  at  this  time 
in  the  French  interest. 

2  The  Chickasaw  Indians  were  the  chief  occupants  of  the  country 
between  the  Cherokees  and  the  Mississippi  River.     They  main 
tained  friendly  relations  with  the  English  but  were  habitually  at 
war  with  some  of  their  neighboring  Indian  tribes. 

3  There  was  a  Cherokee  town  of  Tuckaseegee  at  the  forks  of 
the  Tuckaseegee  River  in  North  Carolina. 

103 


TRAVELS  IN  THE  AMERICAN  COLONIES 

having  Examined  the  said  Hewet  in  relation  to  his  being 
among  the  Indians  without  my  leave,  I  found  that  he  was 
Employed  by  Mr.  Marr  and  that  after  he  had  left  the  said 
Marrs  Employ  that  James  Millikin  Indian  Trader  Employed 
him  and  gave  him  Orders  to  Trade  by  two  Letters  from  the 
said  Millikin  which  the  said  Hewet  produced  to  me  and 
having  Considered  the  aforesd  Information, 

I  gave  Orders  to  the  said  Hewet  to  Stay  at  Keewohee  til 
the  said  Milikin  Arrived  here  from  the  Catawbaws  at  which 
time  I  informed  him  I  should  give  him  further  Orders. 

Friday  the  i6th  day  of  July  1725. 

This  day  came  in  here  twelve  head  men  of  Tugelo  Town.1 
Came  in  from  the  Settlement  David  Doway  and  Andrew 

White  Indian  Traders. 

Richard  Hasford  gave  to  me  the  following  Information 

of  which  he  took  his  Oath. 

That  in  or  about  the  Month  of  November  Annoq  Dom. 
1724  When  the  said  Hatton  went  to  Noyouwee  2  that  he  the 
said  Hatton  told  an  Indian  Woman  in  the  same  Town  Named 
Peggy  to  tell  the  Indians  that  he  had  gott  a  paper  from  the 
English  Governor  that  promised  them  men,  and  that  if  they 
asked  for  any  that  they  must  demand  three  hundred  and 
that  the  said  Hatton  told  them  when  they  had  pitched  upon 
two  men  to  go  down  to  the  English  that  they  must  give 
them  in  Charge  to  talk  Strong  to  them  and  not  to  be  afTraid. 

Signed  RICHD.  HASFORD. 

Arrived  here  from  the  Settlement  Laufflin  McBain  Indian 
Trader. 

The  head  men  of  Twenty  one  Towns  being  mett  here 
together  I  had  the  Talk  Interpretted  to  them. 

1  Tugaloo,  a  Cherokee  town  at  the  confluence  of  Tugaloo  River 
and  Toccoa  Creek  in  Habersham  County,  Georgia. 

2  Noyouwee,  or  Noyoee,  was  a  Cherokee  town  at  the  head  of 
Tugaloo   River  on   the   west   border  of  Oconee   County,   South 
Carolina. 

104 


COLONEL  CHICKEN'S  JOURNAL 

At  a  Meeting  of  the  head  men  of  Twenty  one  Towns  whereof 
Crow  is  King  Jo  :  Cooper  and  Eleazer  Wigan  Interpreters 

I  informed  them  that  I  was  come  a  great  way  with  a  great 
talk  from  the  English,  that  I  beleived  they  have  had  Stories 
told  them  and  I  desired  to  know  if  they  did  not  all  know  me. 

A.   They  all  knew  me  very  well. 

I  informed  them  that  I  should  have  been  glad  to  have  had 
the  headmen  of  all  their  Towns  here,  but  as  they  were  not 
come,  I  informed  them  that  I  was  glad  to  see  so  many  of 
them  together  as  there  was. 

I  likewise  informed  them  that  I  should  deliver  the  talk 
to  them  from  all  the  beloved  Men  of  the  English  and  that 
as  there  was  the  head  Men  of  Twenty  one  Towns  present  I 
hoped  and  Expected  they  would  mind  what  I  said  to  them. 

A.  It's  very  well  and  that  they'll  always  harken  good  to 
the  English  talk. 

The  whole  talk  being  Interpreted  to  them 

They  informed  me  that  they  did  send  down  a  talk  to  the 
English  abt  White  Men  and  that  they  Expected  them. 

Q.  What  reason  had  you  to  Expect  them  or  who  was  it 
that  told  You  anything  abt  White  Men  coming  among 
You? 

A.  That  they  never  heard  it  from  any  White  Man  but 
that  when  the  King  first  reed  his  Comission  and  talk  from 
the  English  it  was  therein  say'd  that  the  English  would 
Consider  of  Assisting  them  agt  their  Enemies  in  Case 
they  killed  their  Burtheners  or  other  people  belonging  to 
them. 

They  informed  me  that  now  I  had  given  the  talk  to  them 
and  that  they  would  give  me  a  General  Answer  at  the  Meet 
ing  of  the  head  Men  of  the  whole  Nation. 

I  informed  them  it  was  very  well  and  that  I  desired 
they  would  Consider  well  of  the  talk  before  the  General 
Meeting  and  that  they  would  make  it  known  to  all  their 
people. 

Which  they  Promissed  to  do  And  then  they  Severally  took 
me  by  the  hand  and  took  their  leavs  of  me. 

105 


TRAVELS  IN  THE  AMERICAN  COLONIES 

Saturday  the  ijih  day  of  July  1725. 

Sent  the  following  Letter  to  his  Honour  the  President l : 
May  it  please  your  Honour  — 

This  Opportunity  happening  by  two  Burtheners  who  are 
going  to  Mr.  Hasford's  Cowpen  I  thought  it  would  be  proper 
to  Acquaint  your  Honour  of  my  Arrival  here  on  Monday  the 
ffifth  Instant  where  I  have  been  Obliged  to  stay  for  this 
Twelve  day's  for  the  head  men's  meeting  together,  the  reason 
of  their  not  meeting  sooner  was  because  Provission  is  Scarce 
here,  and  on  Friday  the  i6th  July  I  had  the  talk  with  the 
head  men  of  Twenty  One  Towns  which  has  mett  with  the 
Genl  Satisfaction  of  them  all  and  I  hope  will  prove  to  the 
Intire  Satisfaction  of  the  Government  it  being  my  whole 
Study  to  bring  it  about.  I  intend  (God  willing)  to  set 
away  from  hence  the  i8th  Instant  on  my  Journey  over  the 
Hills  where  I  intend  to  have  the  talk  with  the  people  of  those 
parts  and  there  is  to  be  a  General  Meeting  of  the  head  Men 
of  the  whole  Nation  in  the  Middle  Settlements  to  Consult 
about  a  General  Answer  to  our  talk  which  I  shall  take  care  to 
send  down  to  your  Honr  as  soon  as  possible  and  I  hope  your 
Honour  will  be  Speedy  to  me  in  your  Expresses,  Especially 
in  your  Answer  to  me  when  you  have  heard  from  the  Creeks, 
that  I  may  Compleat  all  Matters  Comitted  to  my  Charge. 
As  to  what  we  have  heretofore  heard  from  the  Traders  in 
Genl  in  Relation  to  our  sending  Men  here,  I  do  Assure  your 
Honr  is  groundless  and  that  having  talked  to  the  Indians 
about  it  I  find  by  them  that  they  never  thought  of  any  such 
thing,  but  that  it  has  been  Infused  into  their  heads  by  the 
Traders  here  and  particularly  [by]  a  Man  whom  We  have  had 
too  much  relyance  on. 

I  hope  your  Honour  will  lay  before  the  Assembly  a  Clause 
to  be  Altered  in  the  Indian  Trading  Law  (wch  is)  that  the 
Traders  be  confined  to  Trade  in  any  one  or  two  Towns  of  their 
own  Choice  there  being  Towns  Sufficient  for  more  Traders 
than  hath  ever  been  here  yet  and  not  to  run  from  Town  to 

1  Arthur  Middleton  was  president  of  the  Council  and  acting 
governor  in  1725-1730. 

106 


COLONEL   CHICKEN'S  JOURNAL 

Town  which  in  my  Opinion  is  a  great  Detriment  to  the 
Trade  and  will  in  a  little  time  (if  care  be  not  taken)  Create 
great  disputes  and  Quarrells  among  the  Traders  which  will 
be  111  Examples  to  the  Indians  and  may  prove  of  ill  Conce- 
quence  to  the  Country  and  it  is  my  Opinion  that  the  Principal 
is  Sufficient  to  Trade  on  one  Lycence  Choosing  two  Towns 
to  Trade,  the  Men  they  bring  up  with  them  being  in  General 
a  loose  Vagabond  Sort  of  people  and  will  not  Stick  out  to  say 
or  do  any  thing  among  the  Indians  for  the  Lucre  of  a  few 
Skines,  so  that  I  think  the  fewer  of  them  their  is  the  better 
and  I  am  well  Assured  that  it  will  be  better  for  the  Trade  in 
General.  If  your  Honour  and  Assembly  Approves  of  this 
and  can  gett  it  past  before  I  can  depart  hence  and  will  send  it 
to  me  I  shall  then  Ifhediatly  put  it  in  force  and  I  dont  doubt 
but  in  a  little  time  after  that  you  will  see  the  good  Effect  of  it 
as  well  as  the  Traders  Employers,  I  have  nothing  further  to 
Advise  your  Honrs  of  at  present  but  that  there  hath  not  been 
any  hostilities  Comitted  here  since  the  Departure  of  the 
Traders  and  that  a  few  days  agoe  We  had  an  Accot  of  the 
if  rench  Indians  doing  some  damage  to  the  Upper  People  wch 
I  intend  to  make  use  of  in  my  discourse  to  them  in  hopes  that 
it  will  keep  them  at  Warr  with  all  Indians  in  Amity  with  the 
French  which  these  Lower  people  very  very  much  approve  off. 
I  desire  your  Honour  will  Render  my  best  Services  Accept 
able  to  the  Honble  Council  and  Assembly  in  doing  of  which 
you'l  Oblige 

Your  Honrs  Most  Obedt 

Humble  Servant. 

Sunday  the  i8th  day  of  July  1725. 

We  set  away  from  Keewohee  in  Company  with  the  Lower 
King,  Eleazer  Wigan,  and  Jos.  Cooper  about  Ten  of  the 
Clock  in  the  Morning  and  about  Twelve  a  Clock  at  Noon  We 
came  to  Tamautley  1  a  Town  Distant  from  Keewohee  about 
12  Miles  where  we  lay  all  Night. 

1  Tomautley,  Tomantly,  or  Tomassee  was  in  a  northwesterly 

direction  from  Keowee   and   not  far  from  the  North   Carolina 
border. 

H  107 


TRAVELS  IN  THE  AMERICAN  COLONIES 

About  Eight  of  Clock  at  Night  I  went  to  the  Town  House 
and  carryed  along  with  me  King  Crow  and  the  Two  Lin- 
guisters  And  having  Stayed  there  for  some  time  King  Crow 
made  a  Speech  to  the  people  of  the  Town  and  Rehearsed  to 
them  the  Substance  of  the  Talk  I  had  with  them  and  desired 
that  they  would  not  forgett  it,  that  they  might  have  it  in 
mind  at  the  General  Meeting  and  withall  telling  them  to 
Consider  what  a  good  thing  it  was  to  be  ffriends  with  the 
English  who  they  would  always  Stand  by  and  bid  them  to 
remember  what  good  times  it  was  now  to  what  it  hath  been 
before  the  English  came  among  them.  The  King  having 
done  Speaking,  the  people  in  the  Town  house  Returned 
thanks  which  are  Words  they  use  when  they  like  any  thing 
that  [is]  said  to  them. 

Monday  the  ipth  day  of  July  1725. 

The  Weather  being  very  Cloudy  and  looking  very  likely 
to  rain  We  did  not  set  away  from  thence  til  Eleven  Clock 
in  the  Morning  and  about  half  past  five  We  came  to  Tuc- 
careecho *  distant  from  Tamantly  about  Eighteen  Miles 
where  we  lay  all  Night. 

Tuesday  the  2Oth  day  of  July  1725. 

We  set  away  from  Tuccareecho  abt  nine  of  the  Clock  in 
the  Morning  and  abt  three  in  the  afternoon  We  came  to  Old 
Estotoe  2  in  the  Middle  Settlements  being  about  Sixteen 
Miles  from  Tuccareecho  where  we  lay  all  Night. 

Wednesday  the  21  day  of  July  1725. 

Set  away  from  old  Estotoe  about  Eight  of  the  Clock  in  the 
Morning  and  abt  four  of  the  Clock  in  the  afternoon  we  came 
to  Nocochee  3  w[h]ere  was  mett  together  the  head  Men  of  the 

1  Tuccareecho  was  also  in  a  northwesterly  direction  from  Keowee, 
but  its  exact  location  has  not  been  determined. 

2  Old  Estatoe  on  the  Tugaloo  River  at  the  western  extremity 
of  South  Carolina. 

3  The  identity  and  location  of  this  town  has  not  been  determined. 

108 


COLONEL  CHICKEN'S  JOURNAL 

said  Town  and  also  of  Six  other  Towns  belonging  to  the 
Lower  Kings  Precincts  who  were  not  at  Keewohee  at  the 
time  of  my  giving  the  Talk  to  the  head  men  of  Several  other 
Towns,  And  having  given  the  Talk  to  them  they  seemed  all 
very  well  Satisfyed  therewth  And  then  I  informed  them  that 
I  did  not  Expect  an  Answer  to  the  talk  at  that  time  but 
hoped  they  would  keep  it  well  in  mind  that  they  migt 
Remember  what  I  said  to  them  at  the  General  meeting  of  the 
head  men  of  the  whole  Nation  (of  which  I  would  give  them 
Notice).  I  also  informed  them  that  as  Crow  was  their 
King  and  made  by  them  and  Approved  off  by  the  English, 
that  I  Expected  they  would  look  upon  him  as  such,  other 
wise  they  would  be  no  people,  and  that  the  head  men  in  all 
their  Towns  would  take  care  to  keep  their  Young  Men  under 
them  and  make  them  obey  them  in  every  thing. 

To  the  foregoing  talk  they  Answered  in  One  Voice  That 
they  would  take  Notice  of  what  I  had  say'd  to  them  and 
that  it  was  good. 

Thursday  the  22d  day  of  July  1725. 

This  day  King  Crow  left  us  and  the  rest  of  the  head  Men 
who  Accompany'd  Us  in  our  path  to  the  last  of  his  Precincts 
that  lies  in  Our  path  over  the  Hills  and  at  their  departure  I 
called  them  together  and  informed  them  in  the  presence  of 
the  King  that  I  Expected  they  with  four  or  five  Towns  Ad 
jacent  to  Keewohee  would  build  a  large  house  with  a  Corn 
house  thereto  in  the  said  Town  in  such  a  place  as  their  King 
should  think  fitt,  in  Order  for  the  head  men  of  his  precincts 
meeting  at  any  time  when  they  had  any  thing  to  talk  abt 
and  to  Entertain  them  at  their  coming  thither  as  also  to 
receive  the  White  mens  goods  when  they  came  there,  and 
that  Each  Family  should  bring  to  the  King  Yearly  for  a 
publick  Store  a  bagg  or  baskett  of  Corn  to  Entertain  their 
head  men  at  their  Publick  Meetings  as  well  as  Strangers. 

They  Answered  to  the  above  discourse  that  they  would 
take  care  and  get  it  done  out  of  hand. 

We  were  Obliged  to  Stay  here  this  day  the  Weather  prov 
ing  very  Rainy. 

109 


TRAVELSj_IN.[THE  AMERICAN  COLONIES 

f  Friday  the  2 3d  day  of  July  1725. 

Set  away  from.  Nocoochee  abt  6  of  the  Clock  in  the  Morn 
ing  and  abt  Six  at  Night  we  passed  by  Tamautley  in  the 
Upper  Settlements  and  came  to  Elejoy1  being  abt  two  Miles 
further  where  we  lay  all  Night  having  Traviled  this  day 
thirty  ffive  Miles  a  road  which  is  almost  Impossible  to 
Travile  in  and  were  Obliged  to  walk  Several  Miles  of  the 
way. 

At  my  Arrival  here  was  mett  together  the  head  men  of  five 
Towns  in  the  Upper  Settlements  who  after  their  Ceremonial 
way  came  and  Sing'd  before  me  and  faned  me  with  their 
Eagles  tailes  and  seemed  very  much  Joyed  at  my  coming 
among  them. 

About  Eight  of  the  Clock  at  Night  I  went  to  the  Town 
House  there  being  all  the  head  men  and  Others,  And  informed 
them  by  Linguisrs  2  that  I  Expected  that  the  head  men  of 
every  Town  in  the  Upper  Settlements  would  go  over  the  Hills 
to  their  King  where  I  should  give  them  the  talk  and  also  that 
there  would  be  a  Meeting  of  the  head  men  of  the  whole 
Nation  at  which  I  Expected  they  would  be  at  and  that  they 
would  remember  what  I  said  to  them,  when  I  had  talked 
with  them  over  the  hills. 

They  in  Answer  to  the  above  discourse  said  that  they 
would  take  Notice  of  it. 

Saturday  the  2^.th  day  of  July  1725. 

This  Morning  came  to  me  the  head  men  of  Elejoy  who 
informed  me  that  they  were  desirous  to  hear  the  talk  in  their 
own  Town  and  that  they  had  no  Mind  to  go  over  the  Hills. 

I  then  Informed  them  after  a  Sharp  Manner  that  I  would 
not  talk  wth  them  in  their  own  Town,  and  that  as  the  head 
Men  of  the  Lower  Settlements  had  waited  upon  their  King, 

1  Ellijay.     There  were  several   Cherokee  towns  of  this  name, 
but  the  one  here  referred  to  was  most  likely  that  in  Macon  County, 
North  Carolina,  near  the  site  of  the  present  town  of  Franklin. 

2  Linguisters  or  interpreters. 


^COLONEL  CHICKEN'S  JOURNAL 

so  I  Expected  they  would  wait  upon  their  King  he  being  of 
their  own  Choosing  and  Approved  of  by  the  English  that 
they  might  be  altogether  and  then  there  could  be  no  Excusses 
from  any  of  them  in  saying  that  they  had  not  heard  the 
Talk  which  was  Usual  among  them,  And  having  done  saying 
any  further,  I  desired  that  they  would  give  me  an  Answer  to 
what  I  had  now  said  to  them. 

And  the  head  Men  having  Considered  among  themselv's 
of  what  I  had  said  to  them  made  Answer  —  That  they  would 
send  two  head  men  and  a  Councelour  out  of  Each  Town  and 
that  they  would  be  two  Nights  after  me  in  my  Journey 
Over  the  Hills. 

I  inform'd  them  that  it  was  very  well  and  that  I  was  Glad 
they  had  given  me  so  good  an  Answer. 

Set  away  from  Elejoy  abt  nine  of  the  Clock  this  Morning 
and  abt  Ten  of  the  Clock  we  came  by  little  Teriquo  l  in  the 
Middle  Settlements  being  about  Two  Miles  from  Elejoy. 
We  also  passed  by  Conustee.  About  Twelve  at  Noon  I  took 
our  Departure  from  thence  and  came  about  five  Miles 
Short  of  a  place  called  the  Beaver  Dam  where  we  lay  in  the 
Woods  for  this  Night  having  Travilled  that  day  25  Miles. 

Sunday  the  2$th  day  of  July  1725. 

We  set  away  from  our  Camp  about  five  of  the  Clock  in  the 
Morning  and  abt  three  in  the  afternoon  we  Arrived  at  Great 
Terriquo  2  over  the  hills  where  we  was  mett  by  two  head 
men  of  the  said  Town  (the  rest  being  all  out  a  hunting). 
We  Travilled  this  day  about  25  Miles  in  a  very  bad  road  so 
that  we  were  Obliged  to  walk  for  Several  Miles  over  the 
hills. 

This  Town  is  very  Compact  and  thick  Settled  which  they 
are  Obliged  to,  otherwise  they  would  be  Cut  of  by  the  Enemy 
who  are  Continually  within  a  Mile  of  the  Town  lurking 
about  the  Skirts  thereof  and  very  often  Cut  of  their  People 

1  Little  Tellico. 

2  Great  Tellico,  on  Tellico  River  near  its  junction  with  the 
Little  Tennessee. 

in 


TRAVELS  IN  THE  AMERICAN  COLONIES 

and  make  their  Escape.  Here  are  two  town  Housses  in 
this  Town  by  reason  they  are  the  people  of  Two  towns 
settled  together  wch  are  both  Enforted  and  their  houses 
which  they  live  in  all  Muskett  proof. 

Munday  the  26th  day  of  July  1725. 

We  stayed  at  Terriquo  all  day,  it  proving  rainy,  and  sent 
away  Messingers  to  the  King  of  these  parts  at  Tunissee  1 
about  1 6  Miles  from  hence  to  inform  the  King  that  I  should 
be  with  him  the  next  day  following  in  Order  to  give  out  the 
Governours  Talk  to  his  people. 

Tuesday  the  2jth  day  of  July  1725. 

The  day  proving  very  rainy  we  could  not  goe  from  hence 
according  to  the  Message  sent  Yesterday  to  the  King  at 
Tunisee  I  informed  the  headmen  at  Terriquo  that  were  at 
home  that  I  Expected  they  would  Accompany  me  to  Tunissee 
where  there  King  lived  and  where  I  intended  to  give  them 
the  English  talk. 

Wednesday  the  28th  day  of  July  1725. 

We  set  away  from  Terriquo  about  Nine  of  the  Clock  this 
Morning  and  about  ten  of  the  Clock  we  had  a  Violent  Shower 
of  rain  wch  Caused  the  head  men  of  Terriquo  wch  were 
along  with  me  to  return  home  and  the  Shower  being  over  we 
set  away  and  about  one  Clock  in  the  Afternoon  we  Arrived 
at  Tunisee  where  the  King  of  the  Upper  people  lives,  and 
some  time  after  my  Arrival  there  I  had  their  whole  Ceremony 
used  before  me  at  which  time  the  head  Warriour  of  Tunissee 
got  up  and  made  the  following  Speech  to  me  and  the  People 
of  the  Town. 

That  they  must  now  mind  and  Consider  that  all  their 
Old  men  were  gone,  and  that  they  have  been  brougt  up  after 
another  Manner  then  their  forefathers  and  that  they  must 

1  Tennessee,  on  Little  Tennessee  River,  near  its  junction  with 
the  Tennessee. 


112 


COLONEL  CHICKEN'S  JOURNAL 

Consider  that  they  could  not  live  without  the  English.  As 
for  his  part  and  the  Kings  they  allways  are  and  will  be 
loving  and  kind  to  the  English  for  taking  so  much  Notice  of 
them  in  sending  up  one  of  their  beloved  men  among  them 
which  they  as  Young  Men  had  never  seen  before.  Mind 
that  if  ever  I  dye  you  Pitch  upon  a  Man  among  you  that  will 
talk  to  you  for  your  own  good  as  I  do,  and  that  he  be  a  Man 
that  will  always  Stick  Close  to  the  English  who  you  have,  and 
will  always  bee  good  to  you  and  be  sure  You  mind  what  I 
have  now  said  to  you. 

The  head  Warriour  having  done  Speaking  they  all  re 
turned  thanks. 

He  then  Ordered  both  Men  Women  and  Children  to  take 
us  by  the  hand  as  Brothers  and  ffathers  to  them. 

Their  whole  Ceremony  being  over,  I  then  informed  the 
King  and  head  Warriours  that  I  had  heard  his  good  talk  to 
his  people  and  that  I  was  come  a  great  way  with  a  great  talk 
from  the  Governour  and  all  the  belov'd  men  of  the  English 
(their  brothers)  which  I  was  ready  to  give  out  to  them  as  soon 
as  I  had  Notice  that  all  the  head  men  of  the  Towns  had  mett 
together.  And  then  the  head  Warriour  got  up  and  told  the 
People  what  I  had  said  to  the  King  which  they  in  one  Voice 
gave  thanks  to  him  for. 

The  King  informed  me  that  as  soon  as  they  had  mett 
together  he  would  let  me  know. 

At  Night  the  head  Warriour  being  along  with  us  at 
Supper  and  afterwards  Smoaking  two  or  three  pipes  of 
Tobacco  gave  us  the  following  Accot  of  what  had  happened 
since  Mr.  Wigan  had  left  them. 

That  about  Six  Nights  agoe  a  Man  and  a  Woman  going 
over  the  river  to  geather  some  herbs  to  make  Salt,  the  Man 
left  the  Woman  for  some  small  time  in  Order  to  go  and  Shoot 
a  Turkey,  and  at  his  return  back  he  Espyed  some  Enemies 
who  he  found  had  taken  away  the  Woman  he  left  behind 
him  and  the  Man  making  his  Escape  Allarmed  the  Town  who 
Ifhediatly  got  a  party  of  Men  and  went  out  about  35  Miles 
agt  the  Enemy  but  could  not  come  in  Sight  of  them,  they 
dividing  in  Small  Numbers  and  the  doggs  which  the  people 


TRAVELS  IN  THE  AMERICAN  COLONIES 

had  a  long  with  them  runing  before  gott  Sight  of  the  Enemy 
and  made  a  Sad  Noise,  the  Enemy  finding  by  the  dogs  that 
these  people  were  Nigh  them,  they  then  took  to  their  heels 
and  gott  away  the  Night  coming  on.  They  beleive  there  was 
five  of  the  Enemy  (one  of  which)  they  Suppose  to  have 
Struck  out  by  himself  with  the  Woman  that  was  Carried 
away.  That  the  begining  of  last  Moon  some  of  his  people 
being  a  hunting  down  the  river  about  16  Miles  discovered  a 
great  body  of  their  Enemies,  On  which  they  immediatly 
sent  in  some  of  their  people  to  Allarm  the  Town,  who  Im 
mediatly  dispatched  away  a  party  of  Men  in  Canoes  and 
when  they  came  up  with  their  own  people  that  had  first 
discovered  the  Enemy  they  sent  out  four  ffresh  look  outs, 
who  they  told  they  would  goe  easily  down  the  River  and 
Land  at  some  Convenient  place,  the  lookouts  in  the  mean 
time  coming  upon  the  Enemy,  who  were  on  the  top  of  a  Hill 
took  them  for  their  own  people,  thinking  that  they  might  be 
landed  long  before  they  gott  there,  and  the  lookouts  calling 
to  the  Enemy  (who  they  took  for  their  own  people)  the 
Enemy  made  no  Answer,  and  then  they  discovered  they 
were  the  Enemy  and  said  to  one  another,  "lets  run  for  it," 
and  as  they  run  the  Enemy  followed  them  and  wounded 
one  of  them  but  he  getting  into  a  Thickett  they  were  afraid 
to  Venture  after  him,  so  that  he  made  his  Escape,  the  other 
three  look  outs  keeping  along  came  up  with  their  own  body 
of  people  and  told  them  what  had  happened  (on  which) 
they  took  Measures  to  way  lay  the  path  for  the  Enemy  wth 
thought  to  give  them  battle  the  next  Morning,  but  the  Enemy 
as  they  Supposed  discovered  them  and  Steared  their  Course 
from  them  in  the  Night  and  got  away  on  which  the  people 
returned  home  without  any  Success. 

After  the  relation  of  the  foregoing  Story  he  further  said 
that  they  were  hemed  in  all  round  with  their  Enemies  and 
that  if  they  were  in  Unity  with  the  Southward  Indians  they 
should  have  no  Enemy  then  to  look  after  but  the  ffrench 
Indians  who  they  could  send  out  agt  And  then  Venture  to 
leave  their  Women  and  Children  at  home  and  also  that  they 
could  then  have  room  to  Hunt. 

114 


COLONEL  CHICKEN'S  JOURNAL 

Thursday  the  2Qth  day  of  July  1725. 

Came  in  from  Terriquo  two  of  the  head  men  of  the  said 
Town  to  hear  the  talk  given  to  the  King  at  Tunisee. 

Friday  the  $oth  day  of  July  1725. 
Saturday  the  31  day  of  July  1725. 
Nothing  Occured  this  two  daies  for  my  Observation. 

Sunday  the  ist  day  of  August  1725. 
Munday  the  2d  day  of  August  1725. 

The  head  men  of  the  following  Towns  being  mett  together 
at  Tunisee  I  had  the  talk  Interpreted  to  them. 

Tunissee  .  Terriquo   .    Tallassee  1  Towns  on  this  side  the 

Suittico    .  Coosaw     ....      j      hills. 

Elejoy      .  Tamantley  j  Towns  on  the  other  side 

Cheeowee  Conustee  j      the  hills. 

Towns  wanting  in  the  Upper  Settlements  : 
Iwasee  and  Little  Terriquo 

I  informed  them  by  the  Two  Linguisters  that  I  was  sent  a 
great  way  by  the  English  with  their  talk  for  the  good  of  the 
Cherookees  and  hoped  that  they  would  take  Notice  of  it. 

A.  That  they  were  glad  to  see  me  among  them  and  that 
they  would  take  Notice  of  no  other  talk  but  the  English's. 

The  talk  being  Interpreted  to  them  they  returned  thanks 
And  then  I  Examined  them  as  follows  in  relation  to  the 
Coosaw  Man  J  being  Reed  by  one  of  their  Towns. 

Q.  What  did  the  Coosaw  Man  which  was  reed  by  Terri 
quo  Town  say  to  the  people  of  the  said  Town  ? 

The  Head  Warriour  of  Great  Terriquo  made  Answer  as 
follows  :  That  the  Coosaw  Man  came  to  this  Town  with  a 
Slave  Woman  that  was  taken  from  them  by  the  Creeks  and 

1  Kusa  man,  an  inhabitant  of  the  Upper  Creek  Town  of  Kusa, 
which  was  situated  on  the  Coosa  River  in  Talladega  County, 
Alabama. 


TRAVELS  IN  THE  AMERICAN   COLONIES 

that  Tusseegi  omeco  of  the  Coosaw  Town  in  the  Abeecoes  * 
Ordered  her  to  come  along  with  his  Nephew  which  was  the 
sd  Coosaw  Man  and  to  Sue  for  a  peace  for  Six  of  their 
towns,  and  one  more  wch  had  not  heard  of  it  with  the 
Cherokees. 

The  head  Warriour  of  Terriquo  also  informed  me,  that 
the  reason  the  Woman  was  sent  along  [with]  the  Coosaw 
Man  was  because  there  was  a  party  of  the  Cherokees  and 
some  Chicksaws  gone  out  against  the  Creeks  who  coming  up 
with  some  of  the  Abeecoe  Towns,  a  Cheeckesaw  ffellow  that 
was  among  them,  run  away  from  the  rest  of  the  party,  and 
got  with  the  Abecoe  Towns,  and  gave  the  Abecoes  an  Accot 
that  the  English  had  sent  up  an  Army  of  White  men  and 
Negroes  to  the  Cherokees  to  goe  agt  the  Creeks,  and  Advised 
them  to  Enfort  themselv's  forthwith  which  was  the  reason 
they  sent  the  Coosaw  Man  and  the  Slave  Woman  to  the 
Cherokees. 

Q.  Why  did  you  beleive  an  Idle  ffellow  who  came  to  tell 
you  lies  for  if  he  had  come  for  a  peace  he  would  have  brought 
some  token  with  him  ? 

A.  That  the  Slave  Woman  which  the  Coosaw  Man 
brougt  along  with  him  was  his  Child,  and  that  the  Coosaw 
Man  informed  him  that  if  [they]  approved  of  His  Message 
they  would  send  all  the  Cherokees  home  which  they  had 
Amongst  them  as  Slaves  at  times,  which  made  him  believe 
what  the  Coosaw  man  said  to  him. 

I  inform'd  him  that  he  might  as  well  beleive  any  Idle 
Fellow  who  perhaps  might  be  sent  from  a  body  of  their 
Enemies  (who  might  be  near  any  of  their  Towns)  to  discover 
what  Number  of  people  might  be  in  them  and  if  they  found 
they  could  have  an  Advantage  over  them  then  they  would 
Cutt  you  off  before  you  could  Defend  yourselves  agt  them. 

A.  That  it  was  very  true  what  I  had  said  and  that  such 
a  thing  might  happen  at  one  time  or  another. 

Q.  Why  did  you  not  Immediatly  send  to  your  King  living 
in  the  next  Town  to  Yours  and  the  rest  of  the  people  of  your 

1  Abihkas,  Upper  Creek  Indians  inhabiting  the  valley  of  the 
Upper  Coosa. 

116 


COLONEL  CHICKEN'S  JOURNAL 

Nation  to  lett  them  know  that  a  Coosaw  man  was  come  into 
your  Town  ? 

A.  That  he  did  send  a  Messinger  and  was  going  to  send 
another  but  the  News  of  Quannissee  being  Cutt  of  by  the 
people  of  the  Coosaw  Man's  Nation  made  him  run  away  in 
the  Night  after  four  days  Stay  wth  him. 

Q.  What  did  you  say  to  the  Coosaw  Man  before  he  went 
away  ? 

A.  That  he  told  him  that  there  were  Several  of  his  people 
out  at  Warr  and  that  if  they  killed  any  of  the  Coosaws  or  if 
the  Coosaws  killed  any  of  his  People  that  it  must  not  be 
thought  of. 

Q.  What  discourse  had  you  with  him  the  time  he  was 
with  you  wch  you  say  was  four  day's  ? 

A.  That  he  Advised  him  to  be  gone  because  he  did  not 
design  he  should  go  any  further  into  the  Towns,  and  that  he 
Expected  the  King  (who  he  knew  would  not  Approve  of  his 
being  there)  having  sent  a  Second  Messinger  to  him. 

I  inform'd  him  that  I  found  by  his  discourse  that  he  was 
Conveyed  away  by  him. 

A.  That  if  he  had  been  Conveyed  away  by  him  that  he 
would  not  have  left  his  Gun  and  Coat  behind.  At  which 
Answer  all  the  rest  of  the  head  men  at  the  Meeting 
Laughed  at  him  wch  is  their  way  when  any  of  their  head 
men  do  any  thing  without  the  Consent  of  their  King  and 
the  head  men  of  the  other  Towns. 

Q.  How  came  you  to  Suffer  your  Young  Men  to  go  to 
Warr  agt  the  Coosaws  in  so  little  a  time  after  the  Coosaw 
Man  run  away  ? 

A.  That  they  were  Young  Men  and  would  do  what  they 
pleased. 

The  foregoing  Answer  gives  me  Strong  reason  to  beleive 
that  none  of  the  People  at  Terriquo  were  willing  to  receive 
the  Coosaw  Man  Except  the  head  Warriour  and  some  of  the 
old  men. 

Q.  Why  did  not  you  send  the  English  word  that  a  Coosaw 
Man  was  come  to  Your  Town  for  a  peace  according  to  the 
Promise  when  you  was  last  down  and  According  to  the 

117 


TRAVELS  IN  THE  AMERICAN  COLONIES 

promise  of  all  the  head  men  of  your  Nation  that  have  been 
down  to  the  English  ? 

A.  That  the  Coosaw  Man  run  away  before  the  King  and 
head  men  could  meet  together  to  Consult  abt  him  so  that 
they  could  not  send  down  to  the  English. 

This  was  all  I  could  gett  from  the  head  Warriour  he  being 
so  Confused  at  what  he  had  done  and  at  what  I  had  say'd  to 
him  in  the  presence  of  the  rest  of  the  head  men  at  the  Meeting. 

At  my  giving  out  the  Talk  when  I  came  to  that  part  of  it 
wch  relates  to  their  making  any  Treaty  with  the  French  or 
their  Indians,  I  thougt  fitt  to  Add  the  following  Article  to  it : 
That  if  any  french  Man  comes  among  them  that  they  Secure 
them  because  they  do  all  they  can  to  destroy  them  And  that 
altho  they  do  not  come  into  Towns,  Yet  they  come  a  great 
way  wth  their  Indians  (y[ou]r  Enemies)  in  the  path  and 
down  the  river  with  a  design  to  destroy  your  People. 

To  the  foregoing  discourse  they  gave  the  following 
Answer. 

That  they  never  will  Suffer  any  ffrench  Man  Whatsoever 
to  come  amongst  them,  because  they  never  had  any  love  to 
them,  and  the  King  and  the  head  Warriour  of  Tunnisee 
Spoke  as  follows : 

That  they  remembred  very  well  what  the  English  Govr 
said  to  them  when  they  were  last  down  relating  to  the  French, 
Which  was  to  Secure  them  and  to  take  their  goods  for  them- 
selv's  Which  they  also  made  Answer  and  said  they  would  be 
Sure  to  mind  what  the  Govr  said  because  they  never  had  any 
Value  for  the  ffrench  nor  never  will. 

I  informed  them  that  the  I4th  day  of  this  Month  I  had 
Appointed  to  be  the  General  Meeting  at  Elejoy  and  that  I 
Expected  they  would  all  be  there  and  that  I  should  send  as 
soon  as  they  could  get  me  a  Messinger  to  go  to  the  Lower 
King  and  headmen  who  had  promised  to  mett  as  soon  as 
they  heard  from  me  to  give  me  a  General  Answer  to  the  talk 
I  had  given  them. 

And  then  they  all  made  Answer  that  they  would  be  sure 
to  be  there  and  that  they  would  before  that  time  Consider 
well  of  what  talk  I  had  given  them. 

118 


COLONEL  CHICKEN'S  JOURNAL 

And  then  they  Departed. 

Came  in  this  day  from  Kewohee  Henry  Guston  and  Ja  : 
Millikin,  Indian  Traders. 

Wednesday  the  $d  day  of  August  1725. 

This  Morning  appeared  before  me  Ja:  Millikin  and  Henry 
Guston  to  Answer  a  Complt  agt1  them  pursuant  to  my  Orders 
of  the  1 8th  of  July  last  in  Relation  to  their  Employing  one 
John  Hewet  for  one  whole  Year  in  the  Indian  Trade  without 
my  leave  or  Lycence  which  I  proved  before  them  by  Two 
Letters  from  them  to  the  said  Hewet,  wherein  they  Charge 
him  not  to  Trade  in  the  presence  of  any  White  Man  for  fear 
of  his  being  discovered. 

And  the  said  Gustin  and  Millikin  pleading  that  they 
Employed  the  said  Hewet  out  of  Charity  and  without  any 
design  of  defrauding  the  Country  or  in  Contempt  of  the 
Government  and  hoping  that  I  would  take  their  Case  under 
Consideration  and  to  Shew  them  as  much  favour  as  the  Cir 
cumstance  of  the  Case  would  Admitt  of,  and  as  would  seem 
mett  with  me,  Promiseing  for  the  future  to  take  care  of  any 
further  Complt  against  them,  And  on  Considering  the 
above  Complt  I  Ordered  them  to  give  me  a  Note  for  the 
Sum  of  Thirty  pounds  payable  to  the  Country  it  being  there 
due  from  the  said  Hewet  who  Traded  for  them  a  whole 
Year  without  any  Lycence  and  they  having  given  me  their 
Note  accordingly  on  Mr.  Saml.  Eveleigh  Mercht  I  then 
dismist  them  of  the  Complt  agt  them  giving  them  in  Charge 
to  take  care  for  the  future  how  they  behaved  themselv's, 
which  they  Promised  to  do. 

Wednesday  the  4th  day  of  August  1725. 

Thursday  the  $th  day  of  August  1723. 

Friday  the  6th  day  of  August  1725. 

Saturday  the  7  day  of  August  172$. 

Sunday  the  8th  day  of  August  1725. 

1  Complaint  against. 

IIQ 


TRAVELS  IN  THE  AMERICAN  COLONIES 

Munday  the  gth  day  of  August  1725. 
Nothing  Occured  these  Six  days  for  my  Observation. 

Tuesday  the  loth  day  of  August  1725. 

We  set  away  from  Tunnisee  about  9  of  the  Clock  in  the 
Morning  in  Company  with  the  King  of  the  Upper  People 
and  the  head  Warriours  of  the  sd  Town  in  Order  to  goe  to 
the  General  Meeting  and  about  four  of  the  Clock  in  the 
Afternoon  We  came  to  Terriquo  where  we  Stayed  all  Night 
and  the  next  day. 

Thursday  the  I2th  day  of  August  1725. 

Having  Intelligence  that  the  Cherekee  Woman  who  came 
along  with  the  Coosaw  Man  from  the  Abecoes  was  in  this 
Town,  I  thought  fitt  to  Examine  her  as  Follows  : 

Who  gave  you  leave  to  return  to  your  own  Nation 
again  ? 

A.  That  she  had  leave  from  Youho-lo-mecco  a  head  Man 
of  the  Occacoochee  Town  in  the  Abecoes  and  that  Six  Nights 
before  She  came  away  the  head  Men  of  the  said  Town  had  a 
meeting  with  Several  others  but  She  could  not  tell  what  they 
mett  about  or  that  She  was  to  be  sent  home  And  that  She 
was  Ordered  first  to  come  along  by  herself,  by  the  Coosaw 
Mans  Nephew. 

Q.  Did  you  hear  that  the  Upper  Creeks  had  any  meeting 
about  a  peace  with  the  Cherokees  ? 

A.  No,  but  that  she  was  Ordered  by  Youho-lo-mecco  to 
talk  with  the  Cherookees  about  a  peace  with  them  for  the 
Summer  gone,  the  Winter  coming  and  the  Spring  following. 

Q.   Do  You  understand  the  Creek  Language  ? 

A.   Yes. 

Q.  Did  You  hear  the  head  Men  of  the  Towns  where  you 
was  talk  of  a  Peace  ? 

A.  That  She  did,  and  that  Six  Nights  before  she  came 
away  they  had  a  Meeting  abt  it  but  that  she  did  not  hear 
what  they  had  Concluded  on  and  that  She  was  sent  away  by 


COLONEL  CHICKEN'S  JOURNAL 

You-ho-lo  mecco  when  She  was  gathering  of  Wood,  and  that 
he  Ordered  his  Nephew  to  come  along  with  her. 

Q.  How  many  Towns  did  you  Understand  were  for  a 
Peace  ? 

A.  That  all  the  Towns  of  the  Upper  People  were  for  a 
Peace. 

Q.  Did  You  understand  what  made  them  desirous  of  a 
peace  ? 

A.  That  they  Supposed  there  was  a  great  Number  of  their 
people  killed  by  the  Cherokees  but  that  She  finds  Since  she 
has  been  at  home  they  were  killed  by  the  ffrench  Indians 
which  was  their  reasons  for  a  peace. 

Q.  Do  you  know  what  Answer  the  Coosaw  Man  that 
came  along  with  you  had  to  Carry  home  with  him  in  relation 
to  his  Message  which  was  for  a  Peace  ? 

A.  That  She  beleived  he  run  away  before  he  had  any 
Answer  given  him. 

I  informed  her  that  I  understood  she  was  in  the  Town 
House  when  the  people  of  Terriquo*  Town  talked  to  him. 

A.  That  she  heard  them  say  Nothing  to  him  abt  his 
Message  and  that  they  talked  with  him  only  about  the  path 
and  his  Journey  to  Terriquo  Town. 

I  Observe  that  when  any  of  these  people  (who  are  taken) 
return  back  to  their  own  Nation  that  they  are  keept  four 
day's  and  Nights  in  the  Town  house  and  that  the  people  of 
the  Town  dance  all  the  time,  so  that  if  there  had  been  any 
thing  said  to  the  Coosaw  Man  (who  was  keept  in  the  Town 
house  also)  that  she  must  have  heard  it  she  being  in  the 
Town  House  along  wth  the  Coosaw  Man  all  the  time  of  his 
Stay  with  these  people. 

Some  small  time  before  my  Departure  from  Terriquo 
Arrived  there  three  Chickesaws  from  their  own  Nation 
with  a  Message  (as  I  was  Informed)  wch  Occassioned  my 
Enquiry  about  it  and  found  it  to  be  as  follows  : 

That  they  were  Sent  to  the  Cherokees  by  their  head  men 
to  give  them  an  Accot  that  they  heard  by  the  way  of  the 
Toomes  (a  Settlement  of  the  French  Indians)  that  the  Creeks 
had  Concluded  on  a  talk  to  cutt  off  Terriquo  Town  last  Year. 

121 


TRAVELS  IN  THE  AMERICAN  COLONIES 

That  the  Chickesaws  have  made  a  peace  with  the  Chactaws 
but  for  no  Longer  time  then  they  can  have  an  Opportunity 
of  Cutting  a  Number  of  The  Chactaws  off  as  they  Served 
the  Chickesaws  some  time  agoe.  That  the  Weeo-tee-noes, 
(the  ffrench  Indians)  have  lately  killed  the  Chickesaw 
King  which  they  little  Expected  they  being  at  peace  wth 
them  and  that  they  have  also  killed  Several  of  their  Men  on 
the  Broad  river  so  that  now  they  have  declared  open  Warr 
with  them.  They  also  give  an  Accot  that  the  broad  river  is 
full  of  Canoes  with  ffrench  Indians  in  them  and  that  they  are 
all  about  in  these  parts. 

That  there  was  four  White  Men  in  the  Chickesaw  Nation 
and  that  they  had  sold  all  their  goods,  but  three  of  them  was 
gone  down  with  20  horse  load  of  Skins  and  the  other  Stays 
to  take  care  of  what  Skins  is  left  behind  and  that  they  all 
Promised  to  be  up  again  about  this  time. 

We  set  away  from  Terriquo  about  10  of  the  Clock  this 
Morning  and  about  6  at  Night  We  came  a  Mile  Short  of  a 
place  called  Beaver  Dam  being  about  24  M.  where  we  lay  in 
the  Woods  all  Night. 

Friday  the  i$th  day  of  August  1725. 

Set  away  from  our  Camp  about  6  of  the  Clock  in  the  Morn 
ing  and  abt  one  of  the  Clock  in  the  Afternoon  we  came  to 
Conustee  having  travilled  this  day  26  Miles. 

Saturday  the  ifth  of  August  1725. 

Stayed  at  Conuste  all  day  having  an  Accot  that  the  head 
men  of  the  whole  Nation  were  not  mett  at  Elejoy  according 
to  their  promise  being  about  Eight  Miles  from  hence. 

Sunday  the  i$th  day  of  August  1725. 
Stayed  at  Conustee  all  this  day  having  great  Raines. 

Munday  the  16  day  of  August  1725. 

The  Weather  breaking  up  and  being  very  fair  We  set 
away  from  Conustee  about  10  of  the  Clock  in  the  Morning 


COLONEL  CHICKEN'S  JOURNAL 

and  about  Twelve  at  Noon  we  came  to  Elejoy  where  was 
mett  together  the  King  and  head  men  of  all  the  Upper 
People  in  Order  to  be  at  the  General  Meeting  at  the  said 
Town  and  in  Expectation  of  meeting  the  King  and  head 
men  of  the  Lower  people  who  Appointed  to  be  here  two  days 
after  the  time  appointed  for  the  General  meeting. 


Tuesday  the  ifth  day  of  August 

This  Morning  a  Messinger  was  sent  away  to  Jhoree  1 
and  Noocochee  to  inform  the  head  men  of  the  Lower  people 
(who  we  had  an  Accot  were  mett  at  those  places)  that  the 
King  and  head  men  of  all  the  Upper  People  were  mett  at 
Elejoy  and  to  know  why  they  did  not  meet  them  According 
to  the  Appointed  time  for  the  General  Meeting. 


Wednesday  the  i8th  day  of  August 

Finding  that  the  Upper  people  had  not  sent  away  Messin- 
gers  to  the  Lower  people  according  to  their  Promise  Yester 
day,  I  went  my  Self  to  them  about  it  and  desired  to  know 
their  reasons  for  not  sending  to  the  Lower  people. 

They  Answered  that  the  King  and  all  the  head  men  of  the 
Upper  people  were  mett  at  the  place  and  time  appointed  and 
that  they  have  waited  four  Nights  for  the  Lower  people 
who  had  Notice  of  the  time  and  place  for  the  General  meet 
ing  as  well  as  they. 

Q.  I  then  asked  them  if  they  thougt  it  would  take  up  too 
much  time  in  sending  Messingers  to  the  lower  people  for  the 
English  to  know  their  reasons  for  not  meeting  according  to 
their  promise,  And  then  the  head  Warriour  got  up  and  Or 
dered  two  Messingers  to  go  to  Nocoo-chee  where  the  head 
men  of  the  Lower  people  were  mett. 

The  Head  Warriour  of  Tunnisee  told  me  that  he  would 
Stay  til  the  Messingers  Returned  and  that  if  the  Lower 
people  did  not  come  with  them  they  would  hear  the  talk 
and  return  home. 

1  Jore,  on  lola  Creek,  an  upper  branch  of  the  Little  Tennessee. 
i  123 


TRAVELS  IN  THE  AMERICAN   COLONIES 

I  inform'd  him  that  at  the  return  of  the  Messingers  I 
would  give  them  the  talk. 

The  two  Messingers  who  were  sent  Yesterday  to  the  Lower 
people  returning  Informed  us  that  they  mett  a  Messinger 
from  the  Lower  people  abt  15  Miles  from  hence  who  Informed 
them  that  the  head  Man  of  the  Lower  people  were  mett 
together  at  Nocochee  and  that  they  Expected  to  have  the 
talk  there  (in  Answer  to  which)  the  Messinger  that  went 
from  hence  Informed  the  other  Messinger  by  my  Order  that 
the  King  and  head  men  of  all  the  Upper  People  were  mett  to 
gether  at  Elejoy  being  the  place  appointed  by  them  all  after 
the  General  Meeting  and  that  I  was  very  Uneasy  at  their  not 
coming  having  Stayed  Six  days  for  them  and  that  I  designed 
the  talk  to  be  given  them  at  no  other  place  then  Elejoy. 

Arrived  here  one  James  Beemer  with  two  other  Men  (by 
Name)  Daniel  Jenkins  and  Peter  Wood  Indian  Traders  who 
informed  us  that  they  set  away  from  the  Settlemts  13  days 
after  us  and  that  they  were  29  daies  on  the  Path  to  this 
Nation. 

Thursday  the  igth  day  of  August  1725. 

Waited  at  Elejoy  all  day  in  Expectation  of  the  Lower 
people's  coming  and  they  not  coming  according  to  Expecta 
tion,  The  Head  Men  of  the  Upper  People  sent  their  King  to 
me  in  the  Evening  to  informe  me  that  they  had  Waited  here 
a  long  time  for  the  Lower  people  and  that  they  would  wait 
one  day  longer  and  that  if  they  didn't  come  in  that  time 
that  they  would  have  the  Talk  given  them  again,  at  which 
time  they  Should  be  ready  with  their  Answer. 

I  inform'd  the  King  that  I  hoped  they  would  rest  Satisfyed 
for  one  day  longer  and  that  if  they  did  not  then  come  I 
would  give  him  and  his  head  men  the  talk  and  that  after  I 
had  had  their  Answer  I  intended  to  goe  to  the  lower  people 
from  hence. 

Friday  the  2Oth  day  of  August  1725. 

This  Morning  I  hired  a  Special  Messinger  to  go  in  the  path 
to  Nocoochee  til  such  time  he  mett  the  lower  people  and  that 

124 


COLONEL  CHICKEN'S  JOURNAL 

if  he  mett  them  in  the  path  to  hasten  them  here,  because  the 
talk  was  to  be  given  toMorrow  Morning  to  the  Upper  people 
who  had  waited  so  long  a  time  for  them,  And  in  Case  he  did 
not  mett  them  to  go  to  Nocoochee  and  if  he  found  them  there 
to  inform  them  that  I  Expected  they  would  keep  all  together 
til  such  time  I  came  to  them  which  (God  willing)  I  designed 
on  Sunday  next  before  which  time  I  intended  to  give  the 
talk  again  to  the  Upper  People  and  to  have  their  Answer 
thereto. 

The  Messinger  returning  abt  6  of  the  Clock  in  the  Evening 
Informed  Us  that  he  had  mett  the  lower  people  who  he  said 
would  be  here  this  Night.  And  they  having  come  Accord 
ingly 

I  desired  to  know  their  reasons  for  their  not  coming  sooner. 
They  informed  me  that  their  King  had  set  the  time  6  Nights 
longer  then  I  had  set  it  before,  and  that  the  reason  their  King 
did  not  come  along  with  them  was  because,  he  was  out  of 
Order  in  his  Grind  and  that  it  was  his  Custome  to  Serve 
the  head  Men  after  this  Manner  at  any  of  their  meet 
ings. 

I  plainly  perceive  by  all  the  lower  people  that  [they]  have 
not  any  regard  for  their  King,  he  being  a  Man  (As  I  have  been 
informed)  that  they  never  could  rely  on  for  truth  which 
makes  them  so  doubious  of  their  being  sent  for  at  any  time 
to  hear  the  English  talk. 
MEMORANDUM  : 

That  Daniel  Jenkins  is  allowed  as  a  Substitute  to  Thomas 
Booth  Indian  Trader  provided  the  said  Booth  forthwith 
sends  down  to  Charles  Town  John  Hunt  who  is  incerted  in 
his  Lycence,  the  said  Booth  having  given  his  Note  to  the 
Country  on  Demand  for  the  Sum  of  Ten  pounds  for  the  En- 
dorsmt  of  the  said  Jenkins  on  the  back  of  his  Lycence  it 
being  the  Country's  due. 

Additional  Instructions  to  Thomas  Booth  and  to  all  per 
sons  Interested  or  Indorsed  in  his  Lycence  and  to  every  of 
them : 

You  are  not  on  any  Accot  or  pretence  whatsoever  to 
receive  of  any  Indian  or  Indians  any  Sort  or  Quantity  of 

125 


TRAVELS  IN  THE  AMERICAN  COLONIES 

Raw  Skines  or  Skines  Undreast  Either  in  the  Vending  of 
any  Sort  or  Quantity  of  the  goods  to  them  or  any  other  way's 
Whatsoever. 

Saturday  the  21  day  of  August  1725. 

The  King  and  head  men  of  all  the  Upper  Settlemts  and  of 
24  Towns  of  the  Lower  Settlemts  being  mett  together  I  had 
the  talk  given  to  them  —  reed  their  Answer  thereto  as 
follows  : 

At  a  Meeting  of  the  King  and  head  men  of  all  the  Upper 
Settlements  and  of  24  Towns  of  the  Lower  Settlemts  at 
Elejoy. 

Eleazer  Wigan  and  Jo  :  Cooper  Interpreters. 

The  King  of  the  Upper  people  made  the  following  Speech 
tome : 

That  they  are  all  very  glad  the  English  have  taken  so 
much  Notice  of  them  in  sending  one  of  their  beloved  Men 
among  them,  That  they  have  gathered  a  few  Skines  which 
they  desired  I  would  Accept  of  to  do  with  them  as  I  pleased. 

That  the  head  men  of  all  the  Towns  in  the  Nation  (Except 
a  few  of  the  Lower  Towns)  are  now  mett  together  to  hear 
the  English  talk  again  and  to  give  their  General  Answer 
thereto  having  already  agreed  upon  it  and  that  they  are 
Unanimous  in  their  Opinion. 

After  the  King  had  done  Speaking  I  inform' d  them  that 
as  the  head  men  were  here  altogether  that  I  should  give 
them  the  talk  again  and  that  I  hoped  they  had  Considered  it 
well  since  I  gave  it  them  before  because  I  Expected  they 
would  be  very  General  in  their  Answer. 

And  the  Talk  being  Interpreted  to  them,  they  called  them- 
selv's  together  and  having  Consulted  for  some  time  among 
themselves  they  made  Choice  of  the  head  Warriour  of  Tunni- 
see  to  be  their  Speaker  and  to  return  the  following  Answer 
for  them  all : 

That  they  heard  some  thing  of  White  men  being  sent 
amongst  them  and  that  the  White  Men  in  the  Nation  Ex 
pected  them  as  well  as  they. 

That  the  Coosaw  Man  wch  was  reed  by  the  head  Warriour 

126 


COLONEL  CHICKEN'S  JOURNAL 

of  Terriquo  made  his  Escape  before  the  King  or  head  Men 
of  any  other  of  the  Towns  had  Notice  of  his  being  there,  or 
Else  they  Should  have  known  what  to  have  done  with  him. 

That  they  understood  when  the  English  Govr  came  in  and 
their  head  men  were  down  that  the  English  had  Traders 
amongst  the  Creeks  as  well  as  Among  them,  and  that  all  was 
Streight  and  that  the  talk  was  given  to  both  Nations. 

I  informed  them  that  it  was  so  with  us  Stil  and  that  it  will 
be  so  Stil  if  they  make  us  Satisfaction  as  they  find  by  the 
talk  we  have  Demanded. 

That  after  this  time  they  shall  hear  from  the  Creeks  and 
that  if  they  dont  Comply  with  Our  talk  (sent  them)  that 
they  Expect  to  hear  from  the  English  and  to  know  what 
they  design  to  do. 

That  the  Creeks  do  not  only  Abuse  them,  but  also  the 
English  (their  brothers)  that  they  take  away  our  goods  and 
kill  us  and  Shoot  us  and  that  now  if  the  Creeks  do  not  mind 
the  Govrs  talk  that  they  are  ready. 

That  the  English  go  the  path  and  that  some  times  their 
people  go  along  wth  them,  that  the  Creeks  kill  both  their 
people  and  Ours  (And  what)  must  No  Notice  be  taken  of 
these  abuses  ?  Now  We  for  Our  parts  never  Robb  the  White 
Men  or  kill  them  but  always  hearken  good  to  the  English 
talk  and  that  we  are  a  people  as  well  as  the  Creeks. 

That  if  the  White  Men  and  the  Creeks  do  Continue  in 
ffriendshipp  (it  may  be)  that  the  Creeks  may  knock  them  on 
the  head  notwithstanding  they  are  at  peace  with  the  English 
and  then  they'll  use  their  pleasure  in  Continueing  the  War. 

As  for  the  ffrench  they  never  had  any  love  for  them  nor 
never  shall  and  that  if  any  of  them  comes  amongst  them  that 
they'll  Secure  them  because  it  was  the  English  Govrs 
Orders  to  them  when  their  King  and  head  men  were  down. 

That  they  have  all  their  goods  of  the  English  and  Arms  to 
Defend  themselves  (without  wch)  they  could  not  go  to  Warr 
and  that  they'll  alway  be  ruled  by  them. 

That  what  goods  they  have  among  them  is  made  by  the 
English  and  that  they  are  Supplied  with  Impliments  of 
Warr  from  them  who  they  take  for  their  Eldest  brothers, 

127 


TRAVELS  IN  THE  AMERICAN  COLONIES 

and  that  when  the  Answer  comes  from  the  Creeks  they 
Expect  to  hear  from  the  English  then  they  shall  know 
whether  they  make  Satisfaction  to  the  English  or  not,  and 
if  they  find  the  Contrary  they  are  then  ready  to  go  against 
them  as  they  did  against  the  Tuskerorees.1  They  having 
done  Speaking  I  thougt  proper  to  put  the  following  Questions 
to  them  : 

Whether  they  would  leave  it  to  the  English  their  Eldest 
Brothers  (as  they  called  them)  that  in  Case  the  Creeks 
make  us  Satisfaction  according  to  our  talk  whether  they 
would  Continue  the  Warr  with  them  as  it  now  is,  or  leave  it 
to  the  English  their  brothers  to  make  a  peace  for  them  if 
they  think  fitt  for  their  good  ? 

A.  That  when  the  English  have  had  an  Answer  to  their 
talk  from  the  Creeks  and  that  when  they  have  heard  it 
they'll  then  Consider  on  it. 

They  having  done  Speaking  I  desired  that  if  they  all 
agreed  to  what  the  head  Warriour  of  Tunnisee  had  said  that 
they  would  all  Speak  in  one  Voice. 

Which  they  did  Accordingly.  And  then  I  gave  them  the 
following  Additional  talk : 

I  must  inform  You  that  I  am  Sorry  to  hear  that  its  so 
hard  for  our  Traders  to  get  Burtheners  among  you  when 
they  want  them  and  that  when  the  difficulty  of  getting  them 
is  over  that  they'll  not  carry  any  burthens  wth  out  being 
first  payed  and  as  I  am  informed  very  often  leave  their 
burthens  half  way  of  the  place  they  are  designed  to  be  Carried 
to,  So  that  the  Traders  are  Obliged  to  pay  double  burthenage 
for  every  Pack. 

If  You  would  but  Consider  that  the  goods  which  are 
Carryed  from  Town  to  Town  are  for  the  good  of  the  whole 
Nation  and  that  you  Assist  one  another  in  the  Carriage  of 
them,  Your  head  men  would  not  Suffer  such  ill  Practices 
among  your  Burtheners.  And  further  I  would  have  you 
Consider  among  yourselv's  how  you  can  Expect  our  Traders 
will  be  able  to  bring  goods  Amongst  you,  if  your  Burtheners 

1  Tuscarora  Indians. 
128 


COLONEL  CHICKEN'S  JOURNAL 

impose  on  them  as  they  have  of  late  done  and  from  this  time 
they  must  not  Expect  to  be  paid  til  their  Work  is  done  and 
then  you'l  follow  our  English  Custome.  I  must  informe 
You  that  I  have  an  Accot  that  Mr.  Sharp  one  of  Our  Indian 
Traders  amongst  you  came  to  one  of  the  Towns  of  yr 
Nation  in  the  Night  time  and  took  away  what  Skines  was 
in  the  Town  (and  as  I  am  informed)  gave  the  Indians  what 
he  pleased  for  them.  Now  as  your  head  men  are  altogether 
I  Expect  you  [to]  lett  me  know  the  truth  of  this  Matter, 
that  I  may  right  the  Persons  that  are  injured  being  sent 
among  you,  to  see  that  you  have  all  Justice  done  you  in 
Order  that  there  may  be  a  good  Understanding  betwixt 
you  and  us,  who  have  always  Esteemed  you  as  our  Brothers. 
Sometime  agoe  there  was  one  Sawney  Longe  a  Trader  among 
You  who  went  from  Your  Nation  to  the  ffrench.  I  should  be 
glad  to  know  if  you  have  anything  to  say  against  him  be 
cause  when  your  King  and  head  men  were  Last  down  they 
did  not  care  he  should  be  Interpreter  for  them  to  the  English. 

I  have  of  late  found  out  an  ill  Custome  among  yr  people 
which  is  their  runing  themselv's  in  debt  to  our  Traders. 

I  must  inform  You  that  the  English  are  always  very  ready 
to  do  anything  for  Your  good,  But  as  for  trusting  you  any 
more,  you  must  not  Expect  because  when  the  Traders  trust 
you,  they  Expect  you'll  pay  them,  and  ask  you  for  their 
Skines,  which  at  that  time  you  may  not  have  by  you,  and 
then  they  Quarrell  one  with  another  and  Create  ill  blood 
among  you  and  them,  which  the  English  never  love  to  hear 
of  you  being  their  Brothers,  as  you  may  plainly  see  by  their 
letting  you  have  goods  farr  Cheaper  then  any  other  Indians 
on  the  Main  and  by  their  treating  you  so  handsomely  when 
any  of  you  go  down  to  them,  And  I  must  inform  you  that 
Our  Traders  are  Orderd  not  to  take  any  more  raw  Skines  nor 
trust  for  their  goods  so  that  you  must  dress  and  bring  them 
to  the  Traders  before  they  can  give  you  goods  for  them. 
And  You  very  well  know  that  Our  goods  are  always  dressed 
to  your  hands. 

Since  now  the  King  and  all  the  head  men  of  the  Upper 
Settlemts  and  of  24  Towns  of  the  Lower  Settlemts  are  meet 

129 


TRAVELS  IN  THE  AMERICAN  COLONIES 

together  I  must  give  you  in  Charge  to  mind  what  the  English 
have  alway's  said  to  you  and  particularly  at  this  time  and 
I  hope  there  will  always  be  so  good  an  Understanding  between 
yr  King  and  head  men,  that  they  will  mind  what  he  says  to 
them  and  that  the  head  Men  will  mind  and  take  care  to  keep 
the  Young  men  under  them.  And  then  You  will  be  a  people 
and  your  King  and  head  men  will  be  looked  on  as  such  by 
your  people  and  by  us. 

To  the  foregoing  talk  they  returned  the  following  Answer  : 

I[n]  Answer  to  the  Parragraph  in  relation  to  Sharp,  the  head 
Warriour  of  Tuegelo  Spoak  as  follows  :  That  he  knew  the 
whole  Matter  and  that  Sharp  did  not  take  away  any  Skines 
from  any  Indians  but  was  gathering  in  his  Debts  from  them. 

As  to  the  Parragraph  relating  to  Sawney  Long,  They 
were  Silent  not  earring  to  Complain  of  him. 

As  to  Trust  and  raw  Skines  they  made  Answer  that  it 
was  intirely  the  White  Mens  faults  and  that  some  of  them 
followed  the  Indians  in  the  Woods  for  their  Skines  and  that 
they  love  them  so  well  that  they  do  not  care  if  they  take 
them  raw  or  any  other  ways. 

To  the  last  Parragraph  they  made  Answer  That  its  what 
ought  to  be  and  that  they  intend  to  come  into  that  Method 
otherwise  they  never  will  be  a  People. 

After  they  gave  me  the  foregoing  Answer  I  returned  them 
thanks  for  their  present  of  Skines  and  Informed  them  that 
I  did  not  come  among  them  to  receive  any  presents  but  to 
give  them  the  English  talk  for  their  good,  and  to  keep  the 
Traders  among  them  in  good  Order. 

They  answered 

That  it  was  their  thougts  that  I  should  take  the  Skines 
because  that  when  any  of  their  head  men  go  down  to  the 
English  they  always  have  presents  made  them  and  that 
now  they  have  a  beloved  Man  of  the  English  among  them, 
its  good  to  make  presents  to  him  and  to  treat  him  as  well 
as  they  can. 

I  informed  them  that  as  now  I  had  done  talking  to  them 

130 


COLONEL  CHICKEN'S  JOURNAL 

I  intended  to  take  my  leave  of  them,  and  then  I  wished 
them  well,  and  safe  home  and  desired  them  to  keep  a  good 
look  out  agt  their  Enemies,  And  informed  them  that  I 
should  write  down  to  the  English  Governour  as  soon  as 
possible  and  then  they  would  hear  the  Sooner  from  him, 
and  that  I  would  Acquaint  them  how  ready  and  willing 
they  were  to  meet  to  hear  the  English  talk  and  how  Civilly 
they  had  treated  me. 

I  gave  Orders  to  the  head  Warriour  of  Toxsoak l  and 
Chagey 2  to  Acquaint  the  head  men  of  all  the  Towns, 
that  have  not  been  at  the  Meeting  that  I  should  meet 
them  at  Keewohee  nine  Nights  hence  to  give  them  the 
talk  in  Order  to  have  their  Answer,  Which  they  Promised 
to  do. 

I  desired  that  when  ever  they  sent  any  of  their  people 
abt  business  to  the  English  that  they  might  be  head  War- 
riours,  that  We  might  know  how  to  Use  them,  and  those 
were  the  people  among  them  that  We  must  take  the  most 
Notice  of. 

Sent  Additional  Instructions  to  Ja.  Millikin,  Andrew 
White  and  Eleazer  Wigan  Indian  Traders  debarring  them 
from  taking  Raw  Skines. 

Sunday  the  22d  day  of  August  1725. 

Having  finished  all  Matters  here  I  sett  away  abt  ten  of 
the  Clock  in  the  Morning  and  about  Seven  at  Night  We 
came  to  Nocoochee  being  about  34  Miles  where  we  lay  all 

Night. 

Munday  The  2jd  day  of  August  1725. 

We  set  away  from  Nocoochee  abt  Seven  of  the  Clock  in 
the  Morning  and  abt  Seven  at  Night  We  came  to  Tuccarecho 
being  about  27  Miles  where  We  lay  all  Night. 

1  Toxsaah,  a  Cherokee  village  on  Chatooga  Creek,  near  its  head 
in  Oconee  County,  South  Carolina. 

2  Chagee,  a  Cherokee  village  on  Chatooga  Creek,  near  its  junction 
with  the  Tugaloo  River. 


TRAVELS  IN  THE  AMERICAN  COLONIES 

Tuesday  the  24th  day  of  August  1725. 

We  set  away  from  Tuccarecho  about  Eight  of  the  Clock 
in  the  Morning  and  about  ffive  in  the  Evening  we  came  to 
Tamusey  being  about  25  Miles  where  we  lay  all  Night. 

Issued  Out  Orders  to  Mr.  Cornelius  Dougherty,  Wm. 
Cooper,  Edward  Kirk,  John  Neely  and  David  Doway 
debarring  them  of  taking  Raw  Skines. 

Wednesday  the  2$th  day  of  August  1725. 

Gave  the  following  Permission  to  John  Savy  and  John 
Hewet : 

You  and  Each  of  You  are  hereby  permitted  to  Stay  in 
the  Indian  Country  til  the  return  of  Mr.  David  Doway 
from  Charles  Town  who  is  to  take,  out  a  New  Lycence  (in 
which)  one  of  you  are  to  be  Indorsed  or  Inserted  and  The 
other  to  be  Principal  til  which  time  you  are  not  on  any 
Accot  whatsoever  to  Trade  with  any  Indian  or  Indians 
and  You  and  Each  of  you  are  to  be  of  good  behaviour  during 
your  Stay  in  the  Indian  Country  on  pain  of  Suffering  the 
Utmost  Severity  of  the  Law  in  that  Case  made  and  pro 
vided. 

Given  under  my  hand  this  25th  day  of  Augt 
Anno  Domo.  1725. 

Set  away  from  Tamausey  abt  10  of  the  Clock  in  the 
Morning  and  about  one  in  the  Afternoon  We  came  to 
Keewohee  being  about  Twelve  Mile. 

Thursday  the  26th  day  of  August  1725. 

Sent  Additional  Instructions  to  Mr.  John  Sharp  and 
Alexr.  McCormick  debarring  them  from  taking  any  raw 
Skines. 

Gave  the  following  Authority  to  Mr.  Saml.  Brown  Indian 
Trader : 

You  are  hereby  Authorized  and  required  as  soon  as  you 
Arrive  in  the  Catabaw  Nation  to  Inspect  into  the  Lycences 

132 


COLONEL  CHICKEN'S  JOURNAL 

of  all  persons  trading  there  and  an  Accot  thereof  to  take 
and  return  to  me  on  Oath  as  soon  as  possible  as  also  an 
Accot  of  all  persons  Trading  or  residing  in  those  parts 
without  my  leave  or  Lycence  and  all  persons  in  the  said 
Nation  are  hereby  required  to  pay  due  Obedience  to  these 
my  Orders  as  they  will  Answer  the  Contrary  at  their 
Peril. 

Given  under  my  hand  and  the  Seal  of  Office 
for  Regulating  Indian  Affairs  this  26th 
day  of  August  Anno  Domo.  1725. 

Arrived  here  two  Chickesaws  from  the  Savannah  Town  l 
who  came  with  a  Message  to  the  Cherokees  to  give  them  an 
Accot  that  the  Cowetas  2  were  gone  in  a  body  against  the 
Yamassees  and  that  the  Upper  Creeks  designed  to  come  up 
against  the  Upper  Settlements  of  this  Nation.  And  that 
they  had  this  Accot  from  a  Creek  Indian  who  came  down 
with  a  White  Man  to  Savanah  Town. 

And  having  Examined  the  Chickesaws  Concerning  this 
Matter  they  gave  me  the  foregoing  Accot.  I  then  informed 
them  that  I  could  not  beleive  what  they  had  sayed  because 
if  it  had  been  true  I  should  have  heard  of  it  before  now  from 
the  Comander  of  the  Savanah  Garrison  or  some  of  Our 
White  Men. 

Thursday  the  26th  day  of  August  1725. 
Friday  the  2fth  day  of  August  1725. 

Issued  to  Capt.  Wm.  Hatton  and  to  all  persons  in  his 
Lycence  Additional  Instructions  debarring  them  from  tak 
ing  raw  Skines  and  also  forbiding  his  two  Packhorse  men 
to  Trade,  it  being  Contrary  to  Law. 

Issued  out  also  to  Mr.  Richard  Hasford,  Mr.  Sharp  and 

1  Savannah  Town,  on  the  east  bank  of  the  Savannah  River, 
six  miles  below  the  present  site  of  Augusta,  Georgia,  was  protected 
by  Fort  Moore. 

2  Kawitas,  Lower  Creeks  in  what  is  now  Russell  County,  Ala 
bama. 

133 


TRAVELS  IN  THE  AMERICAN   COLONIES 

Mr.    McComick  Additional    Instructions    debarring    them 
from  taking  raw  Skines. 

Saturday  the  28th  day  of  August  1725. 
Sunday  the  2pth  day  of  August  1725. 
Munday  the  ^oth  day  of  August  1725. 

Sent  the  following  Letter  together  with  a  Copy  of  the 
General  Answer  to  the  talk  to  his  Honour  the  President : 

May  it  please  your  Honour  — 

Since  my  last  to  your  Honour  I  have  been  Over  the 
Hills  and  have  given  the  Talk  to  the  people  of  those  parts 
and  throughout  the  Towns  in  the  Road  there  which  I  with 
a  great  deal  of  Satisfaction  must  inform  your  Honour  has 
mett  with  its  desired  Effects  as  your  Honour  will  see  by  the 
General  Answer  of  the  head  men  of  the  whole  Nation  here 
with  Inclosed  Excepting  of  ten  Small  Towns  the  head  men 
being  all  Out  a  hunting,  so  that  I  have  given  Orders  to  them 
to  meet  me  at  the  Great  dance  here  (called  the  Green  Corn 
dance  *)  and  then  I  shall  have  the  talk  Interpreted  to  them, 
and  I  cannot  think  they'll  desent  from  the  Answer  of  all 
the  rest  of  the  Towns  they  being  so  few  in  Number  and  their 
Towns  so  Inconsiderable.  I  have  been  very  particular  in 
my  discourse  to  the  Upper  people  Concerning  the  reception 
of  the  Coosaw  Indian  and  find  that  he  was  reed  by  the  head 
man  of  Terriquo  (a  Town  over  the  hills)  and  that  the  King 
who  lives  but  Sixteen  Miles  of  them,  had  not  the  least 
Intelligence  of  it  til  such  time  the  fellow  run  away  altho  he 
was  with  them  four  daies  and  its  my  Opinion  that  the  Chief 
reason  of  his  being  reed  there  was  because  he  brougt  along 
with  him  a  Woman  (one  of  the  head  men  of  Terriquo's 
relations)  wch  they  had  taken  from  the  Cherokees  and  I 
am  very  possitive  that  if  it  had  come  to  the  Ears  of  the 
King  or  head  men  of  any  other  of  the  Towns  before  the 

1  The  busk  or  green-corn  dance  was  a  solemn  annual  festival  of 
eight  days'  duration.  It  was  observed  by  both  Creeks  and 
Cherokees,  was  made  the  occasion  of  forgiveness  and  absolution 
of  crime,  and  thought  to  be  a  time  for  a  change  of  mind. 


COLONEL  CHICKEN'S  JOURNAL 

Fellow  made  his  Escape  that  they  would  have  Certainly 
destroyed  him  as  they  declared  they  would  at  the  General 
meeting  and  Endeavoured  as  much  as  they  could  to  Shame 
the  head  man  of  Terriquo  when  I  particularly  Examined 
him  about  it.  I  have  also  Examined  the  Cherokee  Woman 
that  came  along  with  the  Coosaw  Man  concerning  the 
Creeks  making  a  peace  with  these  People  and  she  informs 
me  that  Six  Nights  before  She  came  away  Several  of  the 
head  men  of  the  Upper  Creeks  had  a  Meeting  abt  it  but  that 
she  could  not  learn  what  they  had  Concluded  on,  but  in 
forms  me  that  all  the  Upper  Creeks  are  very  desirous  of  a 
peace  with  these  people,  having  as  they  Suppose  lost  a 
great  many  of  their  people  by  them  (which  she  finds  since 
she  has  been  at  home)  they  are  Mistaken  in  and  says  that 
they  have  lost  most  of  their  people  by  the  ffrench  Indians. 
I  could  not  understand  by  her  that  the  Coosaw  fellow  had 
any  Private  Message  from  the  head  Warriour  of  Terriquo 
to  Carry  home  with  him  or  from  any  of  the  Towns.  She 
informed  me  that  she  was  sent  home  by  You-ho-lo-mecco 
a  head  man  of  Occacochee  Town  in  the  Abecoes  and  that 
the  Coosaw  man  that  came  along  with  her  was  his  Nephew 
and  that  «he  particularly  gave  her  in  Charge  to  talk  with 
the  Cherokees  abt  a  peace  for  the  Sumer  gone,  the  Winter 
to  come  and  the  Spring  following.  This  Sir,  is  the  Chief  of 
the  Examination  wch  I  thougt  would  be  proper  to  Acquaint 
your  Honr  of  and  I  must  remark  to  you  that  Sevl  of  the 
men  of  Terriquo  Town  Went  out  to  Warr  and  brougt  in 
two  Scalps  just  after  the  Coosaw  man  made  his  Escape 
which  in  my  Opinion  shows  how  little  these  people  are  for  a 
peace.  I  had  an  Accot  at  Terriquo  by  three  Chicksaw  fel 
lows  that  came  in  there  just  at  my  departure  from  thence 
that  they  and  the  Chactaws  have  made  a  Peace  tho  for  no 
longer  time  then  they  can  have  a  fair  Opportunity  in  killing 
a  Number  of  them  as  they  Served  the  Chicksaws  some  time 
agoe.  They  likewise  gave  me  an  Accot  that  the  Weeo-tee- 
nees  (the  ffrench  Indians)  have  latly  killed  their  King  which 
they  say  they  little  Expected  they  being  at  peace  with 
them  and  have  now  declared  War  agt  them,  they  allso  give 

135 


TRAVELS  IN  THE  AMERICAN  COLONIES 

me  an  Accot  that  the  broad  River  is  full  of  Canoes  with 
ffrench  Indians  in  them  and  that  they  are  all  about  in  these 
parts.  How  true  this  Information  may  be  I  cannot  Assure 
your  Honours  because  they  are  always  known  to  be  a  people 
that  run  from  one  Nation  to  another  Inventing  what  Stories 
they  can  to  Amuse  the  people  with,  and  I  should  be  heartily 
glad  if  there  could  be  some  Means  found  out  to  prevent 
their  being  so  much  Carest  by  these  people  and  their  drop- 
ing  in  amongst  them  as  they  do  and  I  am  very  Jealous  of 
the[ir]  Over  powering  them  at  one  time  or  another. 

I  must  inform  your  Honour  that  the  people  in  these  lower 
parts  have  so  little  regard  for  their  King  that  they  do  not 
in  the  least  hearken  to  him  and  the  reason  of  it  is  because 
he  is  a  Man  they  can't  rely  on  for  truth  and  in  my  Opinion 
is  more  under  the  Comands  of  his  Subjects  then  they  are 
under  him,  which  makes  him  very  Undeserving  of  the  Station 
he  is  in,  and  I  am  of  Opinion  that  an  old  Indian  called 
(breakerface)  is  the  properest  person  for  a  King  for  these 
parts,  he  being  a  Man  of  resolution  and  was  always  known 
to  be  a  good  man  to  the  English  and  I  beleive  will  keep  the 
Young  men  under  a  better  Governmt  then  now  they  are. 

I  hope  Your  Honour  will  not  forget  laying  before  the 
Assembly  what  I  mentioned  to  you  in  my  last  in  relation  to 
the  Traders  having  the  Liberty  to  send  their  Substitute  from 
Town  to  Town  to  Trade  in  their  behalf s  which  in  my  Opinion 
will  be  the  Sole  Means  of  Spoiling  the  Indians  as  well  as 
the  Trade,  they  having  so  little  regard  as  to  what  they  do 
amongst  them  or  how  they  dispose  of  their  Employers 
goods  so  they  get  but  a  few  Skines,  and  having  discoursed 
Several  of  the  Traders  themselves  I  find  them  to  be  of  my 
Opinion  and  are  very  willing  to  have  a  Stop  put  to  it,  and 
to  have  the  Towns  divided  amongst  the  Principal  Traders. 
I  must  Assure  your  Honr  that  I  should  not  press  this  Affair 
so  much  did  I  not  see  the  ill  Conveniences  of  it  and  I  must 
take  Notice  to  your  Honour  that  last  Year  his  Excellcy 
and  some  of  his  Majties  Honble  Council  did  not  Approve 
of  my  granting  so  many  Lycences  and  altho'  there  are  not 
so  many  Lycences  this  year,  Yet  there  is  three  times  the 

136 


COLONEL  CHICKEN'S  JOURNAL 

Traders,  the  persons  Inserted  therein  being  on  the  same 
ffooting  as  the  Principal  and  it  was  my  Opinion  on  the 
Comittee  for  drawing  the  last  Indian  Trading  Act  that  they 
would  soon  see  the  111  Conveniency  of  Granting  that  Indul 
gence  to  the  Traders  wch  was  in  Opposition  to  the  Virginia 
Traders  who  I  am  Certain  cannot  do  any  prejudice  to  Ours 
in  the  way  of  Trade,  there  not  being  above  two  or  three  of 
them  and  their  goods  no  ways  Sortable  or  Comparable  to 
ours.  If  the  General  Assembly  do  not  Approve  of  Alter 
ing  the  Law  after  this  Manner  or  after  the  Manner  it  was 
last  Year,  I  shall  be  very  Apprehensive  of  some  Unforseen 
Misfortune.  I  am  Sorry  to  inform  Your  Honour  that  the 
Traders  are  not  in  the  least  Ashamed  to  make  Publick  their 
trusting  the  Indians  last  Year  for  such  Considerable  Quan- 
titys  of  goods  as  they  did  and  tho'  they  have  Instructions 
to  the  Contrary  and  know  the  ill  Consequences  of  it  so  well 
as  they  do  I  have  informed  them  that  I  intend  to  prosecute 
all  their  Bonds  which  God  willing  I  intend  to  do,  and  have 
wrote  to  Majr  Blakewey  to  deliver  out  their  bonds  to  the 
Kings  Attorney  to  do  with  them  as  he  shall  think  proper 
and  Wee  all  too  well  know  the  ill  Consequences  of  Trusting 
the  Indians  and  have  fattaly  Experienced  them.  Two 
daies  agoe  Arrived  here  from  Savanah  Town  two  Chicke- 
saws  (who  as  they  Informed  me)  came  with  a  Message  to 
the  Cherokees  from  their  people  to  give  them  an  Accot 
that  the  Cowetaws  were  gone  in  a  body  against  the  Yamasees 
and  that  the  Upper  Creeks  designed  for  the  Upper  Chero 
kees  and  that  they  had  this  Accot  from  a  Creek  Indian  who 
came  down  with  a  White  Man  to  Savannah  Town,  If  this 
is  truth,  I  Suppose  Your  Honr  hath  heard  of  it  before  now 
from  the  Comander  of  the  Savannah  Garrison  or  some  other- 
ways.  I  beleive  it  would  be  very  proper  if  your  Honr 
thinks  fitt  that  there  be  four  Coats  and  Shirts  and  four 
pair  of  Stockins  to  be  made  Presents  of  One  Coat,  one  Shirt, 
and  one  pair  of  Stockings  to  the  Upper  King 

To  the  Head  Warriour  of  Tunnisee Ditto. 

To  the  Head  Warriour  of  Tugelo Ditto. 

To  Old  Breakerface Ditto. 

137 


TRAVELS  IN  THE  AMERICAN  COLONIES 

These  are  the  Most  Noted  Men  in  the  Nation  and  as  the 
present  is  so  Small  I  hope  it  will  be  sent  them. 

I  have  taken  care  to  Speak  to  the  Indians  at  their  General 
meeting  that  they  do  not  send  anybody  down  to  the  Eng 
lish  about  business  but  such  as  are  head  Warriours  and  I 
must  take  Notice  that  the  King  of  the  lower  people  when 
he  has  a  Mind  to  send  anybody  down  to  the  English  that 
its  unknown  to  the  Upper  King  and  that  he  getts  the  Traders 
to  write  what  they  please  to  the  Governmt  abt  the  people 
which  he  sends  down  which  I  have  told  the  Traders  of  and 
to  take  care  how  they  impose  on  the  Governmt  as  they 
have  heretofore  done.  It  is  my  humble  Opinion  that  these 
people  are  so  well  Affected  to  us  that  they  may  be  brought 
into  any  Measures  the  Governmt  pleases  and  I  must  Assure 
yr  Honour  that  I  have  been  Reed  every  way  by  them  with 
a  great  deal  of  Joy  and  I  am  Certain  they  have  Ussed  me 
with  their  Utmost  Civillity.  Your  Honour  will  Receive 
this  Letter  by  four  Indians  who  I  have  given  Orders  to 
Wait  at  my  house  to  know  your  Honours  pleasure  and  I  am 
in  hopes  Your  Honour  has  heard  from  the  Creeks  and  that 
you'l  dispatch  what  is  thought  proper  to  me  til  which  time, 
I  shall  be  travilling  from  Town  to  Town  and  lear[n]ing  all 
I  can  from  the  Indians.  I  Should  not  have  sent  four  Indians 
had  not  two  been  afraid  to  come  by  themselvs  and  I  have 
drawn  on  Collo.  Parris  l  for  a  White  Blankett  Each  which 
is  much  Cheaper  then  I  could  pretend  to  gett  a  White  Man. 
Wee  have  an  Accot  that  the  Senecas  have  latly  fallen  on 
the  Waccamaws 2  and  Carryed  away  with  them  Several 
Slaves  and  that  they  are  very  thick  in  these  parts,  so  that 
Mr.  Brown  (who  is  here)  cannot  get  Burtheners  to  goe  that 
way  along  with  him.  I  must  take  Notice  to  your  Honour 
that  Sharp  and  Hatton  have  brougt  up  their  Slaves  altho' 
by  Law  they  are  to  fforfiet  one  hundred  pounds  for  so  doing 
and  I  should  think  myself  Negligent  in  my  Duty  if  I  did 
not  Acquaint  your  Honour  therewth  and  altho'  Sharp  hath 
your  Honours  leave  Yet  Hatton  hath  not,  and  it's  my 

1  Alexander  Parris  was  treasurer  of  South  Carolina  in  1712-1735. 

2  Indians  dwelling  in  the  region  of  the  Lower  Pedee. 

138 


COLONEL  CHICKEN'S  JOURNAL 

Opinion  that  the  Law  ought  to  be  punctually  Complyed 
with  in  that  Case  because  the  Slav's  that  are  now  come  up 
talk  good  English  as  well  as  the  Cherokee  Language  and 
I  am  Affraid  too  often  tell  falcities  to  the  Indians  which 
they  are  very  apt  to  beleive,  they  being  so  much  among  the 
English.  As  for  the  Skines  which  the  Indians  were  pleased 
to  make  me  a  present  of  (and  which  I  could  not  refuse 
without  Affronting  them)  I  know  not  how  to  gett  them 
down  without  I  have  horses  sent  for  them,  Your  Honour 
being  well  Acquainted  with  the  bulk  of  an  Indians  Present 
of  Skines.  I  intend  (God  willing)  after  I  have  reed  the 
Governmts  Comands  and  finished  all  Matters  here  to  set 
away  for  Savana  Town.  Your  Honour  hath  inserted  in 
this  Letter  the  Chiefs  of  my  Journal  and  when  any  thing 
further  Occurs  Shall  not  fail  of  Acquainting  the  Governmt 
therewth.  I  have  nothing  further  to  Advise  Your  Honour 
of  but  desire  you'l  be  pleased  to  render  my  best  Services 
Acceptable  to  his  Majties  Honble  Council  and  the  Honble 
Gentlemen  of  the  Assembly  and  You'l  Oblige 

Your  Honours 

Most  Obliged  humble  Servant. 

Sent  the  following  Order  bythe  bearer  of  the  foregoing 
Letter  to  Collo.  Alexr.  Parris  Treasurer. 

SIR- 

Please  to  pay  to  the  bearers  each  a  Blankett,  they  having 
come  down  as  runners  on  the  Country  Service  and  place 
it  to  the  publicks  Accot  of  Moneys  reed  on  Accot  of  Indian 
Trading  Lycences  as  the  Law  directs.  I  am 

Sr  Your  most  humble  Servant. 

Tuesday  the  31  day  of  August  1725. 

Wednesday  the  1st  day  of  September  172$. 

Thursday  the  2d  day  of  September  1725. 

Arrived  here  from  Savanna  Town  Six  Chickesaw  man l 
three  Women  and  two  Children,  who  gave  us  an  Accot 

1Men. 

K  139 


TRAVELS  IN  THE  AMERICAN  COLONIES 

that  Collo  Hastings  was  at  Savana  Town  and  that  he  went 
down  to  the  English  in  Company  wth  Mr.  Haines  Indian 
Trader,  and  also  that  the  Cowetaws  were  gone  in  a  body 
against  the  Yamasees  and  that  the  Upper  Creeks  designed 
for  the  Upper  Cherokees. 

Friday  the  $d  day  of  September  1725. 
Saturday  the  fth  day  of  September  1725. 

This  day  being  Appointed  for  the  Green  Corn  dance  the 
head  men  of  Seven  Towns  that  were  not  at  the  General 
Meeting  mett  here,  and  abt  Eleven  Clock  in  the  Morning 
they  came  to  me  and  brougt  a  few  Skines  with  them  and 
having  appointed  their  King  their  Speaker  He  informed 
me  that  the  Skines  he  brougt  here  were  a  present  for  me 
from  the  Towns  that  had  not  their  head  men  at  the  General 
Meeting. 

I  informed  them  that  I  thanked  them  for  their  present, 
but  that  I  did  not  come  among  them  to  receive  any  presents 
but  to  Settle  a  good  understanding  between  them  and  the 
English  (their  Brothers)  and  that  they  were  the  people  the 
English  had  most  Value  for. 

I  also  told  them  that  I  did  not  doubt  but  that  they  had 
heard  the  talk  and  the  Answer  of  the  head  men  of  all  the 
other  Towns  and  that  if  they  Approvd  of  the  Answer  I 
desired  they  would  all  Speak  in  one  Voice. 

They  Answered  that  they  Approved  of  the  Talk  and  the 
Answer  I  had  had  to  it  very  well  and  that  they  had  ap 
pointed  their  King  to  Speake  for  them,  who  Spoak  as  follows  : 
That  they  were  all  well  Satisfyed  with  the  Talk  and  the 
Answer  thereto,  and  that  they  all  intended  to  be  at  the  next 
meeting  after  I  had  heard  from  the  English.  I  Answered 
that  it  was  very  well  and  that  I  was  glad  they  Approved  of 
what  had  been  done  and  that  as  soon  as  I  had  heard  from 
the  English  they  should  hear  from  me  and  then  they  took 
me  by  the  hand  and  departed. 


140 


COLONEL  CHICKEN'S  JOURNAL 

Sunday  the  $th  day  of  September  1725. 
Munday  the  6th  day  of  September  1725. 

This  Morning  came  to  me  King  Crow  and  some  of  his  head 
men  to  Enquire  w[ha]t  was  done  with  the  boy  they  promised 
to  redeem  last  Year.  I  told  them  that  he  was  among  the 
English  learning  to  make  Shoes  and  that  according  to  their 
desire  he  would  not  be  sent  over  the  Great  Water  and  that 
as  soon  as  they  had  made  a  gathering  among  themselv's  of 
Skines  to  pay  for  him  that  they  might  then  have  him  again 
as  soon  as  they  pleased,  at  which  they  went  away  well 
Satisfyed,  the  King  and  head  men  having  heard  that  I 
designed  to  goe  to  Togelo  parts  informed  me  that  he  with 
some  of  his  head  Men  would  Accompany  me  there. 
MEMORAND  : 

That  John  Facey  and  Wm.  Collins  are  Allowed  as  Pack- 
horse  Men  to  James  Millikin  Indian  Trader,  he  having  given 
an  Order  on  Samuel  Eveleigh  Mercht  in  Charles  Town 
payable  to  the  Publick  for  the  Sum  of  £20,  it  being  required 
by  Law  for  the  Endorsement  of  the  said  Pack  horse  men. 

Given  under  my  hand  and  Seal  the  date 
above  written. 

Tuesday  the  fth  day  of  September  1725. 
Wednesday  the  8th  day  of  September  1725. 

About  Seven  of  the  Clock  in  the  Evening  came  in  here  a 
Young  ffrench  ffellow  with  a  Chickesaw  Woman  who  Stayed 
til  the  Dusk  of  the  Evening  about  a  Mile  from  the  Town 
being  very  much  afraid  of  these  people  knocking  him  on 
the  head  before  he  could  come  to  the  Sight  of  some  White 
Person. 

Thursday  the  pth  day  of  September  1725. 

Having  Examined  the  French  man  in  relation  to  his 
coming  to  these  parts  I  thought  proper  to  send  the  follow 
ing  Letter  to  his  Honr  the  Presidt 

141 


TRAVELS  IN  THE  AMERICAN  COLONIES 

May  it  please  your  Honr  - 

Yesterday  about  the  hour  of  Seven  of  the  Clock  in  the 
Evening  came  in  here  a  Young  ffrench  Fellow  with  a  Chicke- 
saw  Woman  who  I  have  Examined  this  day  and  find  that 
last  fall  he  deserted  from  the  Garrison  at  Moville  1  and  went 
to  the  Chactaws  and  hearing  that  the  ffrench  were  in  Pur 
suit  of  him,  he  came  from  thence  to  the  Chickesaws  where 
he  mett  with  Mr.  Chambers,  one  of  Our  Traders  there,  who 
he  came  down  with  to  Savanna  Town,  where  he  was  Secured 
by  the  Comander  there  who  I  suppose  had  wrote  to  your 
Honour  to  know  Your  pleasure  Concerning  him,  but  in  the 
mean  time  the  ffellow  run  away  with  the  Chickesaw  Woman 
he  brought  here  along  with  him,  who  I  found  was  taken 
Slave  by  the  Chacktaws  from  the  Chickesaws  and  that 
She  was  sold  to  the  French  from  whom  he  brougt  her  away 
with  a  design  to  Sell  her,  or  to  keep  her  as  his  Wife.  This 
Sir  his  Examination  which  I  thougt  would  be  very  proper 
to  send  down  to  your  Honour  for  fear  he  should  vary  therein. 

This  Morning  mett  together  Several  head  men  of  this  as 
well  as  other  towns  (who  came  here  to  the  Great  dance) 
to  Consult  about  the  ffrench  ffellow  who  they  had  Con 
cluded  to  knock  on  the  head,  saying  that  it  was  the  English 
Govrs  talk,  and  having  asked  my  Advise  therein,  I  told  them 
it  was  not  our  talk  to  kill  the  ffrench  [but]  only  to  Secure  them 
when  they  came  among  them  wth  goods  and  to  send  us  word 
of  their  being  amongst  them,  and  having  this  Opportunity 
by  Mr.  Foulton,  Indian  Trader,  I  thought  proper  to  send 
him  down  to  your  Honour  to  do  with  him  as  shall  be  thought 
proper,  it  being  my  Opinion  that  his  Stay  here  would  be 
very  pernicious  to  the  Country.  As  for  the  Chickesaw 
Woman  that  came  along  with  him  I  have  Informed  the 
Chickesaws  that  they  may  have  her  again  she  having  been 
taken  a  Slave  from  them.  This  day  I  am  setting  Out  for 
Togelo2  parts  in  Order  to  learn  what  I  can  of  the  people 

1  Mobile. 

2  Tugaloo ;   there  was  a  Cherokee  town  of  this  name  in  Haber- 
sham  County,  Georgia,  at  the  confluence  of  Tugaloo  River  and 
Toccoa  Creek 

142 


COLONEL  CHICKEN'S  JOURNAL 

there  and  when  anything  of  Moment  Occurs  I  shall  not  fail 
in  sending  to  your  Honour  to  give  you  Notice  thereof. 
I  am 

Your  honrs  Most  Obedt  humbe  Servt. 

Wee  set  away  from  Keewohee  abt  10  of  the  Clock  in  the 
Morning  and  went  to  Tamausey  where  we  Stayed  for  three 
daies. 

Friday  the  loth  day  of  September  1725. 

Came  in  here  from  Great  Terriquo  Andw  White  Indian 
Trader  who  gave  us  an  Accot  that  the  Enemy  were  all  about 
the  Middle  Settlements  and  that  a  great  body  of  them  was 
discovered. 

Saturday  the  nth  day  of  September  1725. 

This  day  I  had  an  Accot  from  Keewohee  by  a  Letter 
from  Edward  Kirk  Indian  Trader  that  the  ffrench  ffellow  and 
Chickesaw  Woman  came  to  Keewohee  the  8th  Instant  [and] 
were  run  away,  altho'  I  gave  possitive  Orders  to  King  Crow 
to  secure  him  well,  and  that  there  was  some  of  these  people 
That  were  gone  out  after  him.  About  Seven  of  the  Clock 
in  the  Evening  came  in  here  the  Warr  hoop  with  the  peice 
of  a  Scalp  of  an  Ittewager  Indian  from  Tuccaseegee *  parts. 

Sunday  the  I2th  day  of  September  1725. 

This  day  came  to  me  King  Crow  and  gave  me  an  Accot 
that  he  heard  the  French  man  and  Chickesaw  Woman  were 
seen  at  Chagey  abt  Six  Miles  from  hence. 

I  then  gave  Orders  to  him  to  Speak  to  the  Warriours  of 
this  Town  to  send  out  to  the  other  Towns  and  if  possible  to 
have  him  Secured  til  I  should  come  down  from  Tolego  parts. 

Munday  the  i$th  day  of  September  1725. 

About  two  of  the  Clock  this  Morning  I  reed  the  follow 
ing  Letter  from  his  Honour  the  President  together  with  a 

1  There  was  a  Cherokee  town  of  this  name  in  Jackson  County, 
North  Carolina,  at  the  confluence  of  the  forks  of  the  Tuckasegee 
River. 


TRAVELS  IN  THE  AMERICAN  COLONIES 

Copy  of  Capt.  Fitches  1  Journal  from  the  Creeks  and  also  a 
Copy  of  the  Honble  Councils  Resolutions  thereon  with 
further  Instructions  to  the  said  Capt.  Fitch  which  were  all 
Added  to  the  Copy  of  the  said  Journal. 

SIR  - 

Some  few  daies  agoe  I  reed  the  Inclosed  Journal  of  Capt. 
Fitch,  his  Proceedings  with  the  Upper  and  Lower  Creeks 
and  the  Several  Letters  Inclosed  by  which  you  will  be  fully 
Acquainted  with  every  thing  that  has  past  in  those  parts. 
I  have  also  dispatched  away  the  resolutions  of  the  Council 
to  Mr.  Fitch  on  his  proceedings  and  further  Additional 
Instructions  as  you  will  see  them  Added  to  the  Lower  part 
of  the  said  Journal  now  sent  you.  I  Expect  to  hear  every 
day  from  you  which  Occasions  this  to  be  very  Short,  but  as 
soon  as  I  have  reed  further  Advices  from  You  I  will  take 
care  to  send  You  back  our  Opinion  and  Advice  with  further 
Instructions  if  Occasion.  The  Chief  reason  of  my  now 
sending  Chester  before  that  I  had  heard  further  from  you 
is  to  give  You  Notice  that  the  Creeks  and  Chactaws  do 
design  to  fall  on  the  Indians  you  are  with,  and  thinking  it 
to  be  an  Advantage  to  them  to  know  it  I  desire  that  you 
will  take  care  that  they  Shall.  If  the  Cherokees  upon  know 
ing  this  would  raise  a  Strong  party  and  keep  out  good 
Scouts  they  might  give  the  Creeks  such  a  blow  as  they  would 
never  be  able  to  gett  over,  but  if  they  dont,  lett  them  take 
what  falls.  We  have  no  News  from  England  not  having 
had  any  Vessell  from  thence  or  from  any  other  part. 

The  Assembly  dont  sit  til  the  twelfth  of  August  and  if 
you  dont  come  down  before  that  I  will  lay  your  Letter  before 
the  Genl  Assembly  and  get  the  Alterations  you  Mention 
in  the  Indian  Act. 

I  have  Ordered  Chester  to  call  on  Mrs.  Chicken  for 
Letters,  they  are  all  well. 

I  am  with  all  due  respects 

Your  Very  humble  Servant 

AR.  MlDDLETON. 

August  the  29th  1725. 

1  Tobias  Fitch,  who  was  on  a  mission  to  the  Creeks  similar  to 
that  of  Chicken's  to  the  Cherokees.  See  pp.  175-212,  post. 

144 


COLONEL  CHICKEN'S  JOURNAL 

MR.  WIGAN  - 

Last  Night  I  had  an  Accot  from  the  Settlemt  that  there's 
an  Army  of  the  Chactaws  and  Creeks  coming  agt  these 
people  about  Six  Weeks  hence,  so  desire  you'l  give  the  people 
of  your  Town  and  Terriquo  an  Accot  of  this  and  tell  them 
to  be  in  a  readiness  and  to  raise  as  great  a  party  of  men 
out  of  their  Inland  Towns  as  they  can  in  Order  to  Defend 
their  Frontiers  Towns  and  also  to  keep  out  good  Scouts 
that  they  may  not  be  Surprised.  I  am 

Your  ffriend  - 

We  set  away  from  Tamusey  abt  nine  of  the  Clock  this 
Morning  and  About  three  of  the  Clock  in  the  afternoon  We 
came  toToxsoah  and  sent l  away  from  thence  (having  Stayed 
there  for  some  Small  time)  in  Compa[ny]  with  King  Crow  and 
the  head  Warriour  of  the  said  Town  and  about  four  of  the 
Clock  in  the  afternoon  we  got  to  Nogouwee  where  we 
Stayed  for  some  time. 

Tuesday  the  i^th  day  of  September  1725. 

The  head  men  of  Six  of  the  Adjacent  Towns  being  As 
sembled  together  they  desired  that  I  would  meet  with  them 
at  Togelo  being  the  most  Antient  Town  in  these  parts  and 
having  mett  the  head  men  of  Six  Towns  accordingly  at  the 
said  Town  they  fired  a  Volly  at  my  Entrance  of  their  Coun 
cil  House  and  Ussed  their  Ceremony  before  me,  which  being 
done  the  King  Spoak  as  follows  : 

That  there  was  all  the  head  Warriours  of  Six  Towns 
mett  together  and  then  I  proceeded  to  tell  them  as  follows : 

First.  That  they  might  remember  that  I  told  them  in 
the  Talk  that  the  English  had  sent  up  a  beloved  Man  to  the 
Creeks  to  Demand  Satisfaction  of  them  for  Robing  Sharp 
as  well  as  for  all  injuries  they  have  done  us  and  Especially 
to  Our  Traders. 

Second.  That  I  had  now  heard  from  the  English  about 
that  Affair  and  that  the  Creeks  had  delivered  up  Mr.  Sharps 

i  Set. 

145 


TRAVELS  IN  THE  AMERICAN   COLONIES 

Slaves  and  had  promised  to  make  him  Satisfacon  for  his 
goods  and  other  things  which  they  Robbed  him  of  and  that 
we  were  Satisfyed  therewith  at  present. 

A.    Its  very  well. 

Thirdly.  That  they  may  see  how  much  care  the  English 
has  taken  of  them  in  sending  up  to  me  a  White  Man  on 
purpose  to  give  them  an  Accot  that  there  is  no  :  body  of  the 
Chactaws  who  are  to  Joyn  the  Creeks  and  come  against 
them  and  that  they  might  Expect  them  in  a  Month  or  Six 
Weeks  time  if  not  Sooner. 

A.   That  they  are  their  Enemies. 

Fourthly.  That  if  you  will  take  my  Advise  from  the  Eng 
lish  You  need  not  to  fear  any  of  Your  Enemies  and  may 
preserve  Your  Women  and  Children  at  home  and  likewise 
your  Corn  in  the  ground. 

A.  That  if  the  Enemy  comes  that  they  will  defend  their 
Towns  til  they  are  all  dead. 

Fifthly.  That  if  you  would  but  Consider  among  Your- 
selv's  how  Numerous  you  are  and  how  little  you  would  Miss 
the  drawing  out  of  Each  Town  in  the  Nation  A  Small  Num 
ber  of  men,  You  would  not  talk  of  defending  your  Towns 
but  would  raise  an  Army  of  Men  and  Defend  [yourselves 
from]  your  Enemies  before  they  come  Nigh  your  Towns 
and  you  cannot  have  a  better  Opportunity  then  now  you 
have  because  the  English  have  taken  care  to  give  You  timely 
Notice  of  their  design. 

A.  That  they'l  Consider  when  I  have  done  talking  to 
them  abt  this  Matter  in  particular. 

Sixthly.  That  the  English  had  now  and  would  always 
take  care  to  lett  them  know  the  design  of  their  Enemies 
and  that  if  they  did  any  Mischief  they  could  not  blame  us. 

A.   That  they  are  very  thankfull  to  the  English. 

Seventhly.  I  must  Advise  you  to  keep  out  good  Scouts  to 
discover  your  Enemies  path  and  to  Watch  their  ways,  and 
if  you  could  but  in  the  mean  time  draw  out  but  Ten  Men 
out  of  Each  Town  you  would  be  able  to  give  the  Creeks 

1  Now  a. 
146 


COLONEL  CHICKEN'S  JOURNAL 

such  a  Blow  that  they  would  for  ever  after  dread  you,  and 
then  you  would  Show  yourselv's  like  men  and  let  your 
Enemies  see  that  You  are  not  Afraid  of  them. 

After  I  had  had  the  foregoing  discourse  with  them  They 
then  informed  me  that  they  would  all  go  and  Consult 
together  abt  what  I  had  said  to  them  and  that  they  would 
give  me  their  Answer. 

The  King  with  three  of  the  head  men  from  their  Consul 
tation  Informed  Me  that  they  had  Consulted  about  what  I 
had  said  to  them  and  that  they  intended  to  sett 1  out  Scouts 
forthwith  in  Order  to  discover  the  Enemy  and  that  they 
had  Concluded  to  send  to  the  other  towns  in  Order  to  mett 
them  to  Concurr  abt  what  I  had  said  to  them. 

I  inform'd  that  it  was  very  well  done  of  them  and  that  I 
was  glad  I  had  taken  such  Methods. 

They  informed  me  that  when  the  head  men  of  the  Towns 
they  had  sent  to  had  all  mett  together  they  should  send  out 
Several  parties  of  Men  severl  waies  in  Order  to  discover  the 
Enemy.  I  informed  that  unless  they  had  a  body  of  Men 
ready  to  go  out  against  the  Enemy  when  they  were  dis 
covered  that  their  Scouts  would  be  but  of  little  Service  to 
them. 

A.  That  they'll  take  care  when  the  head  men  of  the  other 
Towns  meet  to  Consult  about  raising  a  body  of  men. 

I  must  inform  You  that  if  the  Creeks  were  not  Afraid  of 
you  that  they  would  not  have  the  Chactaws  to  joyn  them 
against  you  and  I  cannot  help  giving  you  the  best  Advice  I 
can  in  Order  that  you  may  be  in  a  readiness  to  goe  out 
against  your  Enemies,  because  its  for  your  good  that  I 
do  it,  and  the  best  way  for  You  to  discover  Your  Enemy  is 
to  have  good  Scouts  before  your  Army. 

A.  That  they'll  Consider  about  it  as  soon  as  the  head 
men  they  had  sent  for  had  mett  them. 

I  informed  them  they  must  be  as  Speedy  as  posible  and 
that  in  the  mean  time  their  Women  ought  to  be  prepairing 
fflower  for  their  Journey. 


1  Send. 
147 


TRAVELS  IN  THE  AMERICAN  COLONIES 

They  then  told  me  that  they  Understood  the  English 
and  Creeks  were  Streight  Stil  because  they  had  done  as  the 
English  Ordered  them,  and  that  they  need  not  to  be  Affraid, 
and  that  if  the  Enemy  comes  on  them  before  they  can  gett 
a  body  it  would  not  be  the  Englishes  fault  because  they  have 
given  them  Notice  of  it. 

I  inform'd  them  that  we  had  given  them  Notice  of  their 
Enemies  design  and  that  as  they  are  Our  best  ffriends  We 
would  have  them  raise  an  Army  to  go  out  agt  them  that 
they  might  lett  them  see  that  they  are  not  Afraid  of  them 
and  that  they  are  Men. 

The  head  Warriour  of  Toxsoah  then  Offered  his  Service 
in  going  out  and  said  that  he  would  gett  what  Men  he  could 
to  goe  along  with  him.  I  inform'd  him  that  I  was  glad  to 
see  him  so  forward  against  his  Enemies  and  that  I  hoped 
on  a  Consultation  of  them  all  that  they  would  all  follow 
his  Example. 

Wednesday  the  i$th  day  of  September  1725. 
Sent  the  following  Letter  to  Mr.  Eleazer  Wigan  at  Tunisee. 

MR.  WIGAN  — 

Since  my  last  to  you  I  have  had  a  Meeting  with  the  head 
men  of  Six  Towns  in  Togelo  parts  Concerning  the  Advice  I 
have  had  from  the  Settlemt  and  having  given  them  an 
Accot  of  the  design  of  their  Enemies  I  then  proceeded  to 
perswade  them  as  much  as  possible  to  raise  a  body  of  men 
and  to  send  out  Scouts  before  them,  and  they  having  had 
some  Consultation  abt  it  Informed  me  that  they  would  send 
to  the  other  Towns  in  Order  for  them  to  meet  and  to  Con 
sult  together  and  I  am  in  hopes  they'll  Conclude  to  raise 
an  Army  and  goe  out,  otherwise  if  any  Accident  happens 
to  them  they  cannot  blame  us.  The  reason  of  my  sending 
this  is  to  desire  you  to  Encourage  the  people  in  your  parts 
to  goe  out  in  a  body,  and  in  Order  thereto  I  Suppose  they'll 
have  a  Meeting,  at  which  I  desire  you'll  be  at  and  Lett  me 
know  what  Steps  they  intend  to  take  to  prevent  their 
Enemies  doing  them  damage  and  I  would  have  you  Consult 

148 


COLONEL  CHICKEN'S  JOURNAL 

the  long  Warriour  in  particular  abt  this  Affair  hoping  that 
he'll  be  for  going  out,  and  You  must  take  care  that  they 
send  a  Message  to  these  lower  people  to  lett  them  know 
their  resolution  on  this  Affair,  as  these  people  have  taken 
care  to  do  to  the  people  of  your  parts.  You  may  inform 
them  that  I  had  an  Accot  from  the  English  that  the  Creeks 
have  made  us  Satisfaction  according  to  our  talk  sent  them  and 
that  Sharp  will  have  full  Satisfaction  made  him  by  them. 

I  must  inform  You  that  these  people  have  been  very 
thankfull  to  the  English  for  giving  them  an  Accot  of  the 
design  of  their  Enemies  and  for  sending  up  to  them  a  White 
Man  for  that  purpose.  I  Expect  the  same  from  the  Upper 
people  and  must  once  more  desire  of  you  if  possible  to  per- 
swade  them  to  raise  an  Army  of  Men  to  Joyn  these  Lower 
people  who  I  dont  doubt  but  will  be  very  ready  to  Joyn 
them.  Pray  lett  me  hear  from  you  as  soon  as  possible  and 
what  your  people  design  to  do. 

I  am         Your  ffriend. 

We  set  away  from  hence  and  went  to  Chagey  in  Order 
to  View  the  Fortifications  of  that  Town  and  upon  Viewing 
them  I  found  that  round  their  town  house  is  built  a  very 
Substantial  Fort  and  that  round  the  most  part  of  the  Town 
is  built  a  Slight  ffortification. 

We  returned  in  the  Evening  to  Noyouwee. 

About  ten  of  the  Clock  at  Night  came  in  the  Warr  hoop 
from  Estotoe  and  gave  us  an  Accot  that  there  was  a  body 
of  the  Enemy  discovered  and  that  they  had  made  Sevl 
paths  towards  these  Towns  downwards.  Some  time  after 
the  Warr  hoop  came  in  I  went  to  the  Town  house  and  gave 
the  people  of  the  Town  all  the  Encouragemt  I  could  agt 
their  Enemy  in  case  they  Should  Attack  them  and  informed 
them  that  they  would  find  the  Accot  the  English  have  taken 
so  much  care  to  give  them  Concerning  their  Enemies  would 
be  true  and  that  unless  they  would  draw  out  a  body  of 
Men  to  keep  them  from  their  Towns  that  they  would  be  a 
plague  to  them  for  this  long  time  and  might  in  all  prob- 
abillity  do  them  a  great  deal  of  Mischief. 

149 


TRAVELS  IN  THE  AMERICAN  COLONIES 

A.  That  they  had  sent  for  all  the  head  Warriours  of  the 
other  Towns  and  that  when  they  mett  together  they  would 
Consult  about  it. 


Tuesday  l  the  idth  day  of  September 

We  set  away  from  hence  and  went  to  Old  Estotoe  a  large 
Town  and  very  well  fTortifyed  all  round  with  Punchins 
and  also  ditched  on  the  Outside  of  the  sd  Punchins  (wch 
Ditch)  is  Stuck  full  of  light  wood  Spikes  so  that  if  the 
Enemy  should  ever  happen  to  fall  therein,  they  must  with 
out  doubt  receive  a  great  deal  of  Damage  by  those  Spikes. 
I  also  Observe  that  there  are  Sevl  New  fflankers  made  to 
the  ffortificacons  of  the  Town  and  that  the  Town  house  is 
also  Enforted. 

We  returned  in  the  Evening  to  Noyouwee. 

Friday  the  ifth  day  of  September  1725. 

We  set  away  from  Noyouwee  and  about  three  of  the  Clock 
in  the  Afternoon  we  came  to  Tamausey  were  2  we  Stayed 
for  some  time. 

We  had  an  Accot  that  the  Scouts  being  in  Number  (one 
hundred)  that  went  out  after  the  Enemy  were  returned 
without  any  discovery. 

Saturday  the  i8th  day  of  September  1725. 

This  day  was  brougt  to  me  by  one  of  Capt.  Hattons 
Slaves  the  Young  ffrench  Fellow  that  was  to  have  gone  down 
to  Charles  Town  with  James  Fulton  Indian  Trader  but 
made  his  Escape  from  Keewhohee  the  Night  before. 

We  set  away  from  Tamusey  and  came  to  Keewohee. 

Sunday  the  ipth  day    of  September  1725. 
Munday  the  2Oth  day  of  September  1725. 

Set  away  from  hence  William  Hatton  and  Henry  Guston 
Indian  Traders  in  Order  for  Savanna  Town. 

1  Thursday.  2  Where. 

150 


COLONEL  CHICKEN'S  JOURNAL 

Tuesday  the  21  day  of  September  1725. 

Went  away  from  hence  David  Doway  Wm.  Cooper 
and  one  Daniel  Kearle  a  Virginia  Trader  in  Order  for 
Savana  Town. 

Came  in  here  from  Togelo  parts  King  Crow  who  informed 
us  that  all  was  quiet  there  and  that  they  had  not  been 
troubled  with  the  Enemy  since  we  came  from  thence. 

Sent  the  following  Letter  by  John  Chester  to  his  Honour 
the  Presidt. 

May  it  please  your  Honour  — 

On  Monday  the  I2th  Instant  I  reed  your  Letter  with  a 
Copy  of  Capt.  Fitches  Journal  and  also  his  two  Letters  with 
one  from  Collo.  Hastings  and  also  a  Copy  of  the  Resolutions 
of  his  Majesties  Honble  Council  on  Capt.  Fitches  proceed 
ings  among  the  Creeks  and  I  Assure  your  Honour  that 
Nothing  could  have  happened  more  to  my  Satisfaction 
then  to  hear  that  the  Creeks  have  so  fairly  promised  to  make 
Satisfaction  for  the  Injuries  they  have  done  us.  I  was  at 
Tamusey  when  your  Honrs  Letter  came  to  me  and  having 
perused  it  and  the  other  papers  that  came  therewith  I 
immediatly  sent  away  to  Noyouwee  and  Sumoned  all  the 
head  men  of  Togelo  parts  to  meet  me  where  they  should 
Appoint,  which  was  at  Togelo.  The  reason  of  my  going 
to  these  parts  was  because  I  take  the  people  thereabouts  to 
be  the  most  Turbulent  in  the  Nation  and  also  the  most 
taken  Notice  of  by  the  other  Towns.  After  the  head  men 
had  mett  together  I  informed  them  I  had  reed  Letters  from 
the  Governmt  wherein  I  had  an  Accot  that  the  Creeks  had 
restored  Sharps  Slaves  with  some  other  things  and  had 
made  the  English  such  Satisfaction  that  they  were  Satisfyed 
therwth  at  present  and  withall  telling  them  that  the  Eng 
lish  had  so  much  regard  for  them  that  they  had  sent  a 
White  Man  on  purpose  to  give  them  an  Accot  that  there 
was  an  Army  of  the  Creeks  and  that  the  Chactaws  had 
Joined  them  in  Order  to  come  against  them,  and  that  it 
was  my  Advice  to  them  that  they  should  forthwith  raise  an 


TRAVELS  IN  THE  AMERICAN  COLONIES 

Army  of  Men  in  Order  to  meet  their  Enemy  in  the  Woods 
and  by  that  means  they  would  be  able  to  Defeat  them. 

After  I  had  had  the  foregoing  discourse  with  them  they 
returned  the  English  thanks  and  Imediatly  sent  away 
Messingers  from  Town  to  Town  in  Order  to  have  a  Consul 
tation  about  what  I  had  said  to  them  but  have  not  yet 
heard  whither  they  have  mett  or  what  they  have  Concluded 
on.  All  the  Towns  in  these  parts  are  so  well  Satisfyed  that 
I  am  well  Satisfyed  no  Indian  Enemy  will  ever  Attack  them 
if  any  of  the  people  are  at  home,  the  people  in  these  parts 
have  taken  care  to  send  out  Scouts  and  have  promised  me 
to  keep  them  out  and  when  the  head  men  have  all  mett 
together  they  intend  to  see  if  they  can  Conclude  on  raising 
an  Army  in  Order  to  goe  out  to  meet  their  Enemy  and  say 
that  they  are  not  at  all  Afraid  of  them,  and  that  they  are 
Resolved  to  Defend  their  Towns  to  their  Utmost,  and  I 
am  Apprehensive  it  will  be  a  hard  Matter  to  gett  them  out 
of  them,  to  go  against  their  Enemy,  but  shall  Endeavour  as 
much  as  possible  to  Encourage  them  against  them  and  to 
get  them  to  goe  out.  Since  I  have  given  these  people  an 
Accot  of  their  Enemy  they  have  had  Several  Allarms  and 
are  now  repairing  their  Forts  in  Expectation  of  them. 

Soon  after  the  Arrival  of  your  Honours  Letter  I  sent 
away  to  Mr.  Wigan  to  give  the  people  on  the  other  side  the 
Hills  an  Accot  of  the  designed  Expedition  of  the  Creeks  and 
Chacktaws  and  if  possible  to  gett  the  head  Warriour  of 
Tunisee  (the  Most  Noted  Man  in  the  Nation)  to  go  out 
with  a  body  of  men  and  to  Acquaint  them  that  the  Lower 
people  were  very  thankfull  to  the  English  for  giving  them 
an  Accot  of  their  Enemies  coming  against  them.  I  have 
not  yet  had  an  Answer  from  Wigan  nither  do  I  Expect  one 
these  Eight  days.  I  have  gott  the  ffrench  Man  again  that 
I  wrote  to  your  Honr  about.  He  was  taken  up  by  these 
people  agoing  to  Terriquo  on  the  other  side  the  hills  with 
some  Chickesaws  in  Order  for  that  Nation.  I  have  taken 
care  to  send  him  to  Savanna  Town  by  some  of  the  Traders 
who  are  going  there.  I  intend  (God  willing)  after  I  have 
reed  your  Honours  Comands  by  the  Indians  and  have 

152 


COLONEL  CHICKEN'S  JOURNAL 

Executed  them  to  sett  away  from  hence  to  Savanna  Town 
in  Order  to  Supervize  the  Garrison  there,  an  Accot  of  which 
as  well  as  all  other  my  proceedings  shall  be  returned  to 
Your  Honour  by  Your  Honrs 

Most  Obliged  humle  Servt. 

P.S.     I  dont  perceive  that  the 
people  are  in  the  least  Surprised 
at  the  designs  of  their  Enemy  but 
Seem  as  Chearfull  as  can  be  Expectd. 

Wednesday  the  22d  day  of  September  1725. 

Thursday  the  2$d  day  of  September  1725. 

Friday  the  24th  day  of  September  1725. 

Nothing  happened  this  three  daies  but  frequent  Allarms 
of  the  Enemy  tho  nothing  happened  on  Either  Side. 


Saturday  the  2$th  day  of  September  172$. 

Some  time  this  Morning  I  went  to  the  Fort  in  this  Town 
which  the  people  by  my  Orders  were  repairing  and  seeing 
the  Work  go  on  but  Slowley,  I  desired  to  know  of  the  King 
the  reason  of  it,  the  Enemy  being  daily  Expected ;  He  in 
formed  me  that  the  people  would  work  as  they  pleased  and 
go  to  Warr  when  they  pleased,  notwithstanding  his  saying 
all  he  could  to  them,  and  that  they  were  not  like  White 
Men.  I  then  asked  him  what  his  head  men  Signifyed  if 
they  would  not  mind  what  was  said  to  them. 

He  told  me  that  if  they  were  going  to  the  English  they 
would  mind  then  what  was  said  to  them,  because  they  would 
be  then  in  hopes  of  having  some  Cloath  given  them,  but  at 
their  return  home  would  soon  forgett  what  the  English 
said  to  them  or  what  they  were  to  do,  He  likewise  told  me 
it  would  be  good  if  the  English  did  not  give  them  anything 
when  they  go  down,  because  it  would  not  Spoil  them,  and 
that  they  are  always  wanting  to  goe  down  to  the  English 
to  see  what  they  can  get  of  them.  You  see  (says  the  King) 

153 


TRAVELS  IN  THE  AMERICAN   COLONIES 

that  they'll  promise  you  to  go  to  Warr  (but  its  when  they 
please)  and  that  they  will  have  their  own  way  of  Warring 
and  that  it  would  be  good  if  the  English  would  let  them 
alone  and  see  what  they  will  do  of  themselv's  and  by  that 
means  they  may  grow  better.  About  four  of  the  Clock  in 
the  Afternoon  came  in  the  Warr  hoop  from  Ouconey  1  with 
a  peice  of  a  Scalp  of  one  of  the  Enemies  Scouts,  giving  an 
Accot  that  Scouts  being  in  Number  Twenty  four  that  went 
out  from  old  Estotoe,  and  Toxsoah  having  come  upon  the 
tracts  of  three  of  the  Enemy  found  they  were  made  down 
wards  towards  the  other  Towns  (on  wch)  they  Concluded 
to  waylay  the  Path  thinking  by  that  means  to  Catch  the 
Enemy  being  three  in  Number  returning  back  to  their  old 
tracts  near  Estotoe  from  Town  to  Town.  William  The 
head  Warriour  of  Estotoe  fired  upon  them  and  killed  one 
of  them  and  another  of  them  Reed  two  Shotts  in  his  body 
which  they  Suppose  to  be  dead,  the  other  made  his  Escape. 

Sunday  the  26th  day  of  September  1725. 
Munday  the  2jih  day  of  September  1725. 

Tuesday  the  28th  day  of  September  1725. 

Wednesday  the  2Qth  day  of  September  1725. 

Thursday  the  $oth  day  of  September  1725. 

This  five  daies  the  Enemy  hath  been  tracked  and  Scouts 
sent  out  from  hence  after  them  tho  no  Discovery  of  the 
Enemy's  persons. 

This  Morning  came  to  me  Sevl  of  the  head  men  of  the 
Town  Complaining  that  the  Sevl  Traders  horses  are  here 
Continually  amongst  their  Corn  and  that  they  have  already 
destroyed  a  great  deal  and  desiring  a  Stop  might  be  put  to 
it  they  not  being  willing  to  Shoot  any  White  Mans  horse. 

I   told   them  that  the  English  did   not  Suffer  any  such 

1  Oconee,  a  Cherokee  village  near  the  site  of  the  present  town  of 
Walhalla  in  Oconee  County,  South  Carolina. 


COLONEL  CHICKEN'S  JOURNAL 

thing  and  that  if  they  would  Shoot  some  of  their  horses  they 
would  take  more  care  of  them  for  the  future,  and  that  I 
should  Speak  to  the  white  Men  about  it. 

Friday  the  1st  day  of  October  1725. 
Saturday  the  2d  day  of  October  1725. 

Sunday  the  $d  day  of  October  1725. 
Munday  the  4th  day  of  October  1725. 

Came  in  here  from  the  Middle  Settlemts  of  the  Upper 
people  Richd.  Hasford  who  informed  me  that  Mr.  White 
according  to  my  Orders  had  given  the  Indians  in  those  parts 
an  Accot  of  the  design  of  their  Enemies  and  that  he  was  a 
Linguister  to  the  said  White  and  that  at  Little  Terriquo 
where  was  mett  together  at  the  Corn  dance  Several  of  the 
head  men  over  the  hills  and  also  the  Major  part  of  the  head 
men  of  the  other  Towns  in  the  Upper  Settlements  who  after 
hearing  what  Mr.  White  said  to  them  returned  the  English 
thanks  and  sayed  that  they  always  found  the  English  their 
Brothers  and  Especially  at  that  time  and  that  they  would 
forthwith  send  out  Scouts  to  make  what  discovery  of  the 
Enemy  they  could.  The  said  Hasford  likewise  gave  me  an 
Accot  that  since  my  being  over  the  Hills  [t]here  went  out  of 
Great  Terriquo  four  Young  Lads  two  of  which  went  into 
the  Corn  ffields  of  the  Cowsaw  people  and  that  the  other 
two  Stayed  in  the  Woods,  that  one  of  the  two  that  went 
into  the  Corn  ffields  Shot  two  Cowsaw  Women  and  brougt 
their  Scalps  into  the  said  Terriquo  and  that  they  had  been 
out  fifteen  daies. 

Reed  by  the  hands  of  the  said  Hasford  the  following 
Letter  from  Mr.  Eleazer  Wigan,  Linguister  over  the  Hills. 

September  the  25th  1725. 
HONRD  SR : 

Your  Letters  one  dated  the  I3th  and  the  other  the  I5th 
[were   delivered]   by  Mr.   White  on  the  23d  Instant,  and 
Immediatly  [I]  had  all  the  Warriours  of  the  Towns  on  this 
L  155 


TRAVELS  IN  THE  AMERICAN   COLONIES 

side  the  hills  together  at  Terriquo  where  I  delivered  your 
Honrs  Message  to  them  in  Publick  and  likewise  [to]  the 
long  Warriour  in  Private,  in  the  first  place  they  return  the 
Govern[or]  thanks,  and  as  he  has  thougt  by  his  sending 
them  word  of  it  that  they  should  fight  them,  that  they  are 
resolved  so  to  do,  and  the  Method  they  design  to  take  is  for 
to  lett  them  come  to  their  Towns,  but  not  undiscovered,  for 
they  design  to  keep  out  lookouts  every  way  and  be  ready 
to  give  them  a  Smash  in  their  Towns  First  and  then  to 
gather  all  their  Strength  and  follow  them  when  they  are 
upon  their  retreat  with  their  Wounded  men,  and  the  Long 
Warriour  would  have  the  people  in  those  parts  do  the  same 
and  dont  lett  them  goe  away  and  not  follow  them  as  they 
have  always  done.  I  shall  write  to  your  Honrs  in  three  or 
four  daies  time  again  and  til  then  I  am 

Your  Honrs  Most  Obedt  humble  Servt. 

ELEAZER  WIGAN. 

Tuesday  the  $th  day  of  October  1725. 
Wednesday  the  6th  day  of  October  1725. 

I  went  this  Morning  to  the  Town  house  and  gave  the 
King  and  head  men  an  Accot  of  the  Message  I  had  reed 
from  the  Upper  people  in  relation  to  their  Enemies  coming 
against  them  and  their  Method  to  prevent  their  being  Sur 
prized.  The  King  in  Answer  said  that  they  were  thankfull 
to  the  English  for  taking  so  much  care  of  them  and  that  they 
would  take  care  to  keep  out  Scouts  and  that  the  Upper 
people  might  take  their  own  Method  as  they  would  theirs. 

Thursday  the  7th  day  of  October  1725. 
Friday  the  8th  day  of  October  1725.    v 

The  King  came  to  me  at  Night  with  a  Linguister  and  by 
him  informed  me  that  there  was  four  Chickesaws  come  in 
this  Evening  with  a  Message  from  their  people  as  follows  - 
That  this  is  the  first  Message  from  them  and  that  they  may 

156 


COLONEL  CHICKEN'S  JOURNAL 

Expect  another  and  that  soon  after  they  may  Expect  a 
body  of  the  Chickesaws  in  at  Terriquo  to  Joyn  the  people 
in  those  Parts  some  time  in  the  Spring  in  Order  to  goe  against 
Okefuskee  l  and  Cusetaw  2  Towns  in  the  Creek  Nation  and 
that  they  would  send  down  to  their  people  in  this  Town  to 
joyn  a  body  of  these  lower  people  and  to  go  in  a  body 
against  the  aforesd  Towns  and  that  they  would  not  have  any 
White  Men  to  know  it  fearing  it  might  come  to  the  Knowl 
edge  of  the  Southward  people.  The  King  likewise  told  me 
that  he  thought  it  was  good  for  me  to  know  this  Message 
because  I  could  tell  him  then  my  Opinion  of  it.  After  the 
King  had  done  Speaking  I  informed  him  that  he  very  well 
know'd  the  Chickesaws  never  came  Amongst  them  without 
they  brougt  some  Story  or  another  and  that  I  should  be 
glad  if  they  would  make  their  words  good  in  Joyning  these 
people  and  going  against  the  aforesd  Towns  but  that  I 
very  much  feared,  and  that  We  had  not  so  much  Value  for 
the  Southward  people  as  to  give  any  Accot  of  their  design 
as  We  had  done  them. 

Saturday  the  pth  day  of  October  172$. 

Sent  by  Richd.  Hasford  a  Letter  to  John  Sharp  desiring 
him  to  give  the  people  in  Togelo  parts  a  Charge  abt  repair 
ing  their  Forts  and  keeping  out  Scouts  and  also  to  inform 
them  of  the  Message  I  had  received  from  the  Upper  people 
in  relation  to  their  Enemies,  as  is  Expressed  in  a  Letter 
which  I  Reed  from  Mr.  Wigan  the  4th  Instant. 

Sunday  the  loth  day  of  October  1725. 
Munday  the  II  day  of  October  1725. 
Tuesday  the  12  day  of  October  172$. 

Sent  the  following  Order  to  the  Sevel  White  Men  in  the 
Nation. 

1  Oakfuskee,  an  Upper  Creek   town   on  the  upper  Tallapoosa 
River. 

2  Kashita,  a  Lower  Creek  town,  on  the  Chattahoochee  River. 


TRAVELS  IN  THE  AMERICAN   COLONIES 

To  all    White    men   Traders    and    Men    in    the    Cherokee 
Nation : 

Having  had  Several  Complts  to  me  and  Especially  by  the 
head  Man  of  Tamusey  that  the  Several  White  Men  there 
without  any  Manner  of  regard  to  the  frriendship  betwixt  us 
and  the  Cherokees  do  Suffer  their  Several  horses  to  destroy 
and  eat  up  their  Corn  which  is  Contrary  to  our  good  Will 
towards  them. 

These  are  therefore  to  Charge  and  Corriand  all  White 
men  as  aforesd  not  to  Suffer  or  Comitt  such  ill  practices 
for  the  future,  having  given  the  Indians  a  particular  Charge 
to  Shoot  any  Such  Horsses  as  may  at  any  time  hereafter 
be  seen  in  their  Cornfields  destroying  their  Corn  or  doing 
them  any  such  damages  as  they  have  heretofore  done. 

Given  under  my  hand  at  Keewohee  this  I2th 
day  of  October  1725. 

Came  in  here  from  Great  Terriquo  Ja  :  Millikin  Indian 
Trader  who  Informed  me  that  the  person  (who  lately  brougt 
into  the  said  Town  two  Womens  Scalps)  with  Eight  more  were 
gone  out  to  Warr  agt  the  Upper  Creeks  and  that  they  had 
been  out  Six  daies  and  that  they  were  to  return  in  Twenty 
daies  from  their  sitting  out.  He  likewise  gave  us  an  Accot 
that  their  Conjurer  had  given  them  Assurance  of  Success.  I 
must  remark  that  this  is  the  Town  that  the  Cowsaw  fellow 
was  reed  in  by  the  head  Warriour  there  and  by  no  other  of 
the  Town  and  I  am  very  well  Satisfyed  that,  that  Town 
would  never  come  into  a  peace  (Assurance  of  wch)  We  have 
had  since  we  have  been  here  by  their  going  out  to  Warr 
daily  against  the  Creeks. 

Wednesday  the  ijth  of  October  172$. 

This  Morning  I  reed  the  following  Letter  from  his  Honr 
the  Presidt  together  with  Sevl  other  Letters  by  one  of  the 
Indians  runners  who  I  sent  down  to  the  Governmt  and 
who  had  left  the  rest  abt  30  Miles  off,  there  being  one  of 
them  Sick  and  travilled  all  Night  in  Order  to  gett  in  this 
Morning. 

158 


COLONEL  CHICKEN'S  JOURNAL 

September  the  i8th  1725. 
SIR- 

I  have  reed  Your  Packett  dated  the  3Oth  of  August  1725 
by  the  four  Indians  you  sent  wth  it  and  I  Assure  You  I  am 
very  well  pleased  wth  the  Accot  you  give  of  Our  Affairs 
amongst  the  Cherokees  I  doubt  not  but  you  have  reed  long 
before  this  the  Packett  I  sent  You  by  Chester,  in  which 
you  are  fully  Informed  of  all  that  has  past  Amongst  the 
Creeks  and  Afterwards  here  by  his  Majties  Council,  the 
Chief  thing  that  now  wants  to  be  regulated  amongst  the 
Cherokees  is  the  Indian  Traders  and  we  Approve  very  much 
of  the  Method  you  propose  and  we  shall  press  it  Close  to 
the  Assembly  when  they  meet  and  in  the  Mean  time  things 
must  lye  as  they  are  only  on  your  leaving  that  Nation,  that 
you  give  Express  Orders  to  the  Traders  to  Comply  with 
the  Trading  Act.  The  Assembly  Stands  prorogued  til  the 
1 2th  of  October  and  as  I  dont  see  that  You  can  be  of  any 
further  Service  amongst  those  Indians  for  the  present  so  I 
think  it  Advisable  that  you  come  down  in  Order  to  be  in 
the  house  to  press  forward  the  regulations  you  propose.  I 
believe  I  shall  prorogue  the  Assembly  for  five  or  Six  days 
longer  and  by  that  time  you  may  be  down  but  if  you  return 
by  way  of  Savanna  Town  I  shan't  Expect  you  so  soon,  I 
would  have  sent  the  Coats  etc.  you  wrote  for  but  have  not 
time  but  they  shall  be  sent  up  to  the  head  men  you  Mention. 
Since  you  left  us  We  have  had  here  thirty  Spaniards  from 
St.  Augustine  there  Errand  was  about  the  ffort  on  Allata- 
maha  1  river  and  to  settle  the  two  bounds  of  the  Governmt. 
But  as  we  have  never  reed  any  Orders  from  home  abt  it  So 
they  are  returned  as  they  came. 

I  did  give  Hatton  and  Sharp  leave  to  Carry  up  their 
Indians  fellows,  not  Apprehending  nor  yet  indeed  that, 
that  part  of  the  Law  was  intended  against  any  but  those 
that  went  up  to  the  Savanno  2  and  Allatamahaw  Rivers,  or 
Negros  by  Land  and  not  agt  Indian  Slaves  with  their 
Masters.  If  it  is  otherwise  it  is  my  fault  and  not  theirs 
and  I  must  take  the  blame  from  them  but  I  am  well  Assured 

1  Altamaha.  2  Savannah. 

159 


TRAVELS  IN  THE  AMERICAN  COLONIES 

I  am  in  the  right.  Wee  are  very  barren  of  News  not  having 
a  Vessell  from  England  since  You  left  us  but  are  in  hourly 
Expectations  of  two  or  three  from  London.  We  have  had 
a  fine  Summer  and  now  as  fine  harvest  weather  as  ever 
was  known  and  the  Crops  a  getting  in  a  pace.  You  will 
receive  Letters  from  Mrs.  Chicken  so  I  need  not  say  any 
thing  of  your  Family.  Mrs.  Middleton  Joins  with  me  in 
Our  best  respects,  and  I  am 

Sir,  Your  very  humble  Servt 

AR.  MIDDLETON. 

P.S.  At  the  same  time  that  I 
sent  Chester  up  to  you  I  dis 
patched  Another  up  to  the  Creeks 
to  Mr.  Fitch  but  have  not  heard 
from  thence  Since. 

Came  in  this  day  from  Savanna  Town  Capt.  Wm.  Hatton, 
Mr.  Wm.  Cooper,  David  Doway,  Henry  Guston  and  one 
Daniel  Kearl,  a  Virginia  Trader. 

Thursday  the  nth  day  of  October  1725. 

About  Twelve  of  the  Clock  at  Night  came  in  the  Warr 
hoop  giving  an  Accot  that  Six  of  the  Southward  people  had 
fallen  on  Camp  of  the  Chickesaws  abt  five  Miles  off  who 
went  out  in  the  Catawba  pathe  the  ijth  Instant  in  Order 
to  hunt  and  that  they  had  killed  a  Chicksaw  Man  and 
wounded  two  Women  of  these  people  who  were  agoing  with 
the  said  Chickesaws.  Immediately  the  Town  sent  out  a 
party  of  men  After  the  Enemy  and  went  to  the  Camp  where 
the  Chickesaws  had  taken  up,  and  found  one  of  them  dead 
and  two  Women  of  their  own  people  Wounded. 

The  party  that  went  out  of  the  Town  followed  the  Enemy 
all  the  remaining  part  of  the  Night  and  some  part  of  the 
day  following  but  finding  the  Enemy  were  gone  too  farr  to 
be  Overtaken  they  returned  home. 

Came  in  here  from  Toogelo  parts  Richd  Hasford  who 
gave  us  an  Accot  that  there  had  been  four  of  the  Enemy 

160 


COLONEL  CHICKEN'S  JOURNAL 

who  went  in  the  dead  of  Night  to  the  Out  Fortification  of 
Estotoe  old  Town  (three  of  wch)  fired  against  the  sd  Forti 
fication  and  made  of[f]  from  the  said  Town.  Immediatly  the 
people  of  the  Town  went  after  the  Enemy  but  could  not 
come  up  with  them,  so  returned  home.  I  must  take  Notice 
that  these  people  have  been  very  brisk  agt  their  Enemy 
and  have  never  failed  of  making  all  the  discoveries  they 
could  by  sending  out  Scouts. 

Friday  the  i$th  day  of  October  172$. 
Saturday  the  i6th  day  of  October  1725. 

Sunday  the  i?th  day  of  October  1725. 
Munday  the  i8th  day  of  October  1725. 

The  King  and  head  men  of  the  Town  hearing  of  my 
Departure  from  their  Nation  this  day  mett  together  and 
after  a  Consultation  among  themselv's  they  sent  for  me  to 
meet  them  at  a  New  House  they  had  built  and  then  they 
Appointed  their  head  Warriour  to  Speak  for  them  as  ffollows  : 

ist.  That  they  was  very  glad  I  was  amongst  them  to  do 
good  for  the  whole  Nation  and  that  they'll  always  be  good 
to  the  English,  and  that  they  should  never  find  them  rogues. 

I  Answered  that  I  had  found  them  good  to  the  English 
since  I  had  been  amongst  them  and  before  and  that  they 
had  Ussed  me  wth  a  great  deal  of  Civillity  and  that  what 
ever  they  had  sayed  to  me,  I  had  sent  down  to  the  English 
and  had  heard  from  them  again  and  that  I  hoped  they 
would  mind  what  I  had  sayed  to  them,  because  it  was  for 
their  good  and  to  keep  a  good  Understanding  between  them 
and  the  English  who  they  might  always  depend  would  show 
themselv's  as  Brothers. 

2d.  That  they  are  very  thankfull  to  the  English  Gover- 
nour  for  sending  up  a  Streigt  talk  to  them,  and  that  they 
are  well  pleased  with  it  and  that  they  hoped  there  would 
be  no  Stories  told  the  English  for  the  future  about  them. 

I  Answer'd  it  was  very  well  and  that  I  should  tell  the 
English  their  Brothers  how  they  had  behaved  themselv's 

161 


TRAVELS  IN  THE  AMERICAN  COLONIES 

since  my  Stay  amongst  them  and  that  now  I  had  given 
them  the  Streight  talk  from  the  English  and  that  I  did  not 
doubt  but  that  [they]  would  be  a  good  people  for  the  future 
if  they  would  but  take  Notice  of  what  I  had  sayed  to  them 
for  their  good.  I  likewise  gave  them  in  Charge  that  when 
any  thing  happened  amongst  them  that  the  English  should 
know  of,  that  they  would  be  first  sure  it  was  truth  and  then 
to  send  us  word  by  two  or  three  of  their  head  men  and  by 
no  other  because  they  are  the  persons  we  take  most  Notice  of. 

I  inform'd  them  that  they  might  depend  the  English 
would  always  take  care  to  give  them  Intelligence  of  the 
design  of  their  Enemies  when  ever  they  had  any  Notice  of 
it,  and  that  we  should  never  take  so  much  Care  of  any 
other  Indians  because  We  have  not  so  much  Vallue  for  them. 

T)d.  That  I  was  not  come  amongst  them  to  Trade  but  to 
give  them  the  Streight  talk  in  Order  to  make  them  a  good 
people  and  to  have  a  good  ^Friendship  between  them  and 
us,  and  that  if  ever  they  were  Misused  by  any  of  the  White 
Men  amongst  them  that  they  must  Complain  to  the  Lin- 
guisr  that  the  English  might  hear  of  it  and  do  them  Justice. 

I  likewise  told  them  that  We  Expected  that  whenever 
they  had  any  thoughts  of  making  a  peace  with  their  Enemies 
that  the  English  should  hear  of  it  before  they  did  any  Such 
thing,  because  they  would  undertake  to  bring  it  about  the 
best  way  for  them  and  most  for  their  good,  and  that  it  was 
the  Promise  of  all  the  head  men  that  were  down  when  the 
English  Gover[no]r  first  came  in. 

A.  That  if  any  Indians  should  come  to  them  for  a  peace 
that  they'll  take  care  to  let  the  English  know  it  according 
to  their  Promise. 

Tuesday  the  igth  day  of  October  1725. 

[I]  gave  the  following  Order  to  Joseph  Cooper  Linguister 
on  Alexr.  Parris  Esq.  Treasurer  : 

SIR  — 

Please  to  pay  to  Joseph  Cooper  or  Order  on  demand  The 
Sum  of  Twenty  ffive  pounds  being  for  his  trouble  as  one  of 

162 


COLONEL  CHICKEN'S  JOURNAL 

the  Linguisrs  to  me  in  the  Cherokee  Nation  and  place  it  to 
the  Publicks  Accot  of  moneys  reed  by  Virtue  of  the  Indian 
Trading  Act,  as  the  said  Act  directs. 

I  am  Sr  Your  Most  humble  Servt. 

To  the  Honble  Alexr.  Parris 
Esq.  Publick  Treasurer. 

Gave  the  following  permission  to  Mr.  John  Savey. 
To  Mr.  John  Savey, 

You  are  hereby  permitted  to  trade  on  behalf  of  Mr.  David 
Doway  and  Mr.  Andrew  White  according  to  the  Lycence 
and  Instructions  of  the  sd  Doway  and  White  and  the  Law 
now  in  being  for  the  better  regulation  of  the  Indian  Trade, 
the  said  White  having  Entred  into  bond  to  take  out  a  Lycence 
for  you  in  June  next  Ensueing  from  the  date  hereof  and  also 
for  your  good  behaviour. 

Given  under  my  hand  and  the  Seal  of  the 
Office  for  the  better  regulation  of  the 
Indian  Trade  this  iQth  day  of  October 
1725. 

Sent  the  following  Letter  to  Mr.  Eleazer  Wigan,  Lin- 
guister  on  the  other  Side  the  hills. 

MR.  WIGAN  - 

Since  my  last  to  you  I  have  had  Advices  from  the  Settlemt 
and  having  finished  all  Matters  in  this  Nation  I  intend  to 
take  my  Departure  on  Sunday  next.  The  reason  of  my 
sending  this  to  you  is  to  desire  you'll  Slip  no  Opportunity 
in  Acquainting  me  with  the  Motions  of  the  Indians  in  your 
parts  and  that  you  take  great  care  that  you  do  not  Acquaint 
me  with  anything  but  what  you  are  first  Assured  is  truth, 
You  very  well  knowing  how  we  have  heretofore  been 
Amussed  with  fallcities  and  what  Charge  the  Country  hath 
been  at  to  set  those  Stories  in  a  true  light. 

I  would  have  you  Consult  the  long  Warriour  in  all  Affairs 
wch  may  relate  to  the  Indians  beleiving  him  to  be  a  true 

163 


TRAVELS  IN  THE  AMERICAN   COLONIES 

ffriend  to  us  for  which  reason  we  cannot  too  much  Esteem 
him.  You  may  tell  him  of  my  hearing  from  the  Governent 
and  that  I  have  nothing  further  to  Offer  to  these  people 
having  Already  said  what  was  delivered  to  me  from  the 
Governmt  to  them  and  what  I  have  thougt  for  their  good 
to  make  them  a  People  and  I  hope  they'll  mind  and  follow 
what  Methods  I  have  laid  before  them  for  that  purpose. 
In  my  last  to  you  I  have  given  you  an  Accot  of  some  Affairs 
among  the  Creeks  which  I  hope  you  have  Interpreted  to 
them,  and  told  them  that  it  is  now  with  the  Creeks  and  us 
as  it  was  before,  they  having  given  us  such  Satisfaction  as 
We  are  Satisfyed  with  at  Present,  as  I  told  them  it  would 
be  at  the  General  Meeting.  You  may  Inform  the  Long 
Warriour  that  the  English  would  have  sent  him  a  present 
but  that  they  could  not  gett  what  they  designed  for  him 
ready  before  the  Indians  came  away  and  that  altho  he  hath 
it  not  yet,  I  shall  take  care  that  it  Shall  be  sent  him  when 
ever  I  get  down  and  have  an  Opportunity. 

I  have  had  an  Accot  from  Savanna  Town  that  the  Woman 
that  came  here  along  with  the  French  Man  was  run  away 
with  by  him.  She's  a  Chachama  Woman  and  is  a  Slave 
to  the  Comander  of  the  Garrison  there,  and  I  beleive  She's 
some  where  in  your  parts  so  that  you  must  Speak  to  the 
Warriours  to  have  her  Secured  and  I  desire  if  they  gett  her 
that  you'll  send  her  down  to  Mr.  Doway  who  has  promised 
me  to  Convey  her  to  the  Owner  by  the  first  Opportunity. 
I  cannot  too  much  Caution  you  of  letting  me  know  the  truth 
of  all  Affairs  among  these  people  (You  being  on  Oath)  the 
Nature  of  which  I  hope  you  are  not  unacquainted  with. 
I  shall  take  care  to  represent  to  the  Country  your  Trouble 
as  Linguister  to  me  and  as  I  cannot  but  beleive  you  have 
been  and  may  be  of  Service  so  you  need  not  doubt  but  on  a 
true  representation  of  yr  Care  and  Fidellity  to  them  that 
they'll  readily  requite  you. 

I  have  nothing  further  to  Offer  only  to  desire  that  you'l 
take  care  that  the  people  in  Your  parts  do  Nothing  of 
Moment  relating  to  sending  to  the  Governmt  without  first 
Consulting  these  lower  people  and  I  have  already  given 

164 


COLONEL  CHICKEN'S  JOURNAL 

them  the  like  Charge  and  I  cannot  but  take  Notice  that  We 
have  been  too  much  Imposed  upon  by  their  sending  down 
those  that  are  not  leading  men  and  who  the  people  take 
very  little  Notice  of,  when  We  send  up  any  business  to  the 
rest  of  the  Nation,  and  when  its  delivered  by  them. 
I  wish  you  health  and  Success  in  all  Affairs. 
And  am  Your  Assured  ffriend. 

Wednesday  the  2Oth  day  of  October  172$. 

I  set  away  from  Keewohee  having  finished  all  Matters  in 
the  Upper  and  Lower  Towns  of  the  Cherokees  and  having 
Crossed  the  River  the  King  drew  up  the  Men  in  his  Town 
and  then  made  them  fire  a  Volley  as  did  the  Several  White 
men  in  the  Town. 

Tuesday  the  26th  day  of  October  1725. 

We  arrived  at  Savanna  Town  after  Seven  dales  traveling 
from  the  Cherokees. 

Thursday  the  28th  day  of  October  1725. 

I  proceeded  to  Supervise  the  Garrison  and  Accordingly 
gave  Orders  to  the  Comandr  to  Render  an  Accot  of  the 
Stores  together  with  a  Muster  roll  of  the  Men  under  his 
Coihand.1 

About  Ten  of  the  Clock  this  Morning  We  had  an  Accot 
by  the  Chickesaws  that  one  of  their  people  was  killed  by 
four  of  the  Creeks  at  the  Dividing  paths  being  about  thirty 
Miles  from  Savanna  Town. 

Friday  the  2pth  day  of  October  7725. 

The  Petition  of  John  Hows,  to  me  directed,  praying  to 
have  Access  to  the  Garrison,  he  being  of  late  debarred  the 
same,  and  that  he  may  be  Allowed  Some  Provissions  from  the 

1  Fort  Moore  was  built  primarily  for  the  protection  of  Indian 
trade  and  placed  under  the  jurisdiction  of  the  Indian  Commis 
sioner. 

165 


TRAVELS  IN  THE  AMERICAN   COLONIES 

said  Garrison,  he  having  Nothing  to  Subsist  himself  withall 
and  being  ready  to  Starve.  And  having  Considered  the 
said  Petition  and  the  Circumstance  of  the  said  Hows  and 
that  he  hath  been  a  Man,  who  hath  Appeared  well  in  the 
World,  tho'  now  rendered  Uncapable  of  getting  his  bread, 
by  reason  of  his  Advanced  Age  and  Sickness  I  thougt  fitt 
to  give  the  Comander  of  the  sd  Garrison  the  following 
Order  on  behalf  of  the  Petitioner. 

By  etca. 

To  Major  David  Durham  Comander  of  Fort  Moore. 

You  are  hereby  Ordered  to  Supply  Mr.  John  Hows  with 
the  same  Allowance  of  Provissions  as  the  Several  Men  under 
your  Comand  have  at  this  Present  time  and  likewise  to  lett 
him  have  Access  to  your  Garrison  til  such  time  you  have 
Orders  from  the  Governmt  to  the  Contrary. 

Given  under  my  hand  and  Seal  this  29th 
day  of  October  Annoq.  Dom.  1725. 

The  Comander  renders  an  Accot  of  the  Sevl  Stores  in  the 
Garrison  together  with  a  Muster  roll  of  the  Men  under  his 
Comand  wch  were  both  Signed  by  the  said  Comander. 

Report  on  the  Garrison. 

On  Viewing  the  Garrison  both  within  and  without  I  find 
it  to  be  in  very  good  repair  and  that  there  is  nothing  wanting 
to  be  done  thereto  only  Two  Sheds  to  be  repaired  which 
are  over  two  of  the  fflankers  for  wch  they  have  provided 
Materialls  in  Order  to  repair  them. 

On  Viewing  the  Several  Stores  in  the  Garrison  I  find  that 
there's  the  Particulars  as  per  a  List  delivered  to  me  by  the 
Comander  and  that  they  are  in  the  Condition  and  Order  as 
is  therein  Mentioned. 

The  Comander  Informs  me  that  they  have  Corn  Suffi 
cient  to  Supply  the  Garrison  for  the  Ensueing  Year  which  is 
not  yet  gath'red. 

I  must  take  Notice  that  by  Articles  of  Agreemt  between 

1 66 


COLONEL  CHICKEN'S  JOURNAL 

Alexr.  Parris  Esq.  and  Capt.  Charlesworth  Glover  that  the 
said  Glover  is  Obliged  to  furnish  the  Garrison  for  one  Year 
from  the  date  of  the  said  Articles  and  that  the  Comander 
can't  refuse  the  whole  Years  provissions  in  Case  its  Tendered 
by  the  said  Glover  to  the  Comander  tho'  at  the  same  time 
the  said  Glover  is  not  Obliged  to  Cure  the  sd  Provissions, 
neither  have  they  Salt  at  the  Garrison  to  Cure  it  themselv's 
which  is  very  much  Wanted  at  this  time  being  the  Properest 
Season  to  kill  meat  for  the  Garrison. 

The  Several  men  being  under  Arms  I  had  them  called 
Over  by  the  Muster  Roll  and  found  there  was  the  full 
Complimt  and  that  they  were  all  Able  men  and  fitt  for 
Service,  and  that  there  Armes  were  in  good  Order. 

By  etca. 

Additional    Instructions    to   be    Observed    by    the    Comander 
of  the  time  being  of  Fort  Moore. 

First.  You  are  on  Application  made  to  you  by  any 
Principal  Trader  to  Endorse  on  the  back  of  their  Lycences 
any  one  or  more  Packhorse  Men  Provided  they  make  Oath 
that  any  person  or  persons  who  were  Inserted  or  Indorsed 
in  any  of  their  Lycences  at  the  time  of  their  taking  it  out, 
have  run  away  from  them  and  that  they  cannot  be  without 
them  or  may  be  Sufferers  by  the  Want  of  such  men  and 
provided  also  they  give  Security  for  the  behaviour  of  such 
Packhorsemen  dureing  their  Stay  in  the  Indian  Country 
and  the  Names  of  such  Packhorse  Men  You  are  as  Soon  as 
possible  to  return  to  me  or  the  Comissrs  of  the  Indian 
Trade  for  the  time  being.  And  in  Case  any  Trader  should 
Apply  to  you  for  an  Additional  Packhorseman  You  are  to 
insert  one  for  such  Trader  Provided  he  hath  not  more  then 
is  Allowed  by  the  Indian  Trading  Law  and  that  he  pay  to 
you  the  Sum  of  ten  pounds  for  the  Use  of  the  Country  as 
the  Law  requires  for  the  Endorsemt  of  such  Packhorsemen 
and  Enter  into  Bond  to  his  Majesty  for  his  good  behaviour. 

Second.  You  are  from  time  to  time,  as  you  shall  see 
Occasion,  to  repair  your  Garrison  both  within  and  without 
and  as  the  Sevl  Punchins  on  the  Outside  decay's  You  are 

167 


TRAVELS  IN  THE  AMERICAN  COLONIES 

to  take  care  that  there  be  New  Ones  to  Supply  those  that 
are  Decayed. 

Third.  In  Case  any  Trader  should  have  the  Misfortune 
of  bad  Weather  Whereby  their  goods  or  Skines  may  be 
damaged  in  Crossing  the  River  You  are  to  give  them  all  the 
Assistance  you  can  for  the  better  preservation  of  their  goods 
or  Skines  as  aforesd. 

Given  under  my  hand  and  Seal  this 
3<Dth  day  of  October  1725. 

The  foregoing  Instructions  were  then  Signed  and  Delivered 
to  the  Cofhander  together  with  a  Copy  of  the  Order  in  rela 
tion  to  Mr.  Hows. 

I  thougt  fitt  to  send  the  following  Letter  to  Capt.  Fitch 
by  the  hands  of  Florence  Mahoney  Indian  Trader. 


On  Thursday  the  28th  Instant  We  heard  by  the  Chicke- 
saws  here  that  the  Cowetaws  have  killed  one  of  their  people 
between  the  Dividing  paths  and  Rosemary  Branches  and 
by  what  little  discourse  I  have  had  with  them  Concerning 
it  I  find  that  their  Inclinations  are  to  retalliate  the  Creeks 
for  it,  So  that  I  hope  you'l  take  care  that  none  of  the  South 
ward  people  come  this  way  without  they  are  resolved  to 
Stand  to  the  design  of  the  Chickesaws  and  I  hope  you'll 
take  care  if  there's  any  comes  along  with  you  to  give  them 
Notice  of  what  I  have  writt  You  and  to  be  very  Cautious 
yourself,  beleiving  that  if  they  have  any  Opportunity  they'll 
treat  You  after  the  same  Manner  as  the  Southward  people. 

I  am  heartily  glad  to  hear  of  your  Success  in  Your  Nego 
tiations  and  in  a  short  time  I  dont  doubt  but  to  have  the 
pleasure  of  seeing  You,  in  the  Interim 
I  remain 

Your  very  humble  Servant. 

The  Squiril  King  with  three  head  Warriours  of  the  Chicke 
saws  desiring  to  talk  with  me  they  accordingly  came  this 
Afternoon  and  then  I  proceeded  to  tell  them  as  follows. 

168 


COLONEL  CHICKEN'S  JOURNAL 

Elias  Thomas,  Linquisr. 

That  they  knew  I  came  here  once  a  Year  in  Order  to 
regulate  the  Affairs  of  the  Indians  and  that  if  they  had  any 
thing  to  say  to  me  I  was  then  ready  to  hear  them.  And 
then  the  King  Spoak  as  follows  : 

That  they  have  heard  the  Talk  of  the  White  people  for 
this  many  Years  and  that  they  have  been  down  to  the  Eng 
lish  Sevl  times  and  heard  the  talk  there  and  that  they  desire 
always  to  be  at  peace  wth  the  White  people  and  desire  to 
have  their  own  way  and  to  take  revenge  of  the  red  people 
and  that  it  was  their  Young  people  that  first  broak  out  Warr 
with  the  White  people. 

I  desired  to  know  of  them  what  Young  people  it  was  that 
broak  out  the  Warr  wth  the  White  people. 

They  desired  to  know  the  reason  of  my  Asking  them  a 
thing  that  past  so  long  agoe. 

I  Answered  them  Angerly  that  it  was  a  thing  Still  always 
a  passing  among  them. 

They  Answered  that  there  was  Young  men  among  them 
that  were  always  playing  the  Rogue  and  that  they  could 
not  help  it. 

And  as  to  the  Creeks  they  always  thougt  that  they  were 
their  Youngest  Brothers,  and  that  now  they  are  daily  kill 
ing  of  them  and  that  they  intend  to  take  their  revenge  and 
hope  the  White  people  will  not  take  it  at  heart. 

I  Answered  that  We  beleive  them  to  be  Our  ffriends  but 
that  I  did  not  know  how  the  Creeks  or  Cherekees  could 
take  them  for  theirs  when  some  of  them  were  fitting l  for  the 
One  and  some  for  the  other  and  have  no  Settlemt  of  them- 
selv's  nor  will  not  Settle  any  where  in  a  body  Notwithstand 
ing  they  had  so  often  promised  the  English  that  they  would 
(which  if  they  did)  they  then  might  Expect  protection  from 
us,  and  that  While  they  are  as  they  are  we  could  take  them 
to  be  no  more  then  Wild  Wolves  in  the  Woods  Seeking  their 
prey  and  that  We  could  not  mind  them  any  longer  then  we 
were  talking  to  them  nor  could  not  tell  where  to  find  them* 

1  Fighting. 
169 


TRAVELS  IN  THE  AMERICAN  COLONIES 

They  Answered  that  for  the  future  they'd  mind  what  the 
White  people  says  to  them  and  that  they'll  look  out  for  a 
good  place  to  Settle  all  together  and  that  there  is  three  or 
four  old  men  among  them  that  would  make  the  Young  men 
mind  them  for  the  future. 

I  then  desired  to  know  of  them  whether  they  could  not 
think  of  a  place  themselv's  to  Settle  on,  on  the  other  side 
the  river  and  not  to  disturb  our  Stock  as  they  daily  did  on 
this  side  the  river  and  that  we  Expected  when  any  Complts 1 
is  made  to  any  of  their  headmen  by  any  white  man  of  any 
Damage  done  to  the  English  by  any  of  their  Young  men 
that  they  should  Cause  them  that  did  the  Mischief  to  make 
Satisfaction  and  to  punish  them  in  the  presence  of  those 
that  were  damaged  which  would  give  us  Assurances  of  their 
desire  to  be  in  ffriendship  with  the  English,  and  that  the 
Complt  to  be  made  to  the  Chief  man  of  the  White  men 
that's  in  being  and  that  if  they  are  Nigh  the  Garrison  that 
they  bring  the  Offender  to  the  Corriander  and  that  in  Case 
any  of  the  White  men  do  them  any  damage  that  they  Im- 
mediatly  make  Complt  to  the  next  White  man  they  see, 
but  if  they  are  near  the  Garrison  they  are  to  Complain  to 
the  Comander  and  that  they  might  Expect  Justice  done 
them  in  Order  to  keep  a  good  Understanding  between 
them  and  us  and  that  we  Expected  the  same  from  them. 

That  in  Case  they  go  on  this  side  the  river  to  hunt  that 
they  first  come  to  the  Comander  to  ask  liberty  and  that  they 
Acquaint  him  how  many  they  are  in  Number,  how  long  they 
intend  to  hunt,  and  at  what  place  and  to  come  to  him  at 
their  return  and  to  let  him  know  if  they  are  all  returned  or 
not,  and  that  We  Expected  it  from  the  head  men  of  the 
Gang  that  were  going  to  hunt  and  that  the  King  be  Answer 
able  for  them  all  if  there's  an[y]  Damage  done  by  any  of  them. 

A.  That  they  have  heard  what  I  had  say'd  to  them  and 
that  when  there  people  meets  together  they'll  tell  it  to  them 
and  that  they  are  very  willing  to  keep  Settled  where  they 
are,  but  that  when  they  make  any  Corn  the  Packhorses  get 


1  Complaints. 
170 


COLONEL   CHICKEN'S  JOURNAL 

among  it  and  eat  it  and  that  if  all  their  people  that  are 
abroad  would  Settle  Among  them,  that  they  would  leave 
one  half  of  their  people  at  home  to  take  care  of  their 
Women  and  Children  and  the  other  half  might  be  out  a 
hunting. 

I  Answered.  That  if  any  of  the  Traders  Packhorses  gott 
among  their  Corn  and  Destroyed]  it  that  they  should  Imme- 
diatly  Complain  to  the  Comander  of  the  Garrison  who  on 
hearing  the  Complt  and  finding  it  to  be  true  would  Order 
Satisfaction  to  be  made  them  by  the  White  Man  that  owned 
the  horses,  and  that  if  any  of  their  people  should  meet  with 
any  White  Mans  Horse  in  the  Woods  that  they  should  not 
Meddle  with  them  wthout  Orders  from  the  White  man, 
and  that  in  Case  we  found  it  Otherwise,  that  We  should 
Expect  Satisfaction  from  their  King  and  that  he'll  take 
care  to  have  the  Offender  punished  and  that  in  Case  any  of 
them  Should  take  up  Slaves  that  they  are  to  bring  them 
to  the  Comander  of  the  Garrison  and  deliver  them  to  him. 
And  that  they  would  be  paid  for  so  doing. 

That  the  reason  of  my  giving  them  such  Cautions  was 
because  I  was  last  Year  an  Eye  Witness  to  some  of  the 
faults  of  their  people,  having  found  out  One  of  them  who 
Stole  a  horse  and  Saddle  which  I  took  from  them  at  the 
Pallacholas  on  wch  a  White  man  went  out  upon,  but  was 
never  since  heard  of  and  having  had  an  Accot  of  some  of 
them  breaking  open  a  White  Mans  Store  at  the  Oconeys 
as  also  Sevl  other  Crimes  done  at  other  places  which  we 
were  sure  was  done  by  their  people. 

A.  That  if  their  Young  Men  were  drunk  and  Mad  that 
they  could  not  help  it  but  that  they'll  take  care  for  the 
future  and  keep  them  in  Awe. 

Q.  What  do  you  design  to  do  with  the  Creeks  if  you 
meet  them? 

A.  That  they  have  lost  Seven  Men  since  the  last  Corn 
was  planted  between  the  Savanna  Town  and  the  Oconeys, 
and  that  if  they  meet  with  any  of  the  Creeks  in  the  path 
and  find  them  too  strong  for  them,  that  they'll  be  ffriends 
wth  them,  but  that  if  they  meet  any  in  the  Woods  and 
M  171 


TRAVELS  IN  THE  AMERICAN  COLONIES 

think  they  can  Manage  them  that  they  will  Serve  them  as 
they  Served  their  People. 

I  Answered.  That  as  they  pretend  to  be  ffriends  to  the 
English,  and  say  that  whereever  they  found  an  Advantage 
they  would  kill  the  Creeks  That  we  daily  have  and  Should 
have  White  men  coming  down  from  the  Creeks  where  there 
might  be  two  or  three  or  more  of  them  along  with  the  White 
Men  that  we  Expected  they  would  take  care  that  none  of 
their  people  Should  Mollest  any  of  the  Indians  that  might 
at  any  time  come  down  or  go  up  with  any  of  the  White 
people. 

A.  That  they  know  the  White  people  Carry  hunters 
along  with  them  to  keep  them  from  hunger  and  that  they 
had  as  good  kill  the  White  people  as  their  Hunters. 

I  then  told  them  that  if  they  did  we  Should  know  it  and 
that  we  should  deem  it  as  bad  a  Crime  as  that  if  they  should 
kill  any  White  People. 

A.  That  if  they  found  there  was  any  hunters  along  with 
the  White  People  that  they  would  not  hurt  them,  but  if 
they  mett  any  of  the  Creeks  in  the  Woods  by  themselves 
they  knowed  what  to  do  with  them. 

Sunday  the  $ist  day  of  October  1725. 

Wee  set  away  from  Savanna  Town  and  on  Wednesday 
the  3d  day  of  Novr  We  Arrived  at  Goose  Creek. 

GEO  :  CHICKEN. 


172 


CAPTAIN   FITCH'S  JOURNAL  TO  THE   CREEKS, 

1725 


INTRODUCTION 

THE  Creek  Indians,  at  the  time  of  Captain  Fitcrrs  mission, 
were  settled  chiefly  in  the  region  extending  west  by  north 
from  the  middle  and  upper  Chattahoochee  River  to  the  west 
border  of  Alabama.  To  the  north  and  northeast  of  them 
were  the  Cherokees  ;  to  the  northwest,  the  Chickasaws  ;  and 
to  the  west  and  southwest,  the  Choctaws.  Those  in  the 
region  of  the  Coosa  and  Tallapoosa  rivers  were  known  as  the 
Upper  Creeks  and  those  on  the  Chattahoochee  as  the  Lower 
Creeks.  The  English  at  Charleston  established  a  trade  with 
the  Creeks  even  earlier  than  with  the  Cherokees.  But  in 
1714  the  French  built  Fort  Toulouse  at  the  confluence  of  the 
Coosa  and  Tallapoosa.  The  Creeks  thereupon  began  to  trade 
with  the  French  and  although  they  continued  to  deal  with 
English  traders  they  assumed  toward  them  an  independent 
and  often  insolent  attitude.  President  Middleton  sent 
Captain  Fitch  to  counteract  French  influence  and  to  exact 
proper  treatment  of  English  traders.  The  Creek-Chickasaw 
trail  ran  northerly  from  Charleston  to  Dorchester,  thence 
west  by  north  to  Fort  Moore,  westerly  across  the  Ogeechee, 
Oconee,  Ocmulgee,  Flint,  and  Chattahoochee  rivers,  and 
again  west  by  north  from  the  Chattahoochee  to  Oakfuskee 
on  the  Tallapoosa. 

Little  is  known  of  Captain  Fitch  prior  to  his  discharge 
of  this  mission.  He  succeeded  Colonel  Chicken  as  Indian 
Commissioner  and  held  that  post  in  1733-1734.  In  the 
latter  year  he  was  appointed  a  justice  of  the  peace  in 
Berkeley  County. 

There  is  a  manuscript  copy  of  his  Journal  in  the  Public 
Record  Office,  London:  C.  O.  5,  12,  if.  35-55,  and  a  tran 
script  made  from  this  is  in  the  Library  of  Congress. 

175 


TOBIAS   FITCH'S   JOURNAL  TO   THE    CREEKS 

AFTER  a  hard  and  Tiresome  Journey  I  Arrived  at  the 
Oakefusky  Town  J  in  the  upper  Tallapoop's  2  being  17  days 
in  my  Journey  there.  I  Arived  Jully  the  gth  and  was  Re 
ceived  with  a  great  many  Serimoneys ;  The  King  of  the 
said  Town  Takeing  me  by  the  hand  Lead  me  To  a  house 
Where  were  Sitting  all  the  head  men  of  the  Several  Towns 
there  about ;  And  after  passing  Some  Complements  there 
was  Some  fowls  Brought  in  and  Set  Before  me ;  And  Befor 
I  was  Suffered  to  Eat  the  King  Made  The  Following  Speach  : 
"  I  am  Glad  to  see  you  here  In  my  Town  But  I  am  Sory  that 
I  Cannot  Entertain  you  With  Such  as  I  am  Entertained 
When  I  go  Down  to  your  Great  Town  ;  But  I  hope  you  will 
Except  of  Such  as  I  have  and  you  are  very  Welcom  to  it." 
My  answer  That  ordinary  Fair  from  On[e]  Who  is  a  Freind 
and  has  a  Strieght  heart  is  more  Welcome  To  me  then 
Greater  Dainteys  from  On[e]  Who  profest  Freindship  To  my 
Face  But  in  his  heart  was  my  Enemys.  On  Sunday  The  1 1 
Jully  the  sd  King  Summonds  all  his  head  men  To  Meet  and 
made  the  Following  Speach  : 

"Here  is  a  Beloved  man  Come  from  the  great  King  of  the 
English  and  [we]  must  all  provide  for  him  that  he  may  not 
Want  any  thing  that  our  Town  Can  Supplye  him  with  For 
When  I  was  in  his  Town  they  did  not  think  anything  Too 
good  for  me ;  I  do  not  Know  the  Reason  of  Our  Treating 
White  men  as  we  do :  For  Mally  3  When  any  Beloved  Man 

1  Oakfuskee,  the  principal  town  of  the  Upper  Creeks,  was  situated 
on  the  west  bank  of  Tallapoosa  River,  four  miles  below  the  mouth 
of  Elkhatchee  Creek,  in  Tallapoosa  County,  Alabama. 

2  The  Upper  Tallapoops  were  the  Creeks  inhabiting  the  region 
of  Upper  Tallapoosa  River. 

3  Formerly. 

176 


TOBIAS  FITCH'S  JOURNAL 

[came]  To  us  we  used  to  go  with  [him]  Wherever  he  went 
But  now  We  act  like  Women  more  than  Head  Men ; 
Therefore  I  hope  you  wil  Take  Notice  of  What  I  have  Said 
To  you  and  Check  This  Slight  that  Two  many  of  you  Sho 
the  White  men ;  before  It  becomes  a  Coustom  to  you." 

On  Munday  the  12th  I  Tould  the  King  To  send  for  all  the 
Kings  and  Principale  Men  belonging  To  the  Abecas  l  and 
Tallopoops  To  met  me  in  Eight  days  at  your  house  and  then 
[I]  shall  Deliver  to  them  a  great  Talk  that  I  have  Brought  up 
from  my  great  King  and  Beloved  Men  Which  was  Imediatly 
don. 

On  Friday  the  Sixteenth  I  went  To  a  Town  Called  the 
Oakechoys  2  Where  I  was  very  well  Received  and  after  being 
Intertained  With  the  Best  that  his  Town  afoard  ;  He  Told 
the  Lingister  he  had  Somthing  To  Say  unto  me  I  answered 
him  I  was  Ready  To  here  anything  That  he  had  To  say ;  he 
then  Brought  a  boundale  of  Dear  Skins  and  throwed  them 
befor  me  and  gave  The  following  Talk : 

"I  am  a  True  Freind  to  the  English  and  always  have 
Behaved  my  Self  as  such  and  I  Find  that  When  any  of  our 
People  goes  To  your  Great  King  That  they  Receive  presents  ; 
I  have  not  such  Presents  to  give  as  we  Receive  from  you 
But  hope  you  wil  except  of  Such  as  I  have  and  through3  I 
never  was  Down  to  see  your  great  King  Yet  I  am  as  Streight 
hearted  as  the  Best  of  them  that  has  been  Down ;  for  I  do 
not  find  that  the  Talk  your  great  King  gives  them  Lastes 
any  Longer  than  the  present  he  maks  them.  As  soon  as 
the  Present  is  wore  out  the  Talk  is  forgotten." 

Answer.  "I  am  Sent  here  from  my  great  King  To  know 
how  4  among  you  is  his  Freind  and  how  4  is  not ;  You  Say 
that  you  are  a  Freind,  I  hope  I  will  find  you  So ;  But  as  To 
your  present  I  must  Tell  you  That  my  Great  King  did  not 
Send  me  here  to  get  presents  neithere  do  I  vont 5  them.  I 

1  The  Abecas,   or  Abihkas,   were  Upper   Creeks   inhabiting   a 
town  on  or  near  the  Upper  Coosa  River. 

2  Okchayi  was  an  Upper  Creek  town  on  Oktchayi  (now  Kialaga) 
Creek,  in  the  southeastern  part  of  Coosa  County,  Alabama. 

3  Though.  4  Who.  5  Want. 

177 


TRAVELS  IN  THE  AMERICAN  COLONIES 

ame  Come  To  see  my  Kings  Freinds  and  To  know  Who  they 
be  for  as  you  say  that  your  People  minds  my  Kings  Talk  no 
longer  then  the  presents  last  I  Belive  its  very  True  and  its 
for  that  Reason  that  I  am  Sent  among  You  ;  For  When  your 
People  are  with  my  King  they  Tell  Him  that  they  are  his 
Good  Freinds  as  you  Tell  me  now  You  are.  But  when  they 
Come  here  the[y]  Never  Mind  What  They  promise  To  my 
King  When  they  are  with  him." 

On  Tusday  the  2Oth  According  to  appointment  there  Met 
at  the  Oakefusk'y  Town  60  head  men  Representing  Twenty 
Towns  of  the  Abecas  and  upper  Tallapoop's. 

Answer.  "We  are  all  met  According  to  your  orders  and 
are  now  Ready  to  here  What  you  have  to  say  to  us ;  we 
have  Bin  a  long  Time  Threatned  with  a  Talk  to  be  sent 
among  us  But  its  not  Comeing  after  so  many  promisses  we 
had  Now  given  over  Expecting  any ;  But  we  [are]  heartely 
Glad  to  see  you  on  our  Land  and  very  Thankfull  to  your 
Great  King  for  Takeing  Such  Care  of  us,  as  to  Send  on[e]  of 
his  Beloved  men  To  see  us,  You  being  the  first  White  man 
That  We  have  Seen  Sent  among  us  Since  the  peace  was  Made 
Through  l  we  have  Been  often  Threatned." 

Answer.  "I  am  very  Glad  to  See  you  met  According  to 
appointment  In  order  to  here  the  great  Talk  That  my  Great 
King  has  sent  To  you  by  me."  I  then  proceeded  with  the 
part  Of  my  Instructions  Where  I  was  Directed  To  Demand 
Satisfaction  for  the  Roberry  Don  Mr.  Sharp  at  the  Chero- 
key's  and  with  the  Following  addition : 

Pointing  To  Gogell  Ey's  Told  him  :  "you  pretend  To  Ex 
cuse  that  Rogus  Action  of  yours  that  you  was  guilty  off  at 
the  Cherokeys  By  Saying  it  was  Don  Rashly  by  the  young 
people,  But  that  Excuse  will  not  do  With  our  King  for  you 
are  a  man  in  years  and  ought  To  know  better  and  Since  you 
was  the  head  of  them  People  you  Should  have  prevented  thir 
Rogush  proceedings.  But  you  are  So  farr  from  Doeing 
that;  That  you  Imbrace  every  oppertunity  you  have  of 
doing  us  all  the  prejudice  you  Can  and  I  Look  upon  you  to  be 

1  Though. 
178 


TOBIAS  FITCH'S  JOURNAL 

Such  a  Freind  To  the  English  That  you  had  ane  Opportunity 
you  would  now  Serve  me  as  you  did  the  White  man  at  the 
Cherokeys ;  But  had  that  White  man  adyed  1  with  the 
Wound  that  you  gave  him  I  do  assure  you  That  my  King 
Would  Requir  no  less  Satisfaction  Then  Your  Life  and  the 
Lives  of  all  the  head  Men  that  was  With  [you] ;  and  if  your 
people  should  have  Denied  to  Deliver  you  up  Then  my  King 
Would  have  took  Satisfaction  with  the  Mussells  of  their 
Guns.  But  Since  the  man  That  you  wounded  is  like  to  do 
well  my  King  is  so  good  as  to  be  Content  With  your  makeing 
Satisfaction  for  the  Goods  Taken  away  and  your  Sincear 
promisses  Never  to  be  guilty  of  the  Like  again.  If  we 
Should  met  any  of  your  People  from  thir  Towns,  Plunder 
Them  of  there  Skins,  Kill  or  Wound  your  People,  Could  you 
then  Think  us  To  be  your  Freinds  ?  I  Belive  not,  yet  this 
your  People  have  don  to  us  and  at  the  Same  Time  Call 
themselves  Freinds.  But  my  King  do  not  understand 
Such  Freindship  as  that." 

Gogell  Eys  Answer. 

"I  was  at  the  first  makeing  a  Peace  with  the  English  and 
have  always  Behaved  my  Self  Like  a  freind,  I  Went  Down  To 
Warr  against  the  Yeamases  2  in  Behalf  of  the  English  and  I 
have  Now  Been  at  warr  against  the  Cherokeys  and  What  you 
have  s[ai]d  against  the  White  man  is  very  True.  I  was  not 
with  my  people  when  they  Begun  to  Plunder  the  White 
man  through  I  was  thire  head  and  When  I  found  What  they 
had  Don  I  Thought  that  as  there  was  a  Breach  made  it 
Could  not  be  Recalled  and  I  did  take  Some  of  the  Remains 
of  The  Goods  For  Which  I  am  heartily  Sory  and  will  willingly 
Pay  you  for  the  Same  and  I  do  promise  before  you  and  The 
head  Men  that  are  here  Present  That  I  never  Will  be  guilty 
of  the  Like  Action  While  I  Live.  There  is  now  in  Our 

1  Died. 

2  Yamasees,  who  in  1715  effected  a  general  massacre  of  English 
traders  and  settlers  on  the  Carolina  frontier,  and  subsequently, 
as  allies  of  the  Spaniards,  continued  in  active  hostility  against 
the  English. 

179 


TRAVELS  IN  THE  AMERICAN  COLONIES 

Possession  The  Woman  and  her  Children  That  We  took 
from  the  White  man  which  you  may  have  and  his  Best  Case 
of  Pistoolls.  But  as  for  the  Rest  Off  the  Goods  they  are 
Cut  and  Distributed  that  we  Cannot  Return  them  any 
othere  ways  than  by  paying  For  them  in  Skins." 

Then  Spoke  the  Oakechoye  x  Capt.  by  order  of  the  Whole 
Body: 

"Since  he  that  was  at  the  head  of  that  Mischieff  that 
Happen'd  at  the  Cherokeys  has  made  so  frank  a  Confession 
and  has  promised  a  Better  Behaviour  for  the  Time  to  Come 
We  will  all  Contribute  To  paying  of  the  White  man  for  his 
Goods.  But  that  this  is  not  a  Time  of  year  To  pay  Debts  in 
For  there  is  not  Skins  in  the  Whole  Nation  To  pay  Half  the 
Debt  But  by  the  Next  Spring  every  on  of  them  Shall  be  paid 
Into  any  hands  You  will  order  us." 

"Since  it  is  so  with  you  I  will  Stay  Till  the  Time  you  pro 
pose,  you  Delivering  me  now  the  Slaves  and  Pistools.  But 
then  you  must  rember  2  that  if  you  are  not  Punctual  To  the 
Promise  you  make  me  How  that  then  all  this  Talk  is  To  No 
Purpose  and  I  am  of  oppinnion  That  our  King  will  look  On 
you  as  Enemies  and  Treat  you  as  such  whereever  He  Metts 
You." 

Hopeya-ha-chey  Being  appointed  To  Receive  the  Skins 
Declairs  that,  "When  the  Time  Drawes  near  if  you  do  not 
make  Preparation,  To  pay  in  the  Skins  you  now  promise 
That  I  wil  then  goe  Down  to  the  English  and  let  him  know 
it  And  he  may  do  with  you  as  he  thinks  fit." 

I  then  Proceeded  To  that  part  [of]  my  Instructions 
Relateing  To  a  Peace  With  the  Cherokeys  etc. 

Hobyhawchey  [said] :  "The  Reason  that  I  did  not  Send 
Down  To  your  great  King  According  to  my  Promise  to  him 
When  I  was  Down  To  sue  For  a  Peace  with  the  Cherokeys 
Was  that  at  my  Return  home  I  Summon'd  my  People 
Together  And  thought  To  have  Consulted  them  According 
to  your  Kings  Orders,  but  Before  I  Could  get  them  To 
me[e]t  The  News  Came  in  of  what  was  Don  to  the  White  man 

1  Okchayi.  2  Remember. 

1 80 


TOBIAS  FITCH'S  JOURNAL 

at  the  Cherokeys.  I  then  Thought  [it]  Needless  To  Send 
Down  to  your  King  for  I  Expected  Nothing  Less  then  a 
Warr. 

But  as  for  a  Peace  With  the  Chericeys  l  at  this  Time  we 
have  no  thought  They  haveing  Latly  Killed  Several  of 
the  Leading  Men  of  Our  Nation ;  and  till  we  have  had 
Satisfaction  We  will  heare  of  No  peace  ;  But  as  soon  as  our 
Corn  is  hard  We  Designe  to  be  with  them  and  after  our 
Return  if  your  King  Will  undertake  To  make  a  peace  for 
us  We  will  Readylie  Except  of  it." 

I  then  proceeded  to  that  part  of  [my]  Instruction  Relateing 
to  the  amunition  That  Lies  at  Savana  Town  2  and  Designed 
For  the  Tallapoops  That  went  against  them  Yamasses. 

Tickhoneby  Answers :  "  We  never  heared  of  any  amunition 
For  us  only  once  Actcedentaly  and  then  we  answered  Coll 
Heastins  3  and  he  Told  us  there  was  Non  for  us  ;  Since  That 
we  never  thought  no  more  of  it,  had  we  knowen  of  any 
amunition  Being  there  We  should  [have]  Brought  it  Long 
agoe." 

Ane  Addition  To  Instructions. 

"I  must  tell  your  Young  Men  that  if  it  had  not  Been  for 
us,  you  would  not  have  knowen  how  to  Warr  Nor  yet  Have 
anything  To  Warr  with.  You  have  had  nothing  But  Boes 
and  Arrow's  To  kill  Dear ;  You  had  no  hoes  or  Axes  then 
What  you  made  of  Stone.  You  wore  nothing  But  Skins ; 
But  now  you  have  Learn'd  the  use  of  Firearm's  As  well  to 
Kill  Dear  andotherProvissionsasTo  War  agst  Your  Enemies 
And  yet  you  Set  no  greater  Value  on  us  who  have  Been  Such 
good  Friends  unto  you,  Then  on  yr  greatest  Enemies  this 
all  you  that  are  old  men  knowes  to  be  True.  And  I  would 
have  you  make  your  young  men  Sensable  of  it." 

1  Cherokees. 

2  Fort   Moore,   or   Savannah    Town,    South    Carolina,   on   the 
Savannah  River  six  miles  below  Augusta,  Georgia. 

3  Colonel  Theophilus  Hastings  commanded  in  1715  a  company  of 
North  Carolina  militia  sent  to  aid  South  Carolina  against  the 
Indians.     In  1716  he  was  the  principal  factor  of  the  North  Carolina 
Indian  trade. 

181 


TRAVELS  IN  THE  AMERICAN  COLONIES 

I  then  proceeded  to  the  Lower  people  and  Summons'd 
them  To  meet  me  On  Munday  the  Second  of  August  and 
accordingly  the[y]  Met,  There  being  present  old  Brunnis 
and  45  head  Men  Who  were  all  the  principale  head  men  of  the 
Lower  Creekes ;  I  then  Delivered  the  Talk  in  Relation  to 
ther  head  Men  Not  paying  their  Respect  To  this  Govern 
ment,  of  their  Being  Desireous  of  other  Trade  Then  what 
they  had  from  this  Government  and  all  Maters  Else  Con 
tained  in  my  Instructions  etca.,  Only  Omiting  that  part 
Where  the  Tallapoopes  did  not  agree  to  a  Peace  With  the 
Cherekeys  but  I  Tould  them  how  far  The  upper  people  had 
Concur'd  with  it. 

Oald  Brimins  answers  :  "  The  Tallapoop's  and  Abecas  may 
do  As  they  please  But  we  have  Nothing  of  Makeing  a  peace 
with  The  Cherokeys.  For  them  men  that  was  killed  by 
the  Cherokeys  of  Mine  When  the  White  people  were  there  is 
not  over  w[it]h  Me  as  yet,  nor  never  shall  be  While  there  is  a 
Cowwataid  l  Liveing." 

Ane  Addition  to  my  Instructions. 

"I  am  Informed  that  Some  of  You  have  Threatned 
Tickhonebys  Life  for  goeing  to  warr  against  the  Yamasses 
and  there  Killing  On  of  your  Freinds.  I  must  tell  you  that 
Tickhonebey  was  Sent  There  by  our  King  To  Warr  against 
his  Enemies  and  if  your  Freinds  will  keep  Company  with  our 
Enemies  I  know  not  how  our  king  Can  do  to  have  Yamasses 
Killed,  for  as  Shure  as  we  Kill  A  Yamassee,  he  has  a  Relation 
or  freind  amonge  The  Creek's ;  Therefore  Tickhonebe  has 
Dun  very  will  in  Following  Our  kings  orders  and  if  you  want 
Satisfaction  It's  of  Our  king  that  [you]  must  Seek  it,  and 
Since  I  am  here  I  am  Ready  To  answer  every  thing  That 
my  King  has  ordered  Tickoneby  to  do  or  any  person  alse  2 
and  I  desire  The  man  that  Vants  Satisfaction  for  the  Death 
of  a  Yamasse  Would  now  Speak  and  then  I  am  Shure  to  know 
my  Freind  That  Loves  the  Yamasses  so  wel.  Dont  you  know 
very  well  that  our  King  has  offered  them  Yamasses  To  make 

1  Lower  Creek.  2  Else. 

182 


TOBIAS  FITCH'S  JOURNAL 

a  peace  with  them  and  they  would  not  ?  But  why  was  it  ? 
Because  the[y]  knew  they  had  you  to  uphold  them.  But  I 
do  assure  you  that  our  King  is  a  weary  of  this  unserton 
peace.  I  therefore  must  know  how  *  amongst  you  is  our 
Freind's  and  Who  is  not.  These  Belowed 2  Freinds  of  Yours, 
the  Yamasess,  you  will  find  befor  I  goe  from  hence  it  Will 
appear  they  are  the  people  that  have  Latly  Killed  your  very 
Good  Freinds  as  well  as  ours  and  so  have  Lead  it  on  the 
Floradays.  I  shal  not  say  much  To  you  about  them  lest 
You  Should  Think  that  I  do  it  to  sett  you  against  them. 
Through  I  have  heared  a  great  Deal  of  that  affair  Since  I 
have  Been  here,  but  I  leave  that  To  your  own  Selves  To 
find  out,  Being  Well  asshured  you  will  soon  do  it." 

Oald  Brimins  answer. 

"There  is  a  great  many  Storys  Come  into  this  Nation 
but  from  Whence  they  come  I  Can  not  Tell.  Somtimes 
I  here  that  Your  King  is  Joyning  the  Te  and  Coming  To 

Cut  us  of[f].  We  that  are  head  men  give  no  Credit  to  these 
Storys  But  The  Young  Men  may  belive  them  for  What  I 
know  and  Likewise  add  to  them.  But  I  do  now  assure 
you  in  behalf  of  these  head  men  that  I  have  [heard]  nothing  of 
Leaving  your  Trade  for  We  Desire  there  may  be  a  Containu- 
ance  of  the  Peace  that  is  made.  I  must  Confess  we  have 
not  obayed  orders  as  we  Ought  To  have  Don,  But  for  the 
Time  To  Come  When  your  King  will  order  us  We  shal  be 
Ready,  and  as  For  the  Yamasees  they  shal  soon  know  [who] 
our  hearts  is  With.  As  my  Son  hollala  is  Dead  There  is  not 
[one]  Left  of  my  Family  But  Sepey  Coffee  Who  is  fit  To  take 
upon  him  The  Charge  that  I  have,  which  is  Two  great  a 
Charge  for  a  man  of  my  age.  Tho  I  must  Confess  that 
Sepey  Coffee  has  not  been  your  Freind  a  great  while  but 
Rather  a  Freind  To  the  French  and  Spaniards.  But  he 
has  had  so  much  said  To  him  that  he  Will  now  prove  as 
True  to  you  as  ever  he  did  To  them,  and  I  hope  your  king 
will  let  him  Succeed  his  Brother  Since  its  the  General  oppin- 
ion  of  my  People  That  he  Should." 

1  Who.  2  Beloved. 

183 


TRAVELS  IN  THE   AMERICAN   COLONIES 

Sepe  Coffees  Speach. 

"Tis  True  I  have  Been  in  the  French  and  Spanish  Inter 
est  A  Great  While  and  the  first  begining  of  it  was  When  the 
warr  was  Brock  out  with  you.  The  heads  of  the  Whole 
Nation  Sent  me  to  the  French  and  Spanards  To  make  a  peace 
wt  them,  and  I  did  [so]  and  after  That  it l  Created  a  farther 
Acquaintance  and  I  assired2  them  of  my  Freindship  in  Partic- 
ullar  and  have  Containu'd  to  be  their  Frend  according  To  my 
|  Promise.  But  Since  I  find  that  I  disoblidge  my  Father  and 
1  all  other  Freinds  by  it  I  have  now  Left  thir  Intrest  and  have 
not  Been  [with]  any  of  them  for  some  Time.  I  am  Now 
Designed  To  Warr.  My  Father  has  oblidged  me  To  go  out 
with  him  against  some  of  his  enemies.  Where  it  is  [I]  cant 
Tell  But  if,  [I]  Live  to  Return  will,  If  I  Can  be  admit'd,  goe 
Down  and  See  your  great  King."  The  Old  King  Confirmed 
his  Sons  Speach. 

August  the  Jth.  Arived  at  the  Pallachocola  Town 3 
Two  Spaniards,  on  Negro,  and  four  Commantle  Indians 
where  I  met  them  in  order  to  know  ther  Bussiness.  The 
Spanyard  was  Shye  of  Comeing  unto  the  Square  for  Some 
Time  but  The  Negro  Sat  in  the  Square  in  a  Bould  Maner. 
At  Length  The  Spanyard  Came  also  into  the  Square.  I 
Received  them  as  Friend[s]  knowing  that  they  were  Designed 
To  the  Cowweetaws  4  where  I  thought  my  Best  Freinds  to  be. 
Sepe  Coffee  Seemed  To  Show  The  Spanyard  great  Favour 
Which  he  did  to  prevent  There  haveing  a  mistrust  of  his 
Freindship  and  Discover  [what]  it  is  [he]  Designes  against  the 
Yamasees,  as  he  Informed  me  afterward.  August  the  8th. 
The  said  Spanyard  arived  at  the  Cowweetaws  and  Brought 
with  them  Two  Caggs  of  Spainish  Brandy  Which  Soon  put 

1 1.  2  Assured. 

3  Apalachicola,   a  town  of  the  Hitchiti,  who  were  closely  as 
sociated  with  the  Creeks.     It  was  situated  on  the  west  bank  of 
the  Chattahoochee  nearly  opposite  the  present  site  of  Columbus, 
Georgia. 

4  Kawitas,  who  had  two  towns,  Kawita  (old  town)  and  Upper 
Kawita,   both  on  the  west  bank  of  the  Chattahoochee,   a  few 
miles  below  Apalachicola. 

184 


TOBIAS  FITCH'S  JOURNAL 

the  Town  in  a  Confusion.  I  went  over  To  Cusseetaw  Town  1 
and  the  nixt  day  Summonsed  the  heads  of  sd  Town  To  meet ; 
according  they  did.  I  then  gave  them  the  Following  Talk  : 
"There  is  Arived  at  the  Cowweetawes  Two  Spanyards, 
On  Negro  and  four  Tommantle  Indians.  I  do  not  know 
what  their  Bussines  is  But  the  Negro  that  they  have  Brought 
with  them  I  know  to  be  a  Slave  Belonging  To  our  Country 
and  therefore  Designe  This  day  To  goe  over  and  Take  him. 
I  do  not  know  whither  The  Cowweetaw's  will  like  my 
Takeing  the  Negro ;  I  therefore  Expect  That  you  that  are 
head  men  will  goe  over  with  me  and  Carry  Som  of  your 
Warriours  with  you  that  if  in  Case  the  Cowweetaws  should 
opose  me  you  may  be  ready  to  Stand  by  me.  I  hope  none  of 
you  will  Refuse  this  Since  you  say  you  are  Freinds  To  my 
great  King,  and  by  this  you  will  in  a  great  Meassure  prove 
your  Freindship." 

Answer  from  the  head  men. 

"What  you  have  Said  is  Good  and  [we]  are  Ready  to  goe 
with  you  Not  only  To  the  Cowweetaws  But  where  Else 
where  you  will  order  us." 

I  then  went  over  the  River  with  100  Cusseetaws  and  10 
White  men  heading  them  with  my  Flag  flying,  which  put  the 
Cowweetawes  in  Such  a  Freight  that  there  was  not  on  head 
Man  to  be  seen  when  I  Came  to  the  Square.  I  imediatly 
Put  Two  Sentinalls  at  the  Door  where  the  Spanyards  and 
Negro  [were]  quartered.  When  the  Cowweetawes  saw  that 
they  found  my  Designes  was  against  the  Spanyards,  and  then 
on  of  the  head  Men  Came  to  the  Square  Who  I  Sent  To 
[tell]  Old  Brimins,  Sepe  Coffee,  Chiglley,  and  as  many  more 
of  head  men  as  was  in  the  Town  To  Come  to  the  Square ; 
accordingly  they  Imediatly  Came  and  I  gave  them  the 
Talk  as  Followes  : 

"Here  is  Two  Spaniard  Come  To  your  Town  and  has 
Brought  With  them  a  Negro  Beloning  To  my  King  who  I 
am  now  Designed  To  Take  into  my  Possession  and  Send 

1  Kashita,  which  was  on  the  east  bank  of  the  Chattahoochee 
and  two  or  three  miles  below  Kawita. 

185 


TRAVELS  IN  THE  AMERICAN  COLONIES 

Down  into  my  Said  King.  The  Reason  that  I  Call  you 
Together  is  That  as  the  Negro  is  now  under  your  Jurisdic- 
tione  I  am  not  Willing  to  Take  him  Till  [I]  Inform  you  of 
the  Same,  And  if  there  is  any  among  you  That  has  any  thing 
To  say  against  it  I  Desire  to  know  What  it  is  and  Who  they 
be  That  makes  any  objections  against  it.  The  Negro  is  a 
Slave  and  tho  he  has  Been  Taken  by  the  Yamasees  and 
Lived  among  The  Spanyards  Yet  that  dis1  not  make  him 
free.  The  Reason  That  I  Brought  These  Cusseecaws  is 
because  our  King  has  allways  had  a  Better  Charrecter  of 
them  then  You,  But  I  hope  that  You  Will  Convince  me  of 
that  and  Show  me  by  your  Behaviour  That  you  are  as  good 
Freinds  To  my  King  as  the  Cusseetaws  are." 

Old  Brinimis  answers  :  "We  have  Nothing  To  say  or  doe 
In  this  affair.  As  you  Say  the  Negro  is  a  Slave  you  must  Take 
him  an  Do  with  him  what  you  please  for  although  the  is  in 
my  Town  I  have  Nothing  to  Do  with  him  nor  no  Body  Else 
that  is  here  and  as  To  the  Cusseetws  being  your  Best  Freinds 
I  know  the  Reason  of  it.  But  I  should  be  Glad  if  you  would 
Show  me  on  Instance  Where  the  Cusseetaws  has  Expressed 
their  Freindships  in  Better  Termes  Then  we  have  Don." 

I  Then  Sent  and  had  the  Negro  [seized]  and  brought 
Into  the  Square,  and  the  Spanyards  there  apeared  in  Behalfe 
of  the  Negro  Assuring  me  that  he  was  a  Good  Christian. 

A  Talk  to  the  Spaniards. 

"  I  am  Sent  here  by  the  Government  of  Carolina  To  See  our 
Freinds,  The  Creek  Indeans,  and  To  Transact  affairs  here  for 
Our  Said  Government,  and  I  am  not  To  Suffer  any  white 
Man  To  Reside  in  this  place  without  giveing  me  an  account 
of  his  Bussines.  I  therefore  Demand  of  you  who  Impower'd 
You  To  Come  into  This  nation  and  for  what  purpose  are 
You  Come?" 

The  Spanyards  Answer. 

"I  have  a  Commission,  which  I  here  Lay  befor  you,  To 
Impower  me  to  Come  here.  Though  I  should  not  have  Come 

1  Does. 
186 


TOBIAS  FITCH'S  JOURNAL 

here  had  not  old  Brinimes  Sent  for  me.  He  did  Send  on[e]  of 
his  men  Down  to  my  Master  the  Governr  of  [St.]  Augustine 
Desireing  him  To  Send  a  man  To  him  That  he  wanted  To 
here1  a  Talk,  and  Likewise  to  Send  aTalkTo[St.]  Augustin[e] ; 
and  that  is  my  Arand  here  but  I  find  that  I  have  no  Bussiness 
here  and  if  I  had  Thought  that  I  should  have  Been  Received 
a[s]  I  am  I  should  not  have  Come.  They  sent  for  a  Talk 
and  the  Mouth  that  I  Brought  to  Talk  with  them  they  have 
Suffered  you  To  take  from  me.  But  since  you  say  that  he 
is  a  Slave  its  Right  That  every  on  ougat2  To  have  their  own. 
But  if  you  will  Take  Two  Indian  Slaves  for  him  I  have  them 
Ready  for  you  ;  if  not,  let  me  know  his  purchase  [price]  and  I 
will  Redeem  him  to  the  Spanyard." 

"  Its  need[less]  for  you  To 'Contest  about  the  Negro  for  he  is 
not  To  be  purchased.  As  To  old  Brmimis  Sending  for  you  its 
not  So,  For  the  old  man  himself  Denies  it.  But  this  is  only 
ane  Excuse  of  your  Own  makeing.  I  do  not  Doubt  But  you 
have  Some  Lying  Stories  To  tell  the  Indians  as  is  Customary 
for  you  To  do,  and  I  should  do  you  but  Justice  To  Lie  3  you 
and  Send  where  the  Negro  is  agoeing.  But  Since  I  find  you 
have  a  writeing  Which  I  Belive  is  from  your  Governr  I  shal 
Excuse  you  at  this  Time." 

He  then  asked  live  To  go  him4  in  a  very  Submisive  manner. 
I  Told  him  he  might  goe  Where  he  pleas'd  and  So  we  parted. 

On  of  the  head  men  of  Cawweetawes,  Takeing  Notice  of 
the  Discourse  Between  us,  Came  to  me  and  asked  What  the 
Spanyard  had  Said. 

I  Tould  him  that  the  Spanyard  Declaired  that  Old  Brmi 
mis  had  Sent  for  him  and  that  he  was  Come  to  here  a  Talk 
from  Brinimis,  But  had  Brought  no  Talk  with  him. 

The  head  mans  answer. 

"The  Spanard  Lyes.  If  you  had  not  Been  here  we  should 
have  had  Talk  for  Two  or  three  days.  But  Being  hear  he  is 
afear'd  you  will  Tie  him  as  you  have  don  the  Negro.  They 
are  often  Comeing  here  with  Talk  and  we  never  find  any  of 

1  Hear.  2  Ought.  3  Seize.  4  Home. 

N  187 


TRAVELS  IN  THE  AMERICAN  COLONIES 

there  Talks  to  be  True,  and  I  no  of  no  on  here  that  wonts  any 
of  their  Talk ;  And  if  you  Think  it  good  they  Shal  never  find 
the  way  home  To  Fetch  an  other  Talk." 

Answer.  "What  you  Say  is  True.  I  BeliveTheSpanyards 
brings  a  great  many  Lies  among  You.  But  they  and  us  is 
now  Freinds,  and  its  not  our  way  to  profess  Friendship]  with 
our  Mouths  and  in  our  hearts  To  be  Enemies.  Altho  I  do  not 
Doubt  But  if  them  Spanyards  had  Such  ane  offer  against  me 
they  would  Readylie  except  of  it ;  But  whenever  We  profess 
Friendship  to  any  people  we  are  allwise  True  to  Our  Words." 

I  then  proceeded  to  give  them  the  Following  Talk,  there 
being  The  King  of  the  Tommantles  in  the  Square  : 

"I  am  very  Glad  That  I  happen'd  to  be  here  at  this 
Time  To  see  your  Kind  Behaviour  to  the  Yamasees  who  you 
Know  to  be  our  utter  Enemies  and  all  Dayly  doing  us  all  the 
Injury  they  Can.  After  all  your  promises  to  The  Contrary, 
you  Can  not  but  think  that  I  Take  Notice  of  this  since  them 
very  Yamasees  That  are  now  Sitting  with  you  would  Take 
my  Scalp  and  all  the  rest  of  the  White  people  that  are  here 
if  they  had  ane  oppertunity ;  and  its  you  that  Protects  them 
In  such  action,  for  if  you  was  not  their  Freinds  they  Would 
not  Dare  be  our  Enemies  ;  and  you  can  no  longer  Denie  your 
Freindship  to  them  Since  I  have  now  seen  it  with  my  own 
Eyes  and  must  Tell  you  that  I  am  oblidged  To  Take  notice 
of  this  and  Informe  my  King  of  your  Behaviour,  and  how 
he  will  Like  it  You  may  Judge  after  your  Repeated  Promisses 
to  the  Contrary." 

I  had  no  answer  made  to  this  which  I  Found  afterwards  was 
for  Fear  of  Discovering  their  Designe  against  the  Yamassee. 

I  was  then  Designed  to  set  foreward  To  the  Abecas  but 
Soon,  the  1 1  August,  arived  five  Indeans  from  the  Sinecaws,1 
Three  of  Which  had  Been  Sent  to  the  Sinecaws  with  a  Talk 
and  Been  gone  nine  months  which  was  three  months  longer 
Then  there  Time  Limeted.  They  Brought  Two  Sineecaws 
who  Brought  the  Following  Talk  To  the  Cowweetawes  and 
other  of  the  Lower  Towns. 

1  Senecas. 
188 


TOBIAS  FITCH'S  JOURNAL 

"In  answer  to  your  proposalls  of  a  peace  with  the  Cherokeys 
we  Can  by  no  means  Consent  To.  Neither  do  you  upon  any 
pretence  Whatever  Conclude  a  peace  with  the  Cherokeys; 
Lest  we  Deem  You  our  Enemies  as  we  do  them ;  for  we  have 
no  peoble  To  warr  Against  nor  Yet  no  Meal  To  Eat  But  the 
Cherokeys.  But  as  You  are  part  of  Our  Nation  we  Charge 
You  To  keep  a  peace  With  the  English,  you  once  had  a  warr 
with  them  and  you  gott  Litle  by  it  and  had  you  Contained  * 
it  Longer  it  would  have  Been  the  worse  for  you.  But  as  you 
are  now  at  peace  with  them  we  aduise  you  to  Continue  so 
For  the  English  are  a  people  that  we  have  had  a  long  Experi 
ence  of  and  have  allwise  found  them  to  be  True  and  Trusty 
Freinds  and  Faithfull  To  thir  promise,  which  you  will  Like 
wise  find  if  you  Behave  your  Selves  as  Freinds  to  them  and 
Continue  your  Freindship  as  we  have  Don. 

"  As  to  the  Indians  that  Lives  to  the  Southward  of  you, 
make  a  peace  With  a[s]  many  of  them  as  you  please,  But  Take 
Care  That  you  oblidge  all  Such  as  you  make  a  peace  with 
That  they  Imediatly  Remove  and  Setle  naer  you.  By  that 
you  will  have  all  your  Freinds  Ready  To  oppose  your  Enemies. 
That  is  the  Method  that  We  Take  and  we  would  have  you 
do  the  Same.  But  be  sure  to  use  the  White  people  well 
That  Comes  among  you  and  never  Forget  your  freindship 
to  the  English.  While  you  do  that  your  Faer  2  and  ours 
is  on.  We  here  Send  you  a  Token  of  Freindship."  Which 
was  Some  painted  garters. 

On  August  the  12th  I  Sett  away  from  the  Cowweetawes 
and  arived  at  the  Lun-ham-ga  Town  in  the  Abecas  2zd 
Instant,  which  is  186  mil's.  I  was  there  Received  with  a  great 
many  Serimony's  and  after  Being  hansomly  Treated  Hopea- 
hachey  made  the  Following  Speach  : 

"We  are  the  Uppermost  People  of  this  Nation  and  tho  we 
ar  at  this  Distance  Yet  our  hearts  is  as  naer  to  you  as  them 
that  Leve  naer  then3  we  do;  for  tho  we  Latly  had  a  Difference 
yet  it  was  never  our  seeking  nor  yet  our  Desire ;  But  we 
were  Brought  into  it  By  the  Tallopoops  Coweetawes  and 

1  Continued.  2  Father.  3  Live  nearer  than. 

189 


TRAVELS  IN  THE  AMERICAN  COLONIES 

other  of  the  Lower  people.  But  as  To  the  Robing  of  the 
White  man  at  the  Cherokeys  we  know  nothing  of  it.  Nonfe] 
of  our  People  was  there  and  though  the  Lower  Creeks  has 
once  Brought  us  Into  a  snare  I  do  assure  you  we  shal  take 
I  better  Care  then  to  be  Droven  into  the  Like  By  the  Lower 
I  Creeks  or  any  others.  We  are  very  glad  to  see  you  here  and 
tho  we  have  not  Such  Intertainment  To  give  you  as  you  give 
us  when  we  Come  to  you,  yet  such  as  we  have  we  give  you 
Freely ;  and  we  are  very  glad  to  see  that  you  Can  eat  such 
as  we  Live  on.  When  you  are  at  home  your  Dyet  is  kept 
more  under  Command.  Your  Chatle  are  kept  in  large 
pens  and  Likewise  your  Sheep ;  your  Turkeys  and  Ducks 
are  at  your  Doores.  Now  with  us  its  not  so.  We  are  forced 
to  hunt  and  Take  a  Great  deale  of  pains  To  get  our  provis- 
siones  befor  we  eat  it,  but  we  shall  not  think  any  Trouble 
Too  much  To  get  Intertainment  for  you  while  you  Stay 
with  us  be  it  as  long  as  it  will,  you  Being  the  first  Beloved 
Man  that  ever  we  Saw  in  our  Town." 

>  Just  at  this  Time  it  happened  that  300  of  the  Tallepoopes 
was  marched  To  the  Lower  part  of  the  Abecas  on  thire 
Jurney  to  the  Cherekeys  and  Expected  200  of  the  Abecas  To 
Joyne  in  warr  against  the  Cherokeyes.  I  found  that  the 
Abecas  was  not  designd  To  send  any  but  Young  men. 
I  therefore  gave  them  the  Following  Talk  : 

"I  think  that  Since  none  of  your  head  men  Designes  to 
Lead  your  young  Men  to  Warr  your  Best  way  will  be  to  put 
a  Stop  to  thire  goeing  out,  Least  they  Should  be  Lead  on  by 
the  Tallopoopes  To  be  guilty  of  Such  Actiones  as  themselves 
has  been  in  plundering  our  White  man  at  the  Cherokeys." 

This  Talk  put  a  Stop  to  the  Abecas  goeing  out  and  the 
Tallapoops  armey  was  then  Imediatly  Reduced  to  40  men 
Who  proceeded  to  the  Cherokeys. 

Dureing  my  Stay  at  the  Abecas  they  were  Dayly  Terrified 
by  the  Cherokeys  and  Chick'saws  who  are  in  Conjnction 
with  them ;  the  Abecas  lost  five  of  thire  people  while  I  was 
in  thire  Towns. 

On  Septr  the  \\th  I  Received  aditionale  Instructions  from 
the  Honable  Arthour  Middleton  Esq.,  president,  pursuant 

190 


TOBIAS  FITCH'S  JOURNAL 

to  which  I  Sumons'd  all  the  head  men  of  the  Tallapoopes 
and  Abecas.  Accordingly  They  Mett  [and]  I  gave  them  [the] 
Following  Talk : 

"My  great  King  has  Sent  me  a  great  Talk  to  give  you 
which  is  the  Reason  that  I  Sent  for  you ;  and  I  am  glad  to 
See  that  you  are  So  Mindfull  of  Our  King  as  to  Come  and 
here  his  Talk.  The  talk  I  sent  to  my  Great  King  in  which 
you  have  promissed  To  make  Satisfaction  for  the  goods  your 
people  Took  from  our  White  man  and  1  the  Cherokeys  is  well 
Liked  only  that  my  King  and  Beloved  men  Expects  that 
you  will  pay  me  Some  part  of  them  now  before  I  goe  from 
hence,  Which  Will  Convince  them  that  you  Really  Intend 
to  pay  the  debt. 

Answer.  "You  know  that  we  have  not  Skin's  among  us, 
But  if  that  will  Convince  your  King  we  will  gett  what  Skines 
is  to  be  found  among  us  and  pay  you  before  you  leave  us." 

Ques.  "My  Great  King  Expects  likewise  that  Since  he 
has  offered  you  to  make  a  peace  with  the  Cherokeys  and 
that  [they]  Refuse  it,  that  you  wil  not  Concern  your  Self 
any  Further  therein  Till  you  apply  to  him  for  the  Same." 

Answer.  "We  Cannot  say  anything  about  that  for  our 
people  is  not  all  at  home.  Some  are  gone  to  Warr ;  but  at 
the  Nixt  Meeting  You  Shal  have  a  Talk  Relating  to  the 
peace  w[i]t[h]  the  Cherokeys." 

"My  Great  King  Desires  to  know  what  Assureance  You 
Can  Give  him  that  your  young  men  do  not  Comitt  the  like 
Action  againe." 

Answer.  "We  belive  that  our  Young  people  has  and  will 
Suffer  So  Sevearly  for  this  that  they  will  take  Care  how  the[y] 
Bring  themselves  and  Freinds  in  Trouble  again.  Beside  we 
will  Take  Care  that  non  of  Our  people  Shal  goe  out  to  warr 
Without  Sending  Such  Leading  Men  With  them  as  we  Can 
Trust,  and  if  any  of  Our  Young  Men  Will  be  So  head  Strong 
as  not  to  follow  orders  and  will  Committ  any  Hostilletys 
on  your  people  at  the  Cherokeys  or  Else  Where  We  will  then 
Deliver  Such  offenders  to  your  King  and  he  may  do  with 
them  as  he  thinks  fitt." 

'At. 

IQI 


TRAVELS  IN  THE  AMERICAN  COLONIES 

Ques.  "My  King  likwise  Demands  Satisfaction  for 
three  of  the  Avecas  that  was  Taken  by  the  Cherokeys. 
Our  King  Saved  thir  Lives  and  gave  his  Cloath  for  them  for 
which  you  have  promised  To  pay  him  and  never  have  don  it. 
This  and  Some  other  things  has  made  our  King  So  Cross  that 
he  now  Say's  that  he  will  not  Suffer  any  more  amunition  to 
Come  among  you  unless  you  will  pay  him  what  you  owe  him." 

Answer.  "We  must  have  Some  time  to  Consider  of  What 
you  have  Said  to  us  and  if  you  will  appoint  a  Time  to  mett 
we  will  then  give  ane  answer  about  the  Slave  Redeemed  from 
the  Cherokeys ;  for  our  King  Hoby-o-haw-Chey  not  Being 
here,  we  Can  say  nothing  Concerning  it ;  but  we  hope  that 
your  King  will  not  Stop  the  White  mens  bringing  Goods 
among  us,  for  unless  You  Supply  us  with  goods  and  Anumi- 
tion  we  are  no  people  Neither  shal  we  be  able  to  pay  Debts 
unless  we  Can  be  Supply'd  with  Amunition  from  You." 

Ques.  "I  do  not  see  how  you  can  Expect  any  Favour 
from  my  king  Since  your  peoples  behaviour  is  Such  to  him ; 
That  Action  Don  at  the  Cherokeys,  you  pretend  to  say  it 
was  Don  by  Rash  Young  men.  I  would  not  have  you  think 
that  I  am  To  be  Imposed  upon  by  Lying  Stones  for  you 
yourself  know  the  Sleyamasees  cheys  warr  Talk  every 
Night  to  His  Wariours  were  that  the  White  people  gave  the 
Cherokeys  Notice  of  your  designes  against  them  and  that 
if  they  mett  with  white  men  there  goods  should  be  Taken 
from  them.  Now  is  this  the  Behaviour  of  a  Freind  ?  I 
Leave  you  To  Judge,  and  what  I  say  is  True,  and  that  you 
know  for  what  I  say  I  have  from  on  of  the  people  that  was 
there. 

So  I  hope  That  as  there  is  Gogell  eys  and  Several  of 
his  people  is  gone  to  warr  against  the  Yamasees  that  you 
will  be  of  Oppinion  with  me  at  there  Return  to  take  from 
them  what  Slaves  they  gett  Towards  makeing  Satisfaction 
[and]  in  Case  they  are  not  Willing,  To  take  them  by  Force, 
for  I  did  not  Come  here  to  ask  them  men  for  anything  that 
Realy  Took  the  White  mans  Goods,  they  Being  a  percell  of 
Inferriour  Fellowes.  I  am  Come  to  Talk  with  you  that  are 
the  head  men  and  its  of  you  that  my  King  Expects  to  be 

192 


TOBIAS  FITCH'S  JOURNAL 

paid,  Which  will,  and  Nothing  Else  Can  prevent  my  Kings 
makeing  a  Warr  with  you ;  So  I  now  give  you  fourty  Days 
To  make  answer  to  What  I  have  Said  To  You,  at  which 
Time  I  hope  you  will  Bring  what  Skins  you  Can  gett  and 
Comply  wt  my  Kings  Demands  in  Every  Respect,  That  As 
we  have  Lived  like  Freinds  So  we  may  part.  In  doeing  of 
which  you  will  Serve  none  more  then  yourselves." 

On  Septr  the  2$th  I  Returned  to  the  Cowweetawes, 
Expecting  to  mett l  Cherokeys  Leech-che,  who  I  had  Sent 
for  to  mett  me  with  the  White  English  Woman  that  he 
keeps  as  a  Slave  and  Deliver  her  to  me  or  I  should  find  ways 
to  oblidge  him.  She  was  not  Come  but  in  Two  dayes  Time 
arived  on  of  the  Lower  town's  people  who  gave  the  Following 
Account : 

"Cherokeyes  Laceeh-che  was  fully  Designed  to  Come  up 
and  Bring  with  him  all  his  Town  and  live  amonge  us,  But 
when  the  Spanish  Capt.  heard  of  it  he  Came  to  Cherokey 
Leech  Town  and  assured 2  Where  he  was  goeing. 

Cherokey-leech-che  Answered  :  '  There  is  a  Beloved  man 
Come  from  the  English  to  the  Creeks  and  Sent  for  me  to 
Come  to  him  and  I  am  agoeing  to  See  what  he  wants  wt  me.' 

The  Capt. :  'But  what  are  you  prepareing  those  Counues 3 
and  othere  Nessesaries  for  as  you  had  a  mind  to  leave  your 
Setlemt?' 

Cherokeys  leech  :  '  I  designe  to  goe  and  here  the  Beloved 
English  man  Talk  and  if  it's  good  I  Shal  Remove  and  live 
amonge  the  Creek's  where  I  have  a  great  many  Relations.' 

Capt. :  'That  is  what  we  heard  and  therefore  I  am  Sent  to 
tell  you  from  my  King  that  the  English  man  Who  is  at  the 
Creeks  was  Sent  on  purpose  to  Justice  You  There  and  then  by 
the  assistance  of  the  Tallapoops  he  is  Lie4  you  and  Your 
Women  and  Childreen  Carry  you  down  and  Send  You  over 
the  great  Water.'" 

This  prevented  Cherokey's  Leech-ches  Comeing  to  the 
Creeks  as  the  Lower  people  affirm.  I  found  that  the  army 
agst  The  Yamasees  had  Been  march'd  Eighteen  days  and 

1  Meet.  2  Inquired.  3  Canoes.  4  Seize. 

193 


TRAVELS  IN  THE  AMERICAN  COLONIES 

that  a  Message  was  sent  by  a  Negro  from  the  Governour  of 

I  moveal 1  Chargeing  the  Creeks  not  to  goe  Out  To  Warr 

1  against  The  Yamasees.     The  Said  Negro  pursued  the  Army 

Two  days  and  Turned  Back  70  of  the  Warriour's  that  was 

Designed   against  the  Yamases. 

The  old  King  Brmins  Told  me  He  had  a  Talk  left  by  his 
Son  Sepe  Coffee  for  me  Which  was  as  followes  : 

"I  am  now  goeing  against  the  Yamasees  and  hope  at  my 
return  To  Show  you  that  I  am  Realy  your  Freind  and  not 
the  Spanyards  nor  French,  and  if  your  King  S'ould2  Send  a 
Comission  for  me  and  if  you  Cannot  Stay  till  my  Return  leave 
it  with  my  Father.  But  I  should  be  very  glad  to  See  you 
at  my  Return." 

Brmins  Speach  before  his  head  men  and  Derected  To  me 

"I  have  now  Sent  my  people  against  the  Yamasees  and 
my  order  to  them  is  to  take,  Kill  and  Destroy  all  the  Yama 
sees  they  meet  with  and  in  Case  the  Sparnyards  S'ould 
assist  the  Yamases  then  to  the  Spanyards  as  Yamases ;  but 
wethar  they  will  [have]  any  Success  I  cannot  tell  for  there 
is  a  Massage  Sent  Down  to  the  Yamases  from  the  Lower 
Towns  to  give  them  an  account  of  my  peoples  goeing  out. 
This  Should  have  Been  Long  agoe  but  your  King  never  Sent 
a  Talk  to  me  before  you  Brought  it.  There  has  Been  Several 
talkes  here,  But  I  would  not  have  you  Belive  that  I  am  to 
take  a  Talk  from  any  man  in  this  Nation  for  through  3  I  am 
Old  yet  I  am  the  head  of  this  Nation  and  my  mouth  is  good. 
I  do  not  know  the  meaning  that  your  King  has  Left  of  his 
former  Customs  for  thire  was  never  a  head  man  made  here 
but  such  as  I  would  Recomend  to  your  King.  But  now  any 
young  Fellow  that  gees  Down  and  Tell[s]  a  Find4  Story 
they  [get]  a  Commission  and  then  they  Come  here  and 
they  are  head  Men  and  at  the  Same  Time  No  more  [fit]  for  it 
then  Doges.  Where  is  all  these  men  that  has  been  Such 
Good  Freinds  to  you  ?  How  many  of  them  is  gone  Farr 
against  Your  Enemies  ?  I  sent  to  the  Capts.  and  ordered 

1  Mobile.  2  Should.  3  Though.  4  Fine. 

194 


TOBIAS  FITCH'S  JOURNAL 

them  To  gett  ready  and  they  would  not  on  man  goe  out, 
nay  they  would  not  give  the  Variours  1  any  thing  to  eat  as 
they  past  The  Town,  and  these  are  the  people  that  wants  the 
white  peoples  goods  Cheeper  then  us  because  they  are  your 
Best  Freinds. 

Answer.  "  I  am  glad  to  hire  2  that  your  People  is  gone  out 
with  so  good  a  Designe  and  hope  they  may  have  as  Good 
Success.  But  as  fore 3  my  King  appointing  unproper  men 
to  be  head  men  I  know  not  how  you  Can  bleam4  him  for  these 
very  Cussitawes  when  they  are  Down  with  Our  King, 
They  tell  him  they  will  goe  to  Warr  With  Our  Enemies  and 
if  they  will  Talk  Streight  there  and  throw  the  Talk  away 
When  they  Come  here  I  know  not  how  my  King  Can  help 
that.  Neither  do  I  know  Who  among  you  he  Can  Depend 
on  for  by  What  I  Can  see  the  mot 5  of  you  are  in  one  mind 
this  day  and  another  the  nixt." 

Octr  the  26th.  I  left  the  Cowweetaws  and  on  November 
the  ist  I  Came  to  the  Oakefuskey  town  in  the  upper  Talla- 
poopes  which  was  the  Time  and  place  appointed  to  make 
payment  for  the  Three  Slaves  Redeemed  and  likewise  for 
Mr.  Sharpes  Goods.  I  Came  here  at  9  a  Clock  at  Night  and 
150  head  men  and  Warriours  mett  Expecting  me,  and  after 
passing  Some  Complemts  one  Wm.  Wood,  who  is  a  Tradeour 
in  Said  Town,  Desird  to  Speake  with  me  and  Said  :  "This 
Company  that  you  see  hear  has  been  met  two  days'  and  have 
not  Slept  any.  We  that  are  White  men  have  Been  very 
much  Slighted  by  them  and  its  my  opinion  that  if  you 
Reherse  the  same  talk  that  you  gave  them  last  that  we 
Shal  be  all  murdered,  for  I  heard  a  head  man  say  Sitting  In 
the  Square  that  the  Beloved  man  Talked  much  of  Warr  In 
his  last  Talk,  that  the  White  people  once  had  a  Warr  and 
Why  did  they  not  keep  it  if  they  liked  it;  But  that  if  the 
Beloved  man  would  have  warr  They  would  give  him  warr. 
Ane  other  Replyed,  i  Be  easey,  let  him  Come ;  We  will  here 
his  Talk  again,  it  may  be  Better.'  If  You  have  a  mind  to  be 
easey  you  must  Tye  the  Wariours ;  for  they  would  not  be 

1  Warriors.  2  Hear.  3  For.  4  Blame.  5  Most. 


TRAVELS  IN  THE  AMERICAN  COLONIES 

queit  else."  An  other  Reply'd,  'Take  Care  What  you  Say 
that  White  man  understands  you.  I  do  not  Care  what  he 
understands  for  if  the  Beloved  man  was  here  himself  I 
would  Say  As  much.' ' 

I  then  turned  to  the  Square  and  asked  for  letter[s]  from  the 
Oakechey  Capt.  whom  I  had  seen 1  to  the  Chocktaws  on  pur 
pose  to  bring  me  ane  account  from  them  how  the  Tradeours 
was  Rec'd. 

Capt.  answer[ed] :  "The  White  men  are  Well  but  they  gave 
me  no  Letters.  Here  is  two  head  men  of  the  Chocktaws  that 
has  Brought  you  a  token  of  peace  and  hope  that  your  king 
will  look  on  them  as  Freinds  and  when  the  Whitemen  Comes 
Down  Some  of  the  Chocktaws  kings  Designes  [coming] 
Down  to  your  king  to  pay  thir  Respects  to  him." 

Novembr  the  2^.  The  head  men  of  Abecas  and  Talla- 
poopes  mett,  Being  in  Number  1 50  men ;  I  went  to  the 
Square  and  sd 2  as  followes  : 

I  am  very  Glad  to  see  so  many  of  you  meet  according  to 
apointmt.  But  before  We  proceed  to  any  talk  I  must 
Inquire  who  among  you  is  Disturbed  at  the  last  talk  that  I 
gave  You.  I  am  Informed  by  the  White  man  that  Trades  in 
this  Town  that  Some  of  you  have  Said  I  told  you  much  of 
Warr  in  my  Last  talk  to  you  and  that  if  I  wanted  warr  you 
would  give  it  me.  I  should  have  took  it  well  of  you  if  you 
had  told  me  then  what  part  of  my  Talk  you  disliked,  for  I 
would  then  have  Satisfied  you,  and  you  have  had  no  need  to 
have  bore  it  in  mind  so  long.  When  my  king  sent  me  here 
he  thought  he  had  Sent  me  to  talk  with  head  men  and  Warri- 
ours  and  therefore  he  did  not  send  Talks  to  please  Women 
and  Childreen.  I  dont  Doubt  but  [that  if]  I  had  told  you 
that  you  were  the  Best  freinds  to  my  King  and  that  he  Loved 
you  very  well  but  what  this  would  a  have  pleased  you. 
But  then  this  would  not  be  the  way  To  make  all  Streight 
Between  my  king  and  you.  For  you  yourselves  know  that 
[you]  have  Been  guilty  of  what  you  dare  not  Justifie,  and  if 
my  king  should  pass  this  by  and  take  no  notice  of  it,  I  am 
Sure  you  Could  not  think  that  his  heart  was  Streight  with 

1  Sent.  z  Spoke. 

196 


TOBIAS  FITCH'S  JOURNAL 

you,  but  must  think  that  [he]  would  bear  it  in  his  mind.  I 
do  suppose  your  discourse  before  the  white  man  has  been  to 
Deterr  me  from  Insisting  uppon  your  promises.  Tis  true 
you  may  Choo's  whither  you  will  pay  me  what  you  promised 
me  or  no ;  but  unless  you  do,  I  Can  Assure  you  as  I  Told  you 
before  that  my  King  will  make  a  warr  with  you  which  I  have 
in  words  from  his  own  mouth,  and  like  it  how  you  will  I 
Cannot  help  it,  for  I  came  here  to  tell  you  the  Truth  and  that 
I  shal  doe.  Tis  true  you  [may]  kill  a  few  white  men  that  is 
among  you  if  you  will,  But  I  would  not  have  [you]  think 
that  I  am  affeard  to  Dye.  Since  I  am  Sure  my  king  will 
Revenge  it  on  you ;  for  if  you  was  to  do  me  any  hurt  I  do 
assure  you  my  king  would  never  forgive  you  while  on  of 
you  was  Liveing." 

The  King  of  the  Oakfuskys  Answer. 

"Tis  true  we  [were]  Speaking  pretty  angre  in  the  Square 
but  it  was  about  the  Chickesaws  and  not  about  you,  and  the 
White  man  dis  not  understand  our  Talk.  I  do  asure  you  We 
desire  to  have  no  Difference  with  you." 

I  then  Called  for  the  White  man  and  made  him  give  in  the 
Indean  Tongue  the  same  words  that  he  heard  spoke  in  the 
Square  by  the  head  men,  which  by  my  Lingister  agreed  with 
what  he  Told  me  in  English.  When  the  Indeans  found 
that  he  had  Rehearsed  it  they  Seem'd  to  [be]  under  Some 
Concern,  but  Still  Denyed  the  words. 

I  then  proceeded]  to  Receive  What  Skins  they  had  Brought 
in,  part  for  Mr.  Sharp  ;  then  they  Delivered  120  Skins  telling 
me,  "  We  are  no[t]  the  people  that  was  Concerned  in  the  Plun 
dering  the  White  Man,  nor  yet  had  we  any  of  his  Cloths ; 
but  to  let  your  king  see  that  we  doe  Designe  to  see  him  paid 
we  brought  you  these.  The  people  that  tooke  the  Coths 
are  all  out,  either  at  warr,  or  a  hunting  ;  and  as  soon  as  they 
Come  In,  if  we  find  they  are  not  Willing  to  pay  as  they  have 
promised  then  we  will  take  from  them  Either  Slaves  or  Skins 
and  send  them  to  Savana  Town.  This  you  may  Tell  your 
king  he  may  depend  on. 

197 


TRAVELS  IN  THE  AMERICAN  COLONIES 

And  as  to  the  three  Slaves  Redeemed  from  the  Cherokeys 
the  skins  has  been  paid  long  since,  but  we  find  the  man  in 
Whose  hands  the  Skins  Wes  J  lodged  has  Detained  them ; 
but  you  may  depend  they  shal  be  paid  this  Spring. 

To  2  a  Peace  with  the  Cherokeys  we  now  apply  to  your 
king.  For  we  now  find  its  the  Chickesaws  that  Injur's  us 
and  not  the  Cherokeys ;  so  that  if  the  Cherokeys  will  Send 
all  the  Chickesaws  home  out  of  there  nation  and  bring  a 
white  man  from  your  King  with  them  down  the  Coossaw  3 
River  we  will  Trust  them  and  Receive  them  in  the  Cossaw 
town,  but  not  without  a  White  man  being  with  them. 

Answer.  "You  see  that  I  write  everything  down  that  you 
say,  therefore  I  shal  not  forget  your  promisess,  and  hope 
that  you  will  Remember  as  well  to  Comply  with  them.  I 
Shal  likewise  take  Care  To  Informe  my  king  of  What  you 
Say  in  Relation  to  the  Cherokeys." 

Just  at  this  Time  arived  40  Warriours  from  the  Cherokeys 
and  Came  Directly  to  me,  and  Said  as  followes  : 

"I  have  Been  to  Warr  agst  the  Cherokeys  and  Lay  15 
days  about  there  Towns,  waiteing  ane  opertunity  to  gett  a 
Scalp,  but  to  no  Purpose  for  they  ware  in  Forts  as  though 
they  Expected  our  Comeing,  and  you  must  Certainly  have 
given  your  king  [an]  Account  of  [our]  Designes  and  he  has 
Sent  it  to  your  Beloved  man  that  is  at  the  Cherokeys. 
Now  I  think  its  Strenge  Freindship  that  you  pretend  to  us 
When  every  opertunity  that  you  have  of  apraizeing  the 
Cherokeys  of  our  Designes  against  them  you  make  use  of 
it  to  acquent  the  Cherokeys  of  the  Same.  But  Since  You 
Call  yourselves  our  friends,  why  do  not  you  give  us  ane 
account  of  the  Cherokeys  Designe  against  us  ?  But  that 
you  never  do." 

Answer.  "You  know  that  at  the  first  talk  I  gave  you,  I 
promised  a  peace  with  the  Cherokeys  In  answer  to  what  you 
Told  me  to  send  to  my  King  and  tell  him  that  you  Designed 
once  more  against  the  Cherokeys,  and  then  you  would 
Except  of  a  peace  if  any  king  Would  make  it  for  you." 

1  Were.  2  For.  3  Coosa. 

198 


TOBIAS  FITCH'S  JOURNAL 

"Tis  true  we  did  tell  you  to  send  to  your  king,  but  then 
we  thought  we  were  Sending  to  our  ffreind  and  not  to  the 
Cherokeys." 

"  According  to  your  request  I  sent  to  my  king  What  you 
desired  me,  but  I  would  not  have  you  think  that  my  king 
ever  Sent  that  newes  to  the  Cherokeys  or  that  he  is  so  much 
more  the  Cherokeys  freind  then  yours,  for  the  Custome 
with  us  is  the  Same  as  with  you ;  when  there  is  any  talk 
Sent  down  our  King  Calles  the  Beloved  men  Together  and 
when  they  have  Seen  the  Talk  and  Considered  it  amonge 
themselves  then  they  give  it  out  to  Every  Body  and  there 
might  have  happened  Some  Cherokeys  Tradours  down  and 
[they]  may  [have]  Carr[ied]  the  Talk  home  to  the  Cherokeys  ; 
for  you  find  the  Traders  here  When  they  Come  from  our 
great  Town  if  they  here  any  thing  of  the  Cherokeys  they 
tell  it  you,  and  its  as  like  the  others  may  tell  the  Cherokeys. 
But  I  would  not  have  you  think  its  my  Kings  doeings,  for 
he  is  a  greater  freind  to  you  then  You  think  on." 

Novembr  the  ^d.  I  came  down  to  the  lower  Tallopoopes 
and  there  pursuant  to  my  late  Instructions  did  take  a  Negro 
Who  as  I  Resited  Turned  Back  70  Warriours,  the  sd 
Negro  Being  near  the  French  Fort  and  amonge  those  Indians 
who  have  the  French  Commission,  Which  are  the  very  lower 
Tallopoopes  and  Mixt  with  the  Stinging-lingo  Indians.  I 
then  Sumons'd  the  head  men  To  meet.  Accordingly  [they] 
did.  It  was  a  litle  Surprizeing  to  them  That  I  should  Desire 
a  meeting  being  ane  English  man.  They  Readily  meet, 
and  I  gave  them  the  following  Talk : 

"I  am  very  Glad  to  see  that  you  are  Come  to  hear  my 
Talk  Which  Indeed  I  did  not  Expect,  Since  you  are  Such 
Slaves  to  the  French  that  you  dare  not  Suffer  our  Traders 
to  Come  among  you  for  fear  of  Offending  our  master  the 
French  Capt.  Altho  at  the  same  time  you  Cannot  get  Cloth 
any  other  way  then  Comeing  Where  Our  Traders  are  and 
Buy  of  them,  for  the  French  are  not  able  to  gett  Cloath ; 
And  that  is  the  Reasone  they  order  you  not  to  Suffer  our 
White  people  to  Come  among  you.  Now  its  not  soe  with  us. 
These  people  that  we  Call  our  Freind,  as  here  is  two  with 

199 


TRAVELS  IN  THE  AMERICAN  COLONIES 

me,  ask  them  if  I  ever  Told  them  not  to  let  the  French  Come 
Among  them.  I  do  not  Endeavour  to  keep  my  Freinds  like 
Slaves  as  the  French  do  you.  But  I  am  willing  they  should 
be  like  free  men  as  they  be  and  if  the  French  Can  sell  as 
Good  Coths  as  we  do  and  as  Cheep  let  them  buy  of  the 
French.  But  my  Bussines  with  you  is  to  tell  you  that  I  [have] 
here  Taken  a  Negro  Who  is  a  Slave  blonging  to  my  great 
King  and  has  Been  Run  from  us  a  great  while  and  lived  with 
the  French.  Now  I  Expect  that  the  ifrench  will  Endeavour 
to  perswad  you  to  take  this  negro  from  me  if  they  Can. 
But  I  do  now  Tell  you  that  this  [is  an]  afair  that  Lives  be 
tween  the  French  Capt.  and  my  Self,  and  [as]  it  dis  not 
Concerne  you  I  shall  Expect  that  you  will  not  medle  Eithere 
on  way  nor  other.  If  the  French  Capt.  thinks  he  has  a  better 
right  to  the  negro  let  him  Come  and  Take  him  Since  he  has 
Twenty  men  in  the  Fort  and  I  have  but  Ten  here.  But  I 
doe  Belive  that  if  I  should  goe  away  now  with  the  negro, 
the  Capt.  would  Come  and  tell  you  that  I  Stole  him  and 
was  Run  away  with  him  and  that  had  I  Stayed  Longer  he 
would  Come  and  take  hime  from  me.  Now  to  Show  that 
my  Right  to  the  Negro  is  good  you  goe  and  tell  the  Capt. 
That  I  Shal  Stay  in  this  Town  four  days  to  see  if  he  has 
anything]  to  say  to  me." 

Answer  from  the  head  man. 

"Your  Talk  is  very  Good,  and  as  to  the  Negro  Since  you 
say  its  your  Slave  you  ought  to  have  him  and  we  have  noth- 
in  to  Say  to  him ;  but  we  will  Send  the  Capt.  word  of  what 
you  Say  and  if  he  thinks  its  good  he  may  Come  and  Talk 
wt  you  about  him.  For  our  part  we  are  Indeans  and  will 
Differ  with  no  White  people." 

Accordingly  they  Sent  to  the  Capt.  of  the  albaw-man  fort.1 
November  the  %th.     Capt.  Sent  the  ifollowing  Massage  by 
on  of  his  Subjects  : 

1  Alabama  Fort,  or  Fort  Toulouse,  which  was  erected  by  Bien- 
ville  in  1714  near  the  confluence  of  the  Coosa  and  Tallapoosa 
rivers. 


200 


TOBIAS  FITCH'S  JOURNAL 

11 1  am  Come  from  the  King  of  the  Al-bawma  fort  to  you 
To  know  by  what  Authority  you  have  taken  a  Subject 
Belonging  to  the  Crown  of  France  and  ane  Inhabiter  of  the 
Governmt  of  Moveall,1  and  on  whome  the  Governour  of 
Moveall  has  ane  Intire  Value  for  and  in  case  your  Right 
to  him  is  good  to  know  what  is  the  purchase  [price]  of 
him." 

"You  may  goe  back  and  tell  your  king,  as  you  Call  him, 
that  I  think  his  assistance  is  great  to  question  my  authority 
by  which  I  proceed  here.  [It]  is  very  Good  and  that  he  shall 
know  if  he  Dispute  it,  and  that  I  hope  to  give  an  account 
of  my  proceedings  to  the  Governmt  of  South  Carolina  that 
Sent  me  here  and  not  To  your  king,  and  as  to  the  purchase 
[price]  of  the  Negro  its  Two  great  to 2  the  Governmt  of 
Moveall  To  obtain." 

November  the  8th.  I  Went  Back  to  the  Tallapoopes 
where  I  Mett  the  Death  hoop.  I  Imediatly  Enquired  the 
Meaning  of  it  and  found  that  the  Abecas  and  Tallapoopes 
had  Declared  Warr  against  the  Chickesaws,  and  had  then 
Killed  on  Chickesaw  Who  lived  among  the  Abecas ;  and 
[that  it]  was  designed  to  Kill  all  that  was  Liveing  among 
the  Creeks. 

Tickhomebey  and  Sixteen  more  Chickesaws  aplyed  them 
selves  To  me  in  this  Manner  :  "Here  is  the  Oakechoye  Capt. 
Come  from  the  Chocktawes  and  there  has  heard  that  the 
Chickesawes  has  latly  Killed  Some  of  the  Creek  people  and 
Carried  there  Scalps  to  the  Chickesaw  Towns  for  which  the 
Creeks  has  Killed  on  of  our  people  and  Designes  to  Kill  all 
of  us  that  is  here.  The  Chocksaws  3  are  not  Reconcilled  to 
our  nation  neither  Can  they  gett  Satisfaction  of  us  without 
the  assistance  of  the  Creeks.  So  I  hope  as  our  Natne  4  is  at 
peace  with  you  that  you  will  save  our  lives  for  I  ame  a  True 
ffreind  to  the  English  and  So  will  Continue." 

I  then  Imediatly  Sent  Runers  to  the  Abecas  to  forbide 
their  proceedings,  and  likewise  for  the  heads  of  the  uper 
Tallopoopes  To  Come  to  me,  Accordingly  they  did  and 

1  Mobile.  2  For.  3  Choctaws.  4  Nation. 

2OI 


TRAVELS  IN  THE  AMERICAN  COLONIES 

on  No[vembe]r  the  loth  I  gave  them  The  following  Talk  in 
the  Tallasee  Towne  1  in  lower  Tallapoopes  : 

"I  understand  that  You  have  Declared  a  warr  against  the 
Chickesaws  from  only  a  Story  that  the  Oakechoye  Capt. 
have  brought  me  from  the  Chicktaws.2  We  are  but  Just 
Getting  ane  acquantance  with  the  Chocktawes,  as  yet  we  do 
not  know  them.  Its  very  like  that  this  may  be  don  to  set 
you  against  the  Chickesawes  that  they  may  gett  Revenge, 
Since  they  Cannot  do  it  of  themselves.  What  do  you  think 
the  head  men  at  the  Chickesaws  will  think  of  me  if  I  suffer 
you  to  kill  there  people  that  lives  among  you  as  Freinds  ? 
Doubtles  they  will  think  that  I  am  not  their  Freind,  neither 
Can  I  Expect  them  to  use  Our  White  people  there  as  Freinds 
unless  I  Show  my  ifreindship  now  to  these  people  that  you 
are  agoeing  to  kill  Which  I  Charge  you  not  to  doe,  and  I  am 
not  against  your  killing  those  that  Live  with  the  Cherokeys. 
For  I  see  they  are  Dayly  killing  of  you  and  if  you  will  goe 
to  war  against  the  Chickesawes  I  Cannot  help  it.  I  have 
nothing  to  say  to  That.  But  as  the  Dogg  king  is  now  at  the 
Chocktaws  I  think  you  would  do  well  to  Stay  till  he  Comes 
and  here  what  he  Says.  Its  like  the  Captain  might  mistake. 

Answer.  "We  hear  and  your  Talk  is  good.  We  will  take 
it  and  wait  as  you  say  till  the  dog  king  Comes  and  then  we 
shal  know  the  Truth." 

November  the  12th.  I  Left  the  Tallopoopes  and  the  15 
Instant  Came  to  the  Cowweetaws.  The  day  after  my  arival 
here  there  Came  a  Tommantle  man  from  Cherokeys  Leech's 
town  and  gave  the  Following  Account : 

"Your  people  that  is  gone  to  War  against  the  Yamases 
was  disapointed  finding  the  Yamases  all  in  Ported.  They 
Turned  off  and  is  gone  to  the  Floradays.  There  is  likewise 
four  ships  from  Carolina  loaded  with  all  Sorts  of  provissions 
and  Tradeing  goods  on  purpose  To  Suply  the  Yamases,  and 
there  is  Two  English  men  Sent  to  the  Yamases  from  the 
King  of  the  English  to  make  a  Peace  with  the  Yamasees, 

1  The  Upper  Creek  town  of  Tallassee  was  on  or  near  the  site  of 
the  present  town  of  Tallassee,  Alabama. 

2  Choctaws. 


TOBIAS  FITCH'S  JOURNAL 

Which  is  don ;  and  there  is  now  ten  of  the  Yamases  with 
them  Two  english  men  waiting  to  Meet  your  people  When 
they  Return  and  make  a  Peace  With  them.  The  Method 
proposed  is  that  the  Yamases  Shal  Deliver  to  you  as  many 
men  as  You  lost  with  holatta  to  be  put  to  Death  and  then 
to  make  a  peace.  Then  the  English  proposses  to  erect  a  Fort 
at  the  fork  of  Hallatomahaw  x  River  and  there  to  Supply  the 
Yamases  with  all  Sorts  of  Goods  and  in  order  thereto  they 
have  already  Brought  Great  Guns,  Some  of  Which  are  Brass." 
It  happen'd  a  little  time  before  this  I  was  telling  Old 
Brinins  of  Mr.  Spotswoods  2  Runing  to  [St.]  Agustine  With  a 
parcell  of  Trading  Goods  Which  proved  of  Service. 

Old  Brunin's  answer  to  the  Commantle  man. 

"I  am  Surprized  at  your  newes.  I  Cannot  tell  how  to 
live  3  you.  Since  here  is  a  Beloved  man  Who  has  latly 
Reed  Letters  from  his  king  and  if  this  had  Been  so  I  Should 
had  heard  it  from  him  but  you  are  On  of  our  own  Collour 
and  the  best  of  you  will  Lie.  I  shal  here  soon  from  my 
people  and  then  shal  know  more  of  the  Matter." 

My  Own  answer  to  the  Commantles  Speach  Derected  [to] 
Brunins  and  his  Beloved  men. 

"  I  am  very  Glad  that  it  happen'd  so  as  we  talk  of  the  man 
that  I  told  you  was  Run  to  [St.]  Augustine  before  this  Newes 
Came  in,  or  you  might  have  thought  I  told  you  a  Lye  For 
if  there  is  any  White  English  man  with  the  Yamases  it's  the 
Same  man  that  I  told  you  of,  and  the  Spanyards  has  Con 
trived  this  Storye  to  Save  the  Yamasees  by  puting  this  Eng 
lishman  with  them.  But  I  Could  wish  your  people  knew 
my  Mind ;  them  Englishmen  Should  be  used  as  Yamasees 
that  [are]  found  with  them.  And  as  to  a  peace  with  the 
Yamases  if  my  kind 4  had  a  mind  to  make  any  he  Would  not 

1  Altamaha. 

2  Alexander  Spotswood,  who  was  lieutenant  governor  of  Vir 
ginia  in  1710-1722. 

3  Believe.  4  King. 

o  203 


TRAVELS  IN  THE  AMERICAN  COLONIES 

Send  to  [St.]  Augustine  for  it,  but  he  would  Send  orders  to 
me,  being  a  more  ready  way. 

The  Gun's  being  Sent  to  the  fork  of  halla  to  mahaw  1 
River  is  Like  the  rest  of  the  Story  and  I  find  its  Contrived 
by  the  Spanyards  only  to  make  ane  Exchange  for  Our 
Freind  Hollatta  and  the  rest  of  our  Beloved  men  that  was 
murdered  with  him  by  the  Huspaw 2  King  and  his  Warriour's. 

Now  I  like  the  proposal  they  make  of  Exchanging  and  give- 
ing  you  as  many  Yamases  as  they  have  Killed  of  your  people. 
But  we  must  know  what  men  they  will  Deliver  up,  whither 
they  will  Deliver  the  Huspaw  King  in  Lew 3  of  Hollataw  and 
as  many  Yamases  Warriours  as  we[re]  killed  with  him ;  but 
instead  of  that  they  will  give  you  Slaves  or  Some  other 
Inferriour  Sort  of  Fellows  that  they  may  Spare  without 
being  mist.  But  I  hope  you  have  more  Value  for  your  king 
though  he  is  dead  and  Respect  to  his  ffather  then  to  Sweep 
him  away  as  we  doe  horses  for  the  Spanyards  themselves 
would  Laugh  at  you  as  well  as  at  the  Yamases  for  Such  an 
act[io]n. 

Old  Brm'ns  Your  Talk  is  good,  But  I  do  not  know  what  to 
think  of  these  Two  English  men  that  is  with  the  Yamases. 
For  I  know  that  will  Surprize  my  people  and  they  will  not 
know  what  to  doe,  but  you  have  Told  us  how  it  is.  Lett  them 
agree  To  what  they  will  it  shal  be  Spoilt  at  their  Return." 

I  then  proposed  Runners  to  be  Sent  and  apprise  the  army 
of  this  affaire.  But  the  Old  King  was  of  Oppinion  it  would 
be  very  Uncertaine  where  to  Meet  the  Warrioures  and  the 
Runners  very  much  Endangered ;  but  while  we  were  Con 
sidering  of  this  affair  there  Came  in  two  Runners  from  the 
Warriour's  and  gave  the  Following  Account : 

"The  Pilot  that  we  had,  Carried  us  to  a  Fort  in  a  Town 
Where  we  thought  the  Yamases  were,  and  we  fired  at  the 
Said  Fort,  Which  alarmed  ten  Men  that  was  Placed  To 
Discover  us  which  we  past  when  they  were  asleep.  Our 

1  Altamaha. 

2  Huspah  was  the  chief  of  a  band  of  Yamasee  Indians  of  the 
same  name. 

3  Lieu . 

204 


TOBIAS  FITCH'S  JOURNAL 

fireing  awaked  them  and  they  Ran  round  us  and  gave  Notice 
to  the  Yamasees  Who  was  Removed  from  this  town  Nigher 
the  Sea  and  had  there  Build  a  new  fort  which  we  found  and 
Attacked  but  with  litle  Success  through  1  it  happen'd  the 
Huspaw  Kings  Family  was  not  all  got  in  the  fort  and  we  took 
three  of  them  and  fired  Several  Shott  at  the  Huspaw  king 
and  are  in  hopes  have  killed  him.  There  Came  out  a  party 
of  the  Yamases  who  fought  us  and  we  took  the  Capt.  We 
waited  three  days  about  there  Fort,  Expecting  to  get  ane 
oppertunity  to  take  Some  More  but  to  no  purpose.  We 
then  Came  away  and  the  Yamases  pursued  us.  We  fought 
them  and  gained  the  Batle.  We  drove  the  Yamases  unto  a 
pond  and  was  Just  Runing  in  after  them  where  we  Should  a 
had  a  great  advantage  of  them  but  we  discover'd  about  fourty 
Spanyards  armed  on  horse  Back  Who  made  Toward  us  wt 
a  White  Cloth  before  them  and  as  they  advanced  toward  us 
They  made  Signes  that  we  Should  fforbear  fireing.  Some 
of  our  head  men  gave  Out  orders  not  to  fire,  But  Steyamasie- 
chie  or  Gogel  Eys  Told  them  it  was  spoilt  and  to  fire  away. 
According  we  did,  and  the  Spanyards  fled.  After  that  the 
Yamases  pursued  us  [and]  gave  us  ane  other  Batle  in  which 
they  did  us  the  most  Damnadge.  We  have  killed  Eight  of 
the  Yamases,  on  of  which  is  the  huspaw  kings  head  Warriour 
and  have  Brought  off  all  thir  Scalps.  We  have  likewise 
Taken  nine  of  them  a  Live,  Together  with  Several  Guns, 
Some  Cloth,  and  Some  plunder  Out  of  there  Churches, 
Which  you  will  See  When  the  Warriours  Come  in." 

We  have  Lost  on  our  Side  five  men  killed  dead  and  six 
wounded.  When  I  found  the  Army  so  nigh  there  return  I 
was  willing  to  prepare  for  my  Comeing  away  [and]  there  being 
a  Negro  then  in  the  Pallachochole  town  Belonging  to  Andrew 
Partoson  of  Port  Royal  that  I  thought  to  have  Brought 
down,  I  sent  five  White  men  to  take  him  and  bring  him  to 
me.  They  Accordingly  Took  the  Negro  and  had  him,  but 
the  King  of  the  Town  Cutt  the  Rope  and  threw  it  into  the 
fire  and  the  King  of  sd  Town  Told  the  White  men  that  they 


1  Though. 

205 


TRAVELS  IN  THE  AMERICAN   COLONIES 

had  as  good  Guns  as  they,  and  Could  make  as  good  use  of 
them ;  upon  which  the  white  man  Returned  unto  me. 

I  then  thought,  as  the  Warriours  was  not  farr  off,  to  wait 
till  they  Came  in,  before  I  Said  any  more  about  Said  Negro. 

November  the  ^oth.  Thomas  Jones  a  rived  from  the  Chock- 
tawes  and  gave  Following  Account : 

That  after  Being  at  the  Chocktaws  and  purchast  some 
Skines  the  hunters  where  he  was,  all  went  out  a  hunting,  in 
Number  700,  Who  was  to  bring  in  Skins  Sufficient  to  pur 
chase  all  his  goods.  The  sd  Jones  Left  Thomas  Wiggin  and 
a  Considerall  qaintity  goods  in  order  to  Trade  with  sd 
Indeans  at  there  Return,  and  Jones  Left  the  Nation.  On 
John  Gallespy  being  Ready  at  the  Same  time  to  leave  the 
Nation  with  Jones  would  not  but  waited  for  the  Coossaw  1 
king  of  the  Chocktawes,  who  had  promised  Gillespey  to 
Come  down  to  this  governmt,  and  sd  Gillespey  waited  on 
purpose  for  him  or  might  have  Brought  off  his  Leather  and 
horses  as  Jones  did,  but  the  sd  Gillespey  the  i6th  November 
Left  the  Chocktawes  nation  ;  And  the  17  Instant  the  Chock- 
taws,  as  they  belive,  did  fall  on  said  Wiggin  who  was  left  in 
the  Nation  and  did  plund[er]  and  Take  from  him  all  the  Said 
goods  but  with  much  to  do  did  Escape.  The  Indeans  did 
pursue  the  said  Gillespey  and  Took  from  him  Several  horses 
loaded  with  Skins,  wounded  Several  of  the  White  men,  and 
Killed  One.  The  said  Gillespey  Came  foreward  With  what 
horses  was  left  him  and  mett  with  the  Coosaw  king  who  had 
apointed  to  Come  Down  with  him.  The  Coossaw  king 
Seeing  of  him  Bloody  Inquired  the  meaning  of  it.  Gillespey 
Related  to  him  what  had  hapen'd,  Only  omitting  the  death 
of  the  white  man. 

The  Coossaw  king  Replyed  :  "If  you  will  goe  Back  with 
me  Your  goods  and  horses  shal  be  Restored  Back  to  you 
againe  and  you  shal  not  loose  on  Skin  by  what  has  hapen'd." 

Then  Gillespey  told  him  that  the  worst  of  all,  they  had 
killed  a  White  man.  This  seem'd  to  Surprize  the  King  and 
he  Said,  "Now  its  all  Spoilt;  The  horses  and  goods  I  Could 

1  Coosha  was  an  important  Choctaw  town  on  Lost  Horse  Creek 
in  what  is  now  Lauderdale  County,  Mississippi. 

206 


TOBIAS  FITCH'S  JOURNAL 

have  gott,  but  the  man  Cannot  be  Brought  to  Life.  I  have 
Been  Several  years  Endeavouring  to  open  the  path  to  the 
English  and  thought  it  was  now  don,  but  find  it  as  farr  of 
as  ever.  There  is  three  men  of  Ours  gon  to  the  Creeks  to 
see  your  Beloved  man  and  then  l  I  Give  over  to  be  dead." 

Gillespey  told  him  that  they  should  not  be  hurted,  for 
though  there  was  a  white  man  killed  He  did  not  belive  it  was 
done  by  the  Consent  of  the  Chiefest  of  the  Nation.  Ac 
cordingly  Gillespey  mett  the  Three  Indians  and  Sent  Them 
home  w[i]t[h]out  hurt. 

The  Dogg  king  of  the  Oakefuskey  Came  to  me  at  the  same 
time  and  Said,  "What  the  Chocktaws  has  Done  is  not  good 
and  I  have  heard  that  the  Chocktawes  makes  as  good  slaves 
as  Negros  ;  if  you  think  it  will  be  good  I  will  soon  have  some 
of  them  here.  I  have  100  men  at  my  Command  who  are  good 
Warriours  and  only  wait  for  your  orders." 

"What  you  Say  is  Good,  but  I  dare  not  send  you  to  Warr 
Till  my  great  King  has  heard  what  has  hapen'd." 

December  the  2%th.  Hearing  that  the  Warriours  was  naer 
the  Lower  towns  I  thought  to  goe  down  and  meet  them.  I 
order'd  my  Lingister  to  make  ready  Which  he  Refused  to 
do.  It  hap'nd  That  On  William  Hoge  Just  then  was  Come 
from  the  hovanys  2  who  was  a  Better  Lingister  then  the 
former  John  Molton.  I  took  the  Said  hodge  as  Lingester 
and  vent  down  to  the  Lower  Towns.  Sd  hodge  Being  a 
Pack  horse  Driver  to  on  John  Cannaday,  Who  Molton  was 
no  ways  Concerned  with.  Notwithstanding  the  Said  Molton 
followed  me  to  the  Lower  Town's  and  Just  as  I  mett  the  head 
man  that  was  Come  from  Warr,  and  had  Begun  to  Talk 
with  them,  the  sd  Molton  Came  litle  Better  then  Drunk  and 
Interupted  my  Lingester,  telling  me  that  William  Hodge 
was  his  servant  and  that  I  had  Stole  him,  which  he  would 
make  me  know,  and  then  told  the  Indeans  that  I  was  A 
Thieff,  had  Stole  his  servant  and  not  to  mind  what  I  had  Said 
To  them  for  my  Talk  was  not  good.  He  then  Turned  to  me 
and  Told  me  that  what  Talks  I  had  given  while  he  was 

1  Them.  2  Havana. 

207 


TRAVELS  IN  THE  AMERICAN   COLONIES 

Lingester  he  would  undoe  for  that  the  publick  Intrust l  was 
not  So  advantageous  to  him  as  his  Own.  I  then  Charged 
him  to  behave  himself  with  more  Respect  and  not  to  think 
he  was  Speaking  to  a  privat  man  for  by  the  Trust  Reposed  in 
me  I  Represent  the  Governmt  of  Carolina.  His  Reply  was, 
"Dame  you  and  the  Governmt  Both.  The  Worst  that  Can 
be  don  is  to  prevent  my  Comeing  here  Which  is  more  than 
they  Can  doe  for  I  Will  Come."  Which  he  Bound  by  his 
Maker.  I  was  oblidged  to  Conceal  my  Lingester  from  him 
and  Could  Not  have  any  Discourse  with  the  Indeans.  The 
day  after  I  Returned  to  the  Cowweetawes  where  the  Said 
Molton  Endeavoured  to  perswad  my  Kings  not  to  speak  any 
thing  for  Me.  This  he  did  When  he  was  Sober,  and  When 
he  found  he  Could  Not  prevail  with  him,  he  then  prevailed 
with  Some  of  the  head  men,  as  I  Suppose,  not  to  Talk  with 
me  by  the  said  Hodges  Interpretation.  Accordingly  Some 
of  the  Indeans  Told  me  they  did  not  hear  the  Said  hodge  and 
Desired  they  might  have  Molton  to  talk  with  them.  I 
answered  them,  "I  look  upon  Molton  to  be  a  Rogue  and 
Not  fitt  to  be  Intrusted  with  any  of  my  Talk,  and  if  [you] 
Cannot  here  this  Man  You  must  goe  to  my  king  and  Talk 
wt  him.  For  I  will  Talk  with  You  by  noe  othere  then  this." 
Sepe  Coffee  Hott  and  Chuggilley,  who  Told  me  the  said 
hodge  Could  speak  there  Tongue  neir  as  well  as  themselves, 
asked  those  that  objected  against  him  what  part  of  the 
Talk  they  misunderstood  and  So  made  them  asshamed  of 
there  Objections,  and  then  They  Could  all  here  the  Sd 
Hodge. 

December  the  ijth.  I  Sent  for  all  the  Lower  Towns  head 
men  to  meet  at  the  Cowweetaw ;  the  Same  day  the  Warriours 
arived  at  the  Cowweetaws. 


Old  Brmins  Speech  to  his  Warriours. 

"You  are  Returned  from  Warr  and  Some  of  Your  men 
You  have  Left.      Such  things  as  them  must  hapen  or  you 

1  Interest. 
208 


TOBIAS  FITCH'S  JOURNAL 

would  Be  noe  Warriours  for  if  Men  Should  always  goe  out 
To  Warr  against  Enemies  and  never  loose  any  men  then  old 
Women  would  be  good  Warriours.  But  this  is  What  makes 
you  warrioures.  That  you  will  goe  into  such  Dangers 
where  you  [are]  sure  some  of  you  will  Drop.  But  I  hope  this 
is  but  a  beginning  as  you  have  now  made  a  war  with  the 
Yamasees  I  hope  you  will  Continue  it  while  there  is  a 
Yamasees  Left  on  the  land,  Since  In  that  you  gett  revenge 
for  your  Selves  and  English  Both  [of]  who[m]  they  have 
Caused  to  Shead  many  tears  as  well  as  my  self." 

Sepe  Coffee  answers,  "We  have  had  but  poor  Success 
but  we  hope  The  nixt  Time  to  have  Better.  But  a  Warr  I 
do  Designe  To  Continue  against  the  Yamasses  While  I  Can 
gett  Bullets  and  Powder  for  Skins.  I  Cannot  say,  I  will 
kill  them  all.  Some  may  goe  over  the  Great  Water.  But 
there  Shal  not  One  Stay  on  this  Land." 

"I  am  very  Glad  to  see  you  Return  with  no  greater  Loss 
than  you  have  which  Indeed  I  did  not  Expect  Since  the 
Yamases  had  Such  Timely  Notice  of  your  Designes  against 
them.  Its  a  wounder  to  me  they  did  not  do  you  a  greater 
deal  more  Damage  But  hope  that  you  will  Take  some  Course 
with  those  That  Sends  Such  newes  to  the  Yamases.  Amonge 
us  Such  a  man  would  be  Tied  to  four  mad  horses  and  Draven1 
to  pices  —  as  Should  give  Our  Enemies  ane  Account  of  Our 
Designes  against  them  and  at  the  Same  Time  pretend  to  be 
Our  ffreind.  My  king  has  Sent  a  Commission  to  King  Sepe 
Coffee  to  be  Comander  in  Cheif  of  this  Nation  under  his 
Father  Emprour  Brmin's  Derections,  the  meaning  of  which 
Comission  is  to  Take  all  orders  that  shall  Come  from  my 
king,  to  hear  no  talk  But  What  Comes  from  him,  and  to  be 
Sure  to  put  all  his  orders  In  Execution,  and  that  all  men  in 
this  Nation  is  to  pay  the  said  Sepe  Coffee  due  obedience  as 
there  King  dureing  the  Time  that  Sepe  Coffee  Containues  to 
be  True  and  Trusty  to  my  King  and  no  Longer."  And  So 
[I]  Delivered  his  Comission  and  Likewise  [one]  to  one  Capt. 
Hott,  which  was  Intirely  to  the  Satisfa'ne  of  all  the  heads 
in  Generall. 

1  Drawn. 
209 


TRAVELS  IN  THE  AMERICAN  COLONIES 

Sepe  Coffees  Speech  at  Takeing  his  Comission. 

"I  do  now  take  this  with  a  Streight  heart  and  you  may 
Tell  your  King  that  I  Shal  not  let  it  lie  much  in  my  house. 
But  that  it  Shal  be  put  in  Execution,  that  is  goe  to  War 
against  his  Enemies  and  mine  and  you  may  tell  him  that  my 
heart  is  now  Streight  with  him  and  So  Shal  Containue." 

On  December  the  id  I  gave  them  the  following  talk  being 
the  day  I  Left  the  Natione,  there  being  120  head  men  of  the 
Lower  Townes  present : 

"My  king  Sent  me  into  this  Nation  to  see  every  Town  and 
To  know  Who  among  You  are  his  Freinds  and  who  are  not. 
Accordingly  I  have  Been  throughout  your  Whole  Natione 
and  I  am  now  agoeing  to  my  king  and  Shal  let  him  know 
What  I  am  now  agoeing  to  tell  You. 

The  Negro  Which  I  Took  from  the  Spanyard  in  this  Town 
did  make  his  Escape  from  the  White  man  that  were  Carring 
him  Down  and  Returned  to  Squire  Mickeo  who  Imediatly 
assisted  him  with  Cunnue  and  provissions  sufficient  to  Carry 
him  to  Saint  Mallagoes.  Now  there  Sitts  the  Squire,  Let  him 
Denie  it  if  he  dares,  and  then  I  will  prove  it  to  his  Face. 
There  is  likwise  a  White  girl  that  Belonges  to  us  Whis  l 
detaind  by  the  Dogg  King  of  the  Pallachochola  Town  and  is 
kept  over  the  River  in  a  Remute2  pleace  that  no  white  man 
shal  see  her.  Then 3 1  Sent  down  to  the  Pallachocola  Town 
and  had  a  Negro  Tied  in  order  to  Carry  him  to  his  master, 
the  King  of  sd  Town  did  Cut  the  Rope,  threw  it  in  the  fire, 
and  Told  the  whiteman  That  they  had  as  good  Guns  as  they 
had  and  Could  make  as  Good  use  of  them. 

Now  do  you  think  that  these  lookes  like  Freindly  Actions  ? 
Or  do  you  think  when  I  goe  home  and  my  king  askes  me  if  all 
the  Creeks  are  his  Freinds  that  I  Can  tell  him  they  are  ? 
Noe  I  do  assure  you  I  Cannot.  But  I  Shall  tell  him  I  look 
upon  all  people  Below  Capt.  Hotts  house  to  be  Reather 
freinds  To  the  Yamases  then  to  us,  for  is  [it]  not  plane  that 
Squire  Mickeo  Sent  to  the  Yamases  to  let  them  know  of 

1  Who  is.  2  Remote.  3  When. 


TOBIAS  FITCH'S  JOURNAL 

Your  Comeing  ?  As  I  Tould  you  beffore  Such  a  man  with 
us  would  be  Tore  to  pi[e]ces  with  mad  horses.  TherefFore  if 
these  people  has  a  mind  to  Show  thir  freindship  to  my  king 
Let  Squire  Mickeo's  Town  pay  for  that  Negro  he  assisted 
away,  Let  the  dog  king  Deliver  the  White  girl,  and  let  the 
pallachochola  town  pay  for  the  Negro  their  King  untied; 
without  which  I  do  not  see  how  you  Can  Call  Your  selves 
frcinds  to  my  king.  Tis  True  you  may  Call  yourselves 
freinds  as  You  [say],  but  my  king  wants  no  Such  freindship 
as  is  only  Exprest  with  the  Tongue  and  not  by  the  Actions. 
I  Would  not  have  you  think  that  I  am  Beging  your  Freind 
ship  for  my  king  has  Freinds  Sufficient  w[i]t[h]out  you.  I 
only  want  to  know  how l  among  you  will  be  his  Enemies  and 
who  [h]is  Freinds,  so  I  shal  Expect  when  Seepe  Coffee  Comes 
down  that  he  will  Bring  Satisfaction  for  the  two  Negroes 
and  the  White  girl." 

Sepe  Coffee^  s]  Speech  to  the  head  men  and  Wariours. 

"You  here  What  the  Beloved  man  say's.  I  do  not  find 
that  any  of  you  Denies  what  he  says  thereffore  [as]  I  belive 
what  he  says  to  be  all  True  and  [that]  his  Demands  is  all 
Reasonable,  So  I  hope  you  that  are  my  Warriours  will  Stand 
be2  me  and  See  that  all  his  Demands  are  Comply'd  with." 

I  then  left  the  Natione  Leaving  120  Dear  Skins  in  Sepe 
Coffees  possession  and  four  Slaves  Belonging  to  Mr.  Sharp 
which  I  Should  have  Brought  with  me  but  Receiving  a  Letter 
from  the  honable  Coll.  George  Chicken  Esquire  where  he 
adwised  me  of  a  Chickesaw  being  killed  naer  the  Savana 
Town  by  the  Creeks  and  that  the  Chickesaws  was  Resolved 
to  Retal[i]ate  it  on  the  Creeks,  I  inform[ed]  The  Creeks  of  the 
Same,  which  was  the  Reason  that  they  did  [not]  think  it  safe 
for  the  Burdeners  To  proceed  with  me  But  the  said  goods 
Should  be  Left  and  that  Sepe  Coffee  Would  bring  them  Down 
in  the  month  of  March  when  he  Designes  to  be  Down  himself 
with  five  other  head  Men  and  fourty  Warriours  with  him  for 

1  Who.  2  By. 

211 


TRAVELS  IN  THE  AMERICAN  COLONIES 

a  guard.  But  he  Desires  that  the  guard  may  be  Suffered 
to  pass  The  Savana  Garrisson  and  Came  1  as  Low  as  Edisto 
River  for  he  Lookes  upon  it  as  [being  as]  Dangerous  between 
the  Savana  town  and  Edisto  [as]  any  other  part  of  the  way. 

I  Left  the  Cowweetaws  December  the  2d  and  Brought 
with  me  a  Negro  as  I  have  herein  Resited  and  being  Within 
20  miles  of  the  Savana  Town  left  the  sd  Negro  In  Charge  of 
two  white  men  well  arm'd  and  the  negro  Prisoned.  Not 
withstanding  he  got  the  white  mens  armes  and  Shot  on  John 
Sergant  through  the  Brest  and  made  his  Escape. 

As  soon  [as]  the  News  Came  to  me  at  Savana  Town  I  Dis- 
pactht  ane  Express  to  [the]  Creek's  and  gave  ane  account  of 
the  Negros  Escape  and  promised  a  peace  of  Strouds  to  any 
Indean  that  Should  Bring  the  sd  Negros  head  To  on  Florance 
Makhone,  a  Tradour  at  the  Creeks,  or  a  hundered  pounds  to 
any  White  man  that  Should  Take  him.  Sepe  Coffee  prom 
ised  he  would  do  his  Endeavour  To  have  him  taken  and 
sent  Runer  To  aprize  The  uper  Creeks  of  the  Same.  The 
foregoing  proceedings  as  2  a  Just  and  True  account 

by  TOBIAS  FITCH. 

This  is  a  true  Copy  from  the  Originall. 
Exaied  3  this  2ist  May  1726. 

by  Hen  Hargrave,  Depty  Secty. 
1  Come.  *  Are.  3  Examined. 


A  RANGER'S  REPORT  OF  TRAVELS  WITH 
GENERAL  OGLETHORPE,  I739-I74* 


INTRODUCTION 

GEORGIA  was  chartered  in  1732  to  save  South  Carolina 
from  the  French  and  Spanish,  yet  South  Carolina  begrudged 
the  people  of  Georgia  a  share  in  the  Indian  trade.  Georgia, 
on  the  other  hand,  being  a  prohibition  province  at  that  early 
day,  objected  to  the  sale  of  rum  to  the  Indians,  and  expressly 
charged  that  the  difficulties  between  the  English  and  the 
Creeks  arose  from  the  failure  of  South  Carolina  to  render 
"satisfaction  for  injuries  done  by  their  pedling  traders." 
General  Oglethorpe,  who  was  the  early  guide  of  affairs  in 
Georgia  and  who  in  1738  was  appointed  commander  in  chief 
of  His  Majesty's  forces  in  both  Georgia  and  South  Carolina, 
made  it  his  first  care  to  win  the  friendship  of  the  Indians. 
On  the  1 5th  of  June,  1739,  he  wrote  the  Georgia  Trustees  : 
"I  have  received  frequent  and  confirmed  advices  that  the 
Spaniards  are  striving  to  bribe  the  Indians,  and  particularly 
the  Creek  nation,  to  differ  with  us ;  and  the  disorder  of  the 
traders  is  such  as  gives  but  too  much  room  to  render  the 
Indians  discontented ;  great  numbers  of  vagrants  being  gone 
up  without  licenses  either  from  Carolina  or  us.  Chigilly, 
and  Malachee,  the  son  of  the  great  Brim,  who  was  called 
Emperor  of  the  Creeks  by  the  Spaniards,  insist  upon  my 
coming  up  to  put  all  things  in  order,  and  have  acquainted 
me  that  all  the  chiefs  of  the  nation  will  come  down  to  the 
Coweta  town  to  meet  me,  and  hold  the  general  assembly  of 
the  Indian  nations ;  where  they  will  take  such  measures  as 
will  be  necessary  to  hinder  the  Spaniards  from  corrupting 
and  raising  sedition  amongst  their  people. 

"This  journey,  though  a  very  fatiguing  and  dangerous  one, 
is  quite  necessary  to  be  taken ;  for  if  not,  the  Spaniards, 
who  .have  sent  up  great  presents  to  them,  will  bribe  the  cor 
rupt  part  of  the  nation ;  and,  if  the  honester  part  is  not 
supported,  will  probably  overcome  them,  and  force  the  whole 

215 


TRAVELS  IN  THE  AMERICAN   COLONIES 

nation  into  a  war  with  England.  The  Coweta  town,  where 
the  meeting  is  to  be,  is  near  500  miles  from  hence  l ;  it  is  in  a 
straight  line  300  miles  from  the  sea.  All  the  towns  of  the 
Creeks  2  and  of  the  Cousees  and  Talapousees,3  though  300 
miles  from  the  Cowetas,  will  come  down  to  the  meeting. 
The  Choctaws,  also,  and  the  Chickasaws,  will  send  thither 
their  deputies ;  so  that  7,000  men  depend  upon  the  event  of 
this  assembly.  The  Creeks  can  furnish  1,500  warriors,  the 
Chickasaws  500,  and  the  Choctaws  5,000.  I  am  obliged  to 
buy  horses  and  presents  to  carry  up  to  this  meeting."  4 

The  i6th  of  the  following  month  he  wrote  the  Trustees 
from  Savannah:  "The  French  and  Spaniards  have  used 
their  utmost  endeavours  to  raise  disturbances  amongst  our 
Indians  and  the  not  deciding  clearly  in  the  Act  relating  to 
them  has  given  such  Insolence  to  the  Carolina  Traders  that 
the  Indians  have  declared,  if  I  do  not  come  up  to  them  they 
will  take  Arms  and  do  themselves  Justice  and  have  ordered 
a  General  Assembly  of  all  the  Nations  to  meet  me.  I  set 
out  this  night."  5 

Regarding  the  success  of  his  trip  Oglethorpe  wrote  from 
Augusta,  September  5,  1739  :  "  I  am  just  arrived  at  this  Place 
from  the  Assembled  Estates  of  the  Creek  Nation.  They 
have  very  fully  declared  their  rights  to  and  possession  of  all 
the  Land  as  far  as  the  River  Saint  Johns  and  their  Concession 
of  the  Sea  Coast,  Islands  and  other  Lands  to  the  Trustees, 
of  which  they  have  made  a  regular  Act.  If  I  had  not  gone 
up  the  misunderstandings  between  them  and  the  Carolina 
Traders  fomented  by  our  two  neighboring  Nations  would 
probably  have  occasioned  their  beginning  a  war,  which  I 
believe  might  have  been  the  result  of  this  general  meeting ; 
but  as  their  complaints  were  reasonable,  I  gave  them  satis 
faction  in  all  of  them,  and  every  thing  is  entirely  settled  in 
peace.  It  is  impossible  to  describe  the  joy  they  expressed 
at  my  arrival  they  met  me  forty  miles  in  the  woods  and  layd 

1  From  Frederica.  2  Lower  Creeks. 

3  The  Cousees  and  Talapousees  were  Upper  Creeks. 

4  Henry  Bruce,  Life  of  General  Oglethorpe,  pp.  207-208. 

8  Collections  of  the  Georgia  Historical  Society,  Vol.  Ill,  p.  80. 

216 


INTRODUCTION 

Provisions  on  the  roads  in  the  woods.  The  Express  being 
just  going  to  Charles  Town,  I  can  say  no  more  but  that  I 
have  had  a  burning  fever  of  which  I  am  perfectly  recovered."1 

While  at  Augusta  Oglethorpe  received  a  communication 
from  England  informing  him  of  the  declaration  of  war 
against  Spain  and  instructing  him  to  "annoy"  the  Spaniards. 
The  Ranger's  Report  is  an  account  of  his  travels  with  Ogle 
thorpe  to  the  Indian  Assembly  at  Kawita  (Coweta)  on  the 
Chattahoochee  River  and  in  attendance  upon  Oglethorpe 
during  his  operations  against  Saint  Augustine  and  in  defense 
of  the  Georgia  coast  from  Spanish  invasion. 

The  Report  is  among  the  Stowe  Manuscripts  in  the  British 
Museum,  and  a  transcript  which  was  made  from  this  is  in  the 
Library  of  Congress. 

1  Collections  of  the  Georgia  Historical  Society,  Vol.  Ill,  p.  81. 


217 


A   RANGER'S    REPORT   OF   TRAVELS   WITH 
GENERAL   OGLETHORPE,    1739-1742 

A  Report  having  been  raised  by  W.  C.  Esqr.  that  General  Ogle- 
thorpe  had  no  Rangers  in  Georgia  but  two  or  three  that  he 
kept  to  defray  the  Expence  of  Servants,  The  Author  of  the 
following  Account  (having  been  a  Ranger  in  Georgia  and 
Constantly  paid  as  such)  Submits  it  to  any  Candid  Person 
whether  such  Report  is  not  without  Foundation  and 
absolutely  false. 

His  Excellency  Genl.  Oglethorpe  making  a  Tour  into  the 
Indian  Nations  to  Establish  Peace  between  them  and  the 
English  ordered  me  to  attend  him  it  being  about  four  Hun 
dred  Miles  through  the  Woods,  July  the  8th  we  began  our 
Journey  and  went  by  Water  as  far  as  Ebenezer.  The  General 
took  Horse  and  Rode  to  the  Uchee  Town  *  he  having  sent  the 
Boat  round  there  where  we  arrived  July  the  ipth.  July  the 
24th.  The  General  set  out  with  about  twenty  Five  Persons 
in  Company  and  some  Indians  all  well  Armed,  it  being  very 
Necessary  so  to  be,  for  not  long  before  a  Party  of  the  Choctau 
Indians  came  down  to  the  General  who  gave  them  Presents 
and  they  staid  amongst  the  English  as  Friends,  but  did  not 
prove  so,  for  in  their  Return  home,  they  met  two  English 
Men  who  traded  among  the  Indians,  one  of  these  they  killed 
and  shot  three  of  the  others  Fingers  off,  however  he  made  his 
Escape  to  a  Town  of  the  lower  Creeks,  Who  upon  hearing 
his  Relation  of  what  the  Choctau's  had  done,  imediately 
armed  themselves  and  went  in  pursuit  of  the  Choctau's 
whom  they  find  encamped  round  a  Fire ;  The  Creeks  imedi 
ately  charged  them,  killed  a  great  many  and  took  the  rest 

1 A  town  inhabited  by  Uchee  Indians  and  situated  on  the 
Savannah  River,  thirty-five  miles  above  Ebenezer  and  seventy 
miles  above  Savannah. 

218 


A  RANGER  WITH  OGLETHORPE 

Prisoners.  The  General  had  also  at  this  time  two  of  the 
Choctau  Indians  with  him  who  had  put  themselves  under  his 
Protection  for  fear  of  the  People  of  the  Creek  Nation  who 
would  have  killed  them  for  the  Barbarity  of  their  Country 
men  to  the  two  English  Traders.  But  now  I  return  to  our 
Journey,  which  we  Continued  being  Supplied  with  Venison 
by  the  Indian  Hunters,  and  also  Wild  Honey  of  which  they 
took  Plenty.  July  2?th.  We  arrived  at  Great  Ogeechee 
River  which  we  Swam  our  Horses  over  and  The  Packhorse 
Man  got  his  Things  over  in  a  Leather  Canoe  which  they 
carry  for  that  Purpose  and  at  every  River  where  they  are  to 
use  it,  they  stretch  it  with  Stakes  made  on  Purpose.  July 
the  28th.  The  Things  being  all  got  over  the  River  we  set  for 
ward,  The  Indians  killing  plenty  of  Deer  and  Turkeys  for 
our  Refreshment,  also  several  Buffaloes,  of  which  there  is 
great  Plenty  and  they  are  very  good  Eating.  Though  they 
are  a  very  heavy  Beast  they  will  out  Run  a  Horse  and  Quite 
Tire  him.  July  jist.  We  Travelled  over  many  Hills  from 
which  we  had  a  very  Pleasant  Prospect  of  the  Valleys  which 
abounded  with  fine  green  Trees  and  abundance  of  Grapes 
and  other  Fruits,  but  which  were  not  Ripe.  From  the  Top 
of  one  of  these  Hills  we  perceived  a  great  Smoke  at  a  Distance 
from  us,  which  we  Imagined  to  be  at  the  Camp  of  a  Party  of 
Spanish  Horse  which  were  sent  out  on  Purpose  to  hinder  us 
if  possible  from  going  to  make  this  Treaty  of  Peace  with  the 
Indians  and  which  has  since  been  of  so  great  Service  to  us, 
the  Friendly  Indians  annoying  the  Spaniards  very  much. 
We  encamped  at  Occomy  *  River  where  we  found  a  Horse 
belonging  to  one  of  the  Spaniards ;  We  crossed  the  River 
and  killed  two  Buffaloes  of  which  there  are  abundance, 
We  Seeing  Several  Herds  of  sixty  or  upwards  in  a  Herd. 
We  Camped  at  Ocmulgas  2  River  where  are  three  Mounts 
raised  by  the  Indians  over  three  of  their  Great  Kings  who 
were  killed  in  the  Wars.  August  the  6th.  We  came  to 
Dollus  Rivulet  where  we  Encamped ;  In  the  Night  came  to 
us  Capt.  Wiggin,  Mr.  Gudell,  and  two  of  the  Chief  Indians, 
before  they  came  to  us  they  hooped  which  our  Indians 

1  Oconee.  2  Ocmulgee. 

p  219 


TRAVELS  IN  THE  AMERICAN   COLONIES 

Answered,  then  they  came  to  our  Camp  and  saluted  the 
General  in  a  very  friendly  Manner  which  he  Returned. 
August  the  fth.  We  set  forward  and  on  our  way  we  found 
several  strings  of  Cakes  and  Bags  of  Flower  etca.  which  the 
Indians  had  hung  up  in  Trees  for  our  Refreshmt.  August 
the  8th.  We  Encamped  about  two  Miles  from  the  Indian 
Town,  The  Indians  sent  Boys  and  Girls  out  of  their  Town 
with  Fowls,  Venison,  Pompions,  Potatoes,  Water  Melons, 
and  Sundry  other  things.  About  ten  of  the  Clock  we  set 
forward  for  the  Indian  Town  and  were  met  by  the  Indian 
King  And  some  of  their  Chiefs,  the  King  had  English  Colours 
in  his  hand.  We  Saluted  them  and  they  Returned  our 
Salute,  and  then  shaking  Hands  with  the  General  and  Com 
pany  the  King  very  gracefully  taking  him  by  the  Arm  led 
him  towards  the  Town,  and  when  we  Came  there  they 
Brought  us  to  Logs  which  they  had  placed  for  that  purpose 
Covered  with  Bear  Skins  and  desired  us  to  sit  down  which 
when  we  had  done  The  head  Warriours  of  the  Indians 
brought  us  black  Drink  in  Conkshells  which  they  presented 
to  us  and  as  we  were  drinking  they  kept  Hooping  and  Hallow 
ing  as  a  Token  of  gladness  in  seeing  us.  This  Drink  is  made 
of  a  Leaf  called  by  the  English  Casena  (and  much  Resembles 
the  Leaf  of  Bohea  Tea)  It  is  very  Plenty  in  this  Country.1 
Afterwards  we  went  to  the  Kings  House  or  rather  Hut 
where  we  Dined,  at  night  we  went  to  the  Square  to  see  the 
Indians  dance,  They  dance  round  a  large  Fire  by  the  beating 
of  a  Small  Drum  and  Six  Men  singing ;  their  Dress  is  very 
wild  and  frightfull  their  Faces  painted  with  several  sorts  of 
Colours  their  Hair  cut  short  (except  three  Locks  one  of  wch 
hangs  over  their  Forehead  like  a  horses  fore  Top)  they  paint 
the  Short  Hair  and  stick  it  full  of  Feathers,  they  have  Balls 
and  rattles  about  their  Waist  and  Several  things  in  their 
Hands,  Their  Dancing  is  of  divers  Gestures  and  Turnings 
of  their  Bodies  in  a  great  many  frightfull  Postures.  The 

1  The  black  drink  was  a  tea  made  by  boiling  the  leaves  of  the 
Ilex  cassine.  The  southern  Indians  drank  it  on  deliberative 
occasions,  and  especially  at  the  Green-corn  Dance,  for  its  sup 
posed  purifying  and  mind-stimulating  effects. 

220 


A  RANGER  WITH  OGLETHORPE 

Women  are  mostly  naked  to  the  Waist  wearing  only  one 
short  Peticoat  wch  reaches  from  their  Waist  a  little  below 
their  Knees,  they  are  very  nice  in  Smoothing  and  putting 
up  their  hair,  it  is  So  very  long  when  untied  that  it  reaches  to 
the  Calves  of  their  Legs.  Their  Houses  or  Hutts  are  built 
with  Stakes  and  plaistered  with  Clay  Mixed  with  Moss  which 
makes  them  very  warm  and  Tite.  They  dress  their  Meat  in 
Large  pans  made  of  Earth  and  not  much  unlike  our  Beehives 
in  England.  They  do  not  make  use  of  Mills  To  grind  their 
Corn  in,  but  in  lieu  thereof  use  a  Mortar  made  out  of  the 
Stock  of  a  Tree  which  they  cut  and  burn  hollow  and  then 
Pound  their  Corn  therein,  and  when  its  pounded  sufficiently 
they  seperate  the  husks  from  the  Meal  by  sifting  it  thro'  a 
Sieve  made  of  Reeds  or  Canes.  The  Chief  Business  of  the 
Women  is  Planting  Corn  and  other  things  and  minding  the 
Business  of  the  House,  The  Men  Hunt  and  Kill  Deer,  Tur 
keys,  Geese,  Buffaloes,  Tygers,  Bears,  Panthers,  Wolves 
and  several  other  Beasts  whose  Skins  they  sell  to  the  Traders 
for  Powder  Ball  and  what  other  Necessaries  they  want. 
August  the  I2th.  We  set  out  from  this  Town  which  belonged 
to  the  Couettaus  l  to  go  to  a  Town  of  the  Causettasu  2 ; 
As  we  drew  near  the  Town  the  King  came  with  English 
Colours  in  his  Hand  attended  by  his  Chief  Men,  We  saluted 
them  and  they  returned  the  Salute ;  The  King  and  his  Chief 
Men  conducted  the  General  to  their  Square  where  he  dined 
and  after  Dinner  the  General  went  to  Captain  Wiggins  House 
where  he  lay  that  Night.  August  the  ijth.  The  Indians 
went  into  the  Square  to  Dance  and  some  of  the  English 
Danced  with  them  which  pleased  them  very  well.  August  the 
2ist.  His  Excellency  General  Oglethorpe  went  to  the  Square 
to  give  the  Indians  the  Presents  he  had  Caused  to  be  brought 
for  them,  and  to  Establish  that  Peace  with  them  which  has 
since  been  so  Beneficial  to  the  English ;  He  also  settled  the 
Trade  between  the  Indians  and  the  Traders.  August  the 

1  Kawita,   a   Lower  Creek  town  on  the  Chattahoochee  River 
in  Russell  County,  Alabama. 

2  Kashita,  a  Lower  Creek  town  on  the  Chattahoochee  River, 
two  or  three  miles  below  Kawita. 


TRAVELS  IN  THE  AMERICAN  COLONIES 

2$th.  The  General  set  out  from  the  Indian  Nations  on  his 
Way  home.  Septr.  I2th.  The  General  arrived  at  ffort 
Augusta,1  the  Fort  saluted  the  General  with  nine  Guns,  the 
General  staid  at  the  Captn  of  the  Forts  House.  Septr.  6th. 
Several  of  the  Cherokee  Indians  came  to  the  General  who 
Received  them  with  all  Tenderness.  Septr.  8th.  The 
General  went  to  the  Carolina  Fort  which  saluted  him  with 
15  Guns,  at  Night  came  down  the  Cherokee  Indians  and 
Saluted  the  Fort  which  Returned  them  9  Guns.  Septr.  loth. 
The  Cherokee's  came  to  settle  a  Peace  with  the  General. 
Septr.  the  i$th.  This  day  arrived  advices  to  the  General 
of  a  Declaration  of  War  with  Spain,  at  noon  the  General 
gave  the  Cherokee  Indians  their  Presents  they  took  their 
leave  of  him  and  returned  very  well  Satisfied.  Septr.  idth. 
The  General  set  out  from  Fort  Augusta  and  about  Seven  or 
Eight  Miles  from  thence  we  stoped  at  a  Fort  belonging  to 
Carolina  which  saluted  the  General  with  15  Guns,  the 
General  staid  and  Dined  there,  this  Fort  is  situate  on  a  Hill 
and  Commands  two  rivers ;  near  the  Fort  are  about  one 
hundred  Houses.2  Septr.  ifth.  We  set  out  from  this  Fort 
and  as  we  were  going  down  the  River  we  met  a  Trading  Boat 
going  to  Fort  Augusta,  the  People  on  board  her  told  us  the 
Negroes  in  Carolina  had  raised  up  in  Arms  and  killed  about 
forty  White  People.  We  went  to  the  Uchee  Town  and 
from  thence  to  Fort  Prince  George  3  where  we  found  thirty 
men  come  from  Purysburg  4  to  Strengthen  the  Fort.  Septr. 
2Oth.  A  Negroe  came  to  the  General  and  told  him  that  what 
was  said  of  the  Negroes  Rising  in  Carolinia  was  True  and  that 
they  had  marched  to  Stono  Bridge  where  they  had  Murthered 
two  Storekeepers  Cut  their  Heads  off  and  Set  them  on  the 
Stairs  Robbed  the  stores  of  what  they  wanted  and  went  on 

1  Fort  Augusta  was  on  the  site  of  the  present  city  of  Augusta, 
Georgia,  and  was  at  this  time  primarily  an  Indian  trading  post. 

2  This  was  Fort  Moore,  on  the  east  bank  of  the  Savannah,  six 
miles  below  Fort  Augusta. 

3  Palachocolas  Fort,  about  sixty-four  miles  above  Savannah. 

4  A    Swiss    settlement    in    South    Carolina,    twenty-two    miles 
above  Savannah. 


A  RANGER  WITH  OGLETHORPE 

killing  what  Men,  Women  and  Children  they  met,  Burning 
of  Houses  and  Committing  other  Outrages,  and  that  One 
hundred  Planters  who  had  assembled  themselves  together 
pursued  them  and  found  them  in  an  open  Field  where  they 
were  Dancing  being  most  of  them  drunk  with  the  Liquors 
they  found  in  the  Stores,  As  soon  as  they  saw  their  Masters 
they  all  made  off  as  fast  as  they  Could  to  a  Thicket  of  Woods 
excepting  One  Negroe  fellow  who  came  up  to  his  Master  his 
Master  asked  him  if  he  wanted  to  kill  him  the  Negroe 
answered  he  did  at  the  same  time  Snapping  a  Pistoll  at  him 
but  it  mist  fire  and  his  Master  shot  him  thro'  the  Head  about 
fifty  of  these  Villains  attempted  to  go  home  but  were  taken 
by  the  Planters  who  Cutt  off  their  heads  and  set  them  up  at 
every  Mile  Post  they  came  to.1  Septr.  2$d.  The  General 
set  out  for  Savannah  and  arrived  the  24-th.  Octor.  jth. 
Tomo  Cha  Chi  Mico  or  King  of  Yamacrau  died  greatly 
Lamented  by  all  his  People.2  Octor.  6th.  He  was  buried  in 
the  Square  facing  the  Church  at  Savannah.  Novr.  $th.  The 
General  set  out  for  Frederica  and  arrived  the  8th.  Thus 
ended  our  Profitable  Voyage  to  the  Indian  Nations  which 
has  been  attended  with  the  Success  desired,  the  Friendly 
Indians  annoying  the  Spaniards  very  much  taking  them 
Prisoners  under  the  very  Walls  of  the  Castle  of  St.  Augustine 
and  Especially  At  the  late  Invasion  when  the  Spaniards 
advanced  within  a  Mile  of  Frederica  where  they  signalized 
their  Bravery  and  the  Love  they  bore  to  the  English  even 
facing  Danger  itself  by  taking  and  killing  every  Spaniard 
they  Came  near,  besides  many  other  Fatigues  and  Dangers 
they  underwent  which  will  appear  in  the  Sequel  of  this 
Story. 
After  our  arrival  at  Frederica3  on  the  iflh  of  November 

1  This  was  the  Stono  Slave  Insurrection  in  which  about  sixty 
lives  were  lost. 

2  Tomo-chi-chi    was    chief   of   the    Yamacraw    Indians    whose 
habitat  was  on  the  banks  of  the  Savannah  in  the  vicinity  of 
Savannah. 

3  Frederica  was  a  fortified  settlement  on  Saint  Simon's  Island 
at  the  mouth  of  the  Altamaha.     It  was  founded  by  Oglethorpe 
in  1736  as  a  bulwark  against  the  Spaniards. 

223 


TRAVELS  IN  THE  AMERICAN  COLONIES 

advices  came  to  the  General  that  the  Spaniards  had  been 
upon  the  Island  of  Amelia  and  had  killed  two  of  the  Trustees' l 
Servts  and  Cut  of  their  Heads,  but  was  so  terrified  for  fear  of 
the  English  coming  upon  them  that  they  Ran  away  leaving 
a  Hatchet  and  Knife  behind  them.  Novr.  ijth.  His  Excel 
lency  General  Oglethorpe  being  designed  for  the  Island  of 
Amelia  ordered  me  to  attend  him  which  I  accordingly  did. 
We  arrived  at  Amelia  about  Eleven  at  Night.  Early  next 
morning  the  General  gave  orders  to  surround  the  Island  by 
Water  and  he  himself  would  march  through  the  Body  of  the 
Island  with  the  Men  divided  into  Small  parties  wch  He 
accordingly  did  and  Continued  so  doing  till  Night  but  could 
discover  nothing  but  their  Tracts  and  one  of  their  War 
Sticks  which  they  had  droped  in  Haste.  About  Ten  at 
Night  the  General  set  out  for  Frederica  and  having  a  fine 
Gale  of  Wind  arrived  at  Six  next  Morning  Novr.  2jd  Hela- 
spelle  and  Tooanahowi  (Nephew  to  Tomo  Cha  Chi  afore 
mentioned)  with  Several  other  Indians  Set  out  for  St. 
Augustine  vowing  to  have  Revenge  for  the  two  Men  killed 
on  Amelia.  Novr.  2jih.  The  Spaniards  came  a  Second  time 
on  the  Island  of  Amelia  and  fired  at  the  very  Centinels,  the 
Friendly  Indians  were  then  there,  but  they  were  so  Numer 
ous  the  Indians  Durst  not  attack  them. 

December  the  jd.  His  Excellcy  General  Oglethorpe  set 
out  for  the  Spanish  Look  out  to  observe  the  motions  of  the 
Spaniards  and  see  what  preparations  they  were  making, 
taking  a  body  of  two  hundred  men  with  him ;  but  they  dis 
covered  us  before  they  could  Land  and  fled  to  Augustine 
leaving  us  the  House  built  for  a  Look  out.  We  marched 
along  the  Beach  and  came  within  25  Miles  of  the  Town  of 
St.  Augustine,  where  we  discovered  a  Party  of  Don  Pedro's  2 
Horse  with  some  Indians  and  Negroes  but  as  soon  as  they 
saw  us  they  made  the  Utmost  speed  to  the  Town  of  St. 
Augustine  and  our  Indians  pursued  them  till  they  came  to 

1  Georgia  was  founded  as  a  proprietary  province,  and  its  pro 
prietors  constituted  a  board  of  trustees. 

2  Don   Diego   Spinola,    who   was   commander   of   Fort   Diego, 
Florida. 

224 


A  RANGER  WITH  OGLETHORPE 

Diego  Fort,1  in  the  Pursuit  they  killed  one  Negroe  as  he  was 
going  into  Diego  Fort  and  brought  his  Scalp  to  the  Genl. 
Who  rewarded  them  very  well.  Afterwards  we  went  to 
Frederica  where  we  remained  till  the  first  January  [when] 
The  General  Set  out  with  a  Body  of  180  Men.  We  arrived  at 
Talbot  Island  Janry  $d  and  went  from  thence  to  St.  George's 2 
from  whence  we  saw  a  Sloop  off  of  the  Spanish  Look  out  on 
St.  Juan's  Beach,  the  General  endeavour'd  to  get  to  her  in  his 
Cutter  but  the  Wind  blew  so  fresh  it  obliged  us  to  return 
back.  The  General  went  to  the  Spanish  Look  out  and  Set 
me  and  two  more  on  shore  there  with  orders  to  make  a  Fire, 
that  the  Sloop  might  see  the  Mouth  of  the  River,  soon  after 
the  General  came  and  took  us  with  him  to  St.  Georges. 
Janry  $th.  The  Sloop  came  over  St.  Juans  Bar  and  An 
chored  in  the  River  and  the  Capt.  came  ashore  and  offered 
his  Service  to  the  General  to  assist  him  taking  the  two  Forts 
up  the  River  which  the  General  accepted  of.  Janry  the  6th. 
The  Sloop  and  Boats  came  to  sail  having  a  fair  Wind  and 
went  up  the  River  St.  Juan  about  four  in  the  afternoon 
we  Landed  on  a  Point  of  Land  distant  about  five  Miles  from 
the  Fort  San  Francisco  de  Pupo.3  The  Indians  went  out  on 
discovery  but  could  see  nobody  so  we  set  forward  again  and 
Came  to  an  Anchor  close  under  a  Point  of  Land  near  the 
two  Forts,  here  we  landed  the  Indians  on  the  south  side  of 
the  River  to  way  lay  the  Path  to  St.  Augustine  and  to  bring 
Intelligence  of  what  Discoveries  they  should  make,  here  we 
lay  all  night.  Early  next  morning  the  General  went  in  his 
Boat  to  See  if  he  could  meet  with  any  of  our  Indians  he  soon 
met  with  one  of  them  who  told  him  all  was  Quiet  and  that 
we  were  not  discovered  and  that  his  Comrades  had  way 

1  Fort  Diego  was  on  a  rise  of  ground  known  as  Diego  Plains, 
about  five  miles  from  the  east  bank  of  the  St.  Johns  River  and 
twenty-five  miles  west  by  north  of  St.  Augustine. 

2  This  was  Fort  St.  George  which  Oglethorpe  had  built  at  the 
mouth  of  the  St.  Johns.     Opposite  it  was  the  Spanish  outpost, 
or  look-out  of  St.  John. 

3  Fort  San  Francisco  de  Pupo,  or  St.  Francis,  was  on  the  west 
bank  of  the  St.  Johns  River,  about  eighteen  miles  west  by  north 
of  St.  Augustine. 

225 


TRAVELS  IN  THE  AMERICAN  COLONIES 

layed  the  Path  to  St.  Augustine,  hereupon  the  General  re 
turned  to  the  Sloop  and  Boats  and  ordered  them  to  weigh 
their  Anchors  and  stand  for  the  Forts  which  they  did  and  on 
our  way  we  met  some  of  our  Indians  in  a  Canoe  who  told 
us  the  Spaniards  at  Picolato  Fort 1  had  discovered  us  and 
were  fled  and  our  Indians  had  set  fire  to  their  Fort.  The 
Spaniards  at  San  Francisco  de  Pupo  seeing  some  of  our 
Indians  took  them  for  Spanish  Indians  and  man'd  a  Launch 
in  order  to  Fetch  them  over  and  when  they  had  got  about 
half  way  over  the  River  they  discovered  our  Boats  and  Re 
turned  for  their  Fort  in  greater  Hast  than  they  set  out. 
The  General  ordered  the  Men  and  Cannon  to  be  Landed 
under  Shelter  of  a  Point  of  Woods  wch  was  within  a  Mile  of 
the  Fort.  As  Soon  as  we  had  Landed  we  marched  in  the 
Woods  till  we  Came  within  Musquet  Shot  of  the  Fort  where 
we  raised  a  Battery  for  our  Cannon  in  the  mean  time  keeping 
them  employed  with  our  Small  Arms,  the  firing  Continued 
very  hot  on  both  sides  'till  such  time  we  had  finished  our 
Battery  from  Which  we  began  to  play  upon  the  Fort,  the 
Fire  from  the  Fort  seeming  to  abate  the  General  sent  a 
Drum  to  Summon  them  to  Surrender  the  Fort  to  the  English 
which  [if  they  did  they  should  have  good  Quarters,  their 
Answer  was  "take  us  if  you  can."  Whereupon  our  Cannon 
began  to  Play  a  second  time  upon  the  Fort  very  briskly  and 
every  Shot  taking  Place  soon  obliged  them  to  alter  their 
Tone  and  Cry  for  Quarters,  which  upon  their  surrendering 
up  the  Fort  was  imediately  granted.  In  this  Fort  was  one 
Serjt.  and  a  Command  of  Ten  men  with  one  Indian,  7  Peices 
of  Cannon  Ammunition  Provision  and  several  other  Stores. 
Janry  the  8th.  The  General  gave  orders  for  repairing  this 
Fort  raising  Parapets  and  Pallisading  it  all  Round,  We  also 
mounted  three  more  Cannon  besides  the  Seven  Peices  which 
were  in  the  Fort  before,  also  leaving  a  Detachment  of  50 
Men  with  Ammunition  and  Provision.  Janry  pth.  The 
General  ordered  a  Detachment  of  30  Men  of  the  Regiment 
and  a  Party  of  Indians  to  go  on  the  other  side  of  the  River  and 

1  Fort  Picolata  was  on  the  east  bank  of  the  St.  Johns,  a  little 
below  Fort  San  Francisco  de  Pupo. 

226 


A  RANGER  WITH  OGLETHORPE 

see  if  they  could  discover  any  Spaniards,  they  accordingly 
went  and  Discovered  a  Party  of  Spanish  horse  being  about 
20  or  30  in  Number  who  as  soon  as  they  saw  the  English 
approach  fled.  Our  Indians  pursued  but  could  not  come  up 
with  any  of  them.  Janry  nth.  The  General  set  out  for  St. 
Simons  Island  and  on  his  Passage  rec[eiv]ed  advice  that  his 
Majesty's  Ship  the  Flamborough  was  arrived  in  Jekyll 
Sound  and  that  seven  more  ships  of  War  were  on  their  Pas 
sage  to  assist  at  the  Siege  of  St.  Augustine.  Janry  the  ijth. 
The  General  arrived  at  St.  Simons  and  the  iQth  got  to  Fred- 
erica.  January  the  28th.  Came  a  Boat  from  San  Francisco 
de  Pupo  with  advice  that  the  Detachment  of  the  Regiment 
had  taken  three  Spaniards  with  Letters  from  St.  Mark's  to 
St.  Augustine. 

May  the  jd.  The  General  set  out  for  the  siege  of  St.  Augus 
tine  with  a  Body  of  600  Men  also  giving  me  orders  to  attend 
him.  We  [had]  also  150  Indians  of  Different  Nations  the 
Main  Body  of  them  being  to  follow  us  as  Soon  as  possible 
with  provisions  and  other  Stores.  May  the  8th.  At  night  we 
landed  at  the  Spanish  Look-out  on  the  Florida  side  of  St. 
Juan's  River  [and]  here  we  lay  very  quiet  'till  about  four  o'  th' 
Clock  the  next  morning,  then  we  sent  out  a  party  of  about 
50  Indians  on  the  Scout  who  returned  at  night  with  a  Spanish 
Negroe  who  they  had  taken  Prisoner  they  also  pursued  six 
other  Spaniards  as  far  as  the  Fort  from  which  the  Spaniards 
fired  several  Cannon  shot  at  them  but  did  no  Execution, 
this  day  arrived  two  sloops  and  four  Schooners  from  Charles- 
town  with  provisions  and  men  for  the  Siege.  May  the  loth. 
The  men  being  landed  we  proceeded  in  order  To  attack  a 
Fort  about  twenty  three  Miles  distance  from  St.  Augustine. 
May  the  nth.  We  came  within  shot  of  the  Fort  Diego  which 
began  to  fire  at  us  but  did  us  no  hurt.  May  1 2th.  We  attacked 
the  Fort  wth  a  very  hot  Fire  on  the  South  side  they  also  Con 
tinued  a  brisk  fire  of  their  Cannon  at  us,  about  12  o'  th' 
Clock  we  summoned  the  Garrison  to  Surrender  the  Fort  and 
they  should  have  good  Quarters  to  which  they  Consented 
and  Delivered  the  Fort  up  in  which  we  found  13  Peices  of 
Cannon  with  Small  Arms  Ammunition  and  Provisions  also  a 

227 


TRAVELS  IN  THE  AMERICAN  COLONIES 

Garrison  of  48  Men  likewise  Horses  and  abundance  of  Cattle 
which  we  drove  up  and  killed  for  the  Use  of  the  Army. 
The  Indians  also  took  one  of  Don  Pedro's  Horsemen  who 
was  going  Express  to  St.  Augustine.  The  English  and 
Indians  so  harrassed  the  Spaniards  that  they  were  afraid  to 
appear  without  the  Walls  of  St.  Augustine.  May  the  ijth. 
We  marcht  to  St.  Juan's  River  where  we  found  Colonel 
Vanderdusen 1  and  part  of  the  Carolina  Regiment  also 
Lieutt.  Colonel  Cook  from  St.  Simons.  May  the  i8th.  The 
General  came  from  Diego  he  had  marcht  within  two  Miles 
of  St.  Augustine  where  were  a  party  of  Spaniards  being  about 
400  Men  and  a  Troop  of  Horse  drawn  up  in  a  Line  Just  before 
the  Town  but  when  they  discovered  the  English  they  ifhedi- 
ately  fled  into  the  Town  leaving  several  Horses  which  we 
took.  June  the  $th.  The  General  went  with  a  Body  of  800 
Men  along  the  Sea  Beach  to  See  if  the  Spaniards  would 
venture  out  and  hazard  a  Battle.  He  marched  as  far  as 
Moosa  a  Small  Fort  about  2^Mile  Distant  from  St.  Augustine 
and  found  it  Deserted  by  the  Spaniards  who  on  their  dis 
covering  our  Troops  fled  to  St.  Augustine.  We  displayed 
Six  Stand  of  English  Colours  on  the  Ramparts  to  try  if  we 
could  Provoke  the  Spaniards  to  come  out  and  give  us  Battle 
but  all  would  not  do,  so  we  set  Fire  to  the  Fort  and  returned 
to  Diego,  struck  the  Tents  and  put  them  on  board  the  Vessels 
in  order  to  go  to  St.  Augustine  Barr.  June  the  nth.  Came 
up  with  the  Men  of  War  who  lay  off  The  Barr  of  St.  Augus 
tine  to  assist  at  the  Siege.  June  the  I2th.  The  General  landed 
on  the  Island  of  St.  Eustatia  over  against  the  Castle  of  St. 
Augustine  [and]  the  Captains  of  the  Men  of  War  landed  400 
Men  at  the  same  time,  a  Party  of  our  Indians  came  up  with 
a  party  of  Spanish  Horsemen  and  killed  four.  June  ijth. 
Capt.  Warren  went  on  board  a  Large  Schooner  to  go  over 
Augustine  Barr  and  ordered  the  Faulcon  Sloop  and  another 
Sloop  to  follow  him,  when  they  came  to  the  Bar  there  was 
not  Water  Enough  for  the  Schooner  to  go  over  so  he  was 

1  Alexander  Vander  Dussen,  colonel  of  the  regiment  which 
South  Carolina  had  sent  to  assist  Oglethorpe  in  his  operations 
against  St.  Augustine. 

228 


A  RANGER  WITH  OGLETHORPE 

obliged  to  stay  till  next  morning  but  the  Faulcon  Sloop  got 
in  over  the  Bar  that  night,  the  same  day  we  took  a  Fort 
near  the  Castle  and  hoised  our  Colours  there.  June  i^th. 
The  Schooner  got  over  the  Bar  and  anchored  under  the  side 
of  a  Hill  within  a  mile  of  the  Castle  from  whence  they  fired 
very  smartly  at  us  but  none  of  their  Balls  took  Place,  the 
next  day  I  went  on  shore  on  the  Island  of  St.  Eustatia  where 
I  was  taken  sick  and  Continued  so  during  the  whole  time  of 
the  Siege  afterwards,  and  at  the  breaking  up  of  the  Siege 
was  sent  sick  to  Frederica.  Thus  far  and  to  this  time  I  was 
Constantly  with  his  Excellency  General  Oglethorpe,  being 
in  most  or  all  the  Places  of  Action  'till  the  day  of  my  being 
taken  Sick. 

August  1 5th,  1^41.  General  Oglethorpe  preparing  to  Cruize 
on  the  Spanish  Privateers  that  sculk'd  along  shore  from 
Saint  Augustine  ordered  me  to  attend  him.  He  set  out 
on  board  the  St.  Philip  Guard  Sloop,  the  Schooner  Nor 
folk  and  Sloop  Faulcon  in  Company  and  about  200  Men  on 
board.  August  the  ijth.  We  went  over  St.  Simons  Bar 
and  the  igth  parted  Company  with  the  Sloop  Falcon  she 
having  sprung  her  Boltsprit.  August  the  2ist.  We  dis 
covered  two  Vessels  at  Anchor  off  the  Bar  of  St.  Augustine  it 
being  quite  Calm  we  got  out  our  Boat  And  towed  towards 
them  and  the  Wind  freshning  We  came  up  with  them  apace 
and  soon  perceived  that  one  was  the  Spanish  Privateer  Sloop 
of  Saint  Augustine  and  the  other  an  English  Ship  that  was 
her  prize.  We  concluded  to  let  the  St.  Philip  sloop  bear 
down  upon  the  Spanish  Privateer  give  her  a  Broadside  and 
board  her  and  that  the  Schooner  Norfolk  should  do  the  like  ; 
as  soon  as  we  came  pretty  well  towards  them  the  Spanish 
Sloop  gave  us  a  broadside  which  we  returned  and  the 
Schooner  did  the  like,  as  to  the  Ship  she  had  a  Launch  full  of 
Men  ahead  towing  her  over  the  Bar,  and  the  Sloop  after 
two  or  three  broadsides  slipt  her  Cable  and  ran  over  the  Bar 
after  the  Ship,  our  Sloop  during  the  Action  having  got  pretty 
well  in  with  the  Bar,  the  Water  was  So  Shallow  we  was 
obliged  to  wear  her  for  fear  of  getting  amongst  the  Breakers 
which  broke  very  high,  giving  the  Spanish  Sloop  several 

229 


TRAVELS  IN  THE  AMERICAN  COLONIES 

broadsides  as  we  went  and  a  Volley  of  Small  Arms.  Several 
Spanish  Galleys  which  lay  within  the  Bar  fired  very  hotly 
at  us  but  they  were  so  far  within  the  Harbour  their  Shot  all 
fell  short  of  us,  night  coming  on  we  stood  to  the  southward 
but  it  falling  Calm  we  came  to  an  Anchor  and  in  the  Morn 
ing  went  off  the  Bar  again  and  lay  too  for  the  Spanish  Sloop 
and  Galleys  to  come  out  but  they  chose  to  lay  snugg  in  their 
Harbour  rather  than  run  the  Hazard  of  a  Battle.  We  then 
tackt  and  stood  for  the  Matanzas  Bar  but  could  discover 
nothing  there  So  Stood  to  the  Northward.  Augt.  24th.  The 
Schooner  Norfolk  sprung  her  Mainmast  and  we  sent  our 
Carpenter  on  board  her  and  by  120'  th7  Clock  made  her  fit 
for  sailing.  Augt.  25th.  We  made  St.  Simons  Bar  and  having 
a  fair  wind  got  in  at  night  and  the  General  went  to  Frederica. 
December  i^th  1741.  His  Excellency  General  Oglethorpe 
preparing  for  another  Cruize  on  the  Spaniards  I  also  was 
ordered  with  him,  he  set  out  on  board  the  Guard  Schooner 
Walker  having  130  Men  on  board  and  the  Guard  Sloop  St. 
Philips  having  the  like  number  of  Men  on  board,  the  same 
time  set  out  a  party  of  the  Couettau  Indians  (being  40  in 
Number)  to  war  against  the  Spaniards.  This  Cruize  we  not 
only  thought  of  annoying  the  Spanish  Privateers  but  also  to 
destroy  a  new  Fort  they  were  building  at  the  Matanzas. 
Deer.  i$th.  We  went  over  the  Bar  of  St.  Simons  and  stood 
to  the  Southward.  Deer.  i6th.  The  Guard  Schooner  sprung 
her  Main  mast  which  obliged  us  to  put  into  St.  Simons,  the 
General  went  on  board  the  Guard  sloop  St.  Phillip  and  said  he 
would  go  to  the  Matanzas  Ordering  the  Captain  of  the 
Schooner  to  make  what  Dispatch  he  could  after  him. 
Deer.  ipth.  The  Schooner  being  refitted  we  saild  over  the 
Bar  of  St.  Simons  and  the  2Oth  about  noon  having  a  fine 
Breeze  of  Wind  came  off  of  the  Bar  of  St.  Augustine  and  had 
sight  of  the  Castle  which  fired  two  Guns  and  we  answered 
them  with  two  false  fires.  We  saw  several  vessels  in  the 
Harbour  and  two  half  Galleys  seemed  to  stand  for  us  but 
did  not  dare  venture  too  far  not  even  so  far  as  the  Bar.  So 
we  stood  for  the  Bar  of  the  Matanzas  hoping  to  meet  with 
the  Guard  Sloop  St.  Phillip  but  could  see  nothing  of  her,  in  the 

230 


A  RANGER  WITH  OGLETHORPE 

night  we  stood  to  the  Northward  as  farr  as  St.  Juan's  River 
when  the  Wind  began  to  freshen  and  blew  so  hard  it  obliged 
us  to  stand  for  the  Offing  and  keep  as  much  to  Seaward  as 
we  could.  The  Wind  Still  continued  to  Freshen  'till  at  last 
it  blew  a  meer  storm.  We  having  two  six  pounders  in  the 
head  of  the  Schooner  and  she  being  something  by  the  Head 
before,  it  caused  her  to  pitch  very  much  being  Sometimes 
under  water  and  strained  her  very  hard  which  obliged  us  to 
throw  the  two  Six  pounders  overboard.  At  Midnight  the 
storm  encreased  to  such  a  Degree  that  she  would  not  lye  too, 
when  a  Sea  came  in  to  Windward  upon  her  Deck  in  such  a 
manner  that  she  taking  a  Lee  roll  having  her  Guns  to  Lee 
ward  laid  her  under  Water  as  far  as  the  Combings  of  her 
Hatchway  and  had  not  the  men  been  very  Brisk  in  heaving 
the  Leeward  Guns  overboard  I  beleive  we  should  never  have 
nghted  her,  our  Boltsprit  being  gone  by  the  Board,  our 
Mainsail  split  and  foresail  all  gone  to  peices  also  the  fore 
Shrouds,  but  after  the  Guns  Chests  etca.  were  over  board  the 
Vessell  righted  to  the  unspeakable  Joy  of  every  one  on  board. 
It  is  most  Certain  we  could  not  have  Remained  in  the  Posture 
we  were  without  the  Vessels  sinking  very  soon,  she  leaking 
very  much  and  the  Pumps  both  stopped  with  Sand  with 
which  she  was  Ballast,  here  we  lay  at  the  Mercy  of  the 
Wind  and  Sea  till  the  2$d  at  night,  our  Anchor  which  was  1 
threw  overboard  (after  our  Boltsprit  was  Carried  away) 
brought  us  up  and  we  reckoned  ourselves  on  Cape  Canoveral 
shoals  about  two  o'  th'  Clock  in  the  Morning  we  stood  for 
the  offing.  The  26th  We  had  an  Observation  and  found  our 
selves  36  Miles  to  the  Southward  of  St.  Simons  Bar.  Deer. 
28th.  We  saw  a  Sail  to  the  So[uth]ward  of  us  there  being  little 
wind  we  came  to  Sail  and  sent  our  Boat  ahead  to  discover 
what  she  was,  they  found  her  to  be  a  New  York  Sloop  bound 
for  Frederica,  the  Wind  springing  up  in  the  Evening  We  and 
the  New  York  Sloop  went  into  Jekyll  Sound.  Deer.  2$th. 
The  Guard  Sloop  St.  Philip  arrived  having  the  General  on 
board  and  a  ship  from  Bristol  in  Company  which  they  found 

1  We. 

231 


TRAVELS  IN  THE  AMERICAN   COLONIES 

in  Distress  at  Sea  and  after  having  releived  her  Convoyed 
her  into  this  Port  to  the  great  Joy  of  everybody  on  board  her 
who  expected  every  Moment  to  be  lost  or  to  fall  into  the 
Hands  of  the  Enemy. 

May  the  2pth,  1742.  Came  Intelligence  to  his  Excellency 
General  Oglethorpe  from  the  Rangers  Camp  at  the  White 
Post  on  the  Main,  that  Lieutt  Scroggs  had  discovered  some 
Spanish  Indians.  Whereupon  the  General  ordered  me  over 
(with  two  Horses  to  assist)  that  if  Possible  we  could  come 
up  with  any  of  them  and  take  them.  We  accordingly  went 
out  and  one  of  our  men  discovered  a  Spanish  Indian  sitting 
upon  a  Stump  whereupon  he  fired  at  him  and  wounded  him 
but  the  Indian  made  his  Escape  from  him.  We  continued 
Scouting  about  for  him  Several  days  but  could  discover  none 
of  them,  we  found  several  of  the  places  where  they  had 
Camped,  and  where  they  had  pulled  the  Palmettoes  up  by 
the  Roots  to  eat,  but  they  finding  themselves  discovered  had 
taken  the  Rout  to  St.  Augustine  without  being  able  to  Carry 
any  prisoners  or  Intelligence. 

June  22d,  1742.  Intelligence  came  to  his  Excellency  Gen 
eral  Oglethorpe  that  several  Sail  of  Spanish  Vessels  were 
seen  off  Fort  William  1  and  Cumberland  the  former  of  which 
Places  they  had  attempted  but  were  repulsed  by  the  Guard 
Schooner  Walker,  The  General  imediately  upon  receiving 
these  advices  mounted  his  Horse  and  rode  to  St.  Simons. 
June  24th.  The  Spanish  Galleys  being  off  of  Cumberland 
Island  The  General  went  on  board  his  Cutter  taking  me  with 
him  and  ordered  me  to  take  my  Bridle  Saddle  etca.  with  me, 
we  went  to  the  South  End  of  Jekyll  Island  the  General 
ordered  a  Detachment  of  the  Regiment  to  go  on  board  one 
of  the  Scout  boats  and  follow  him,  there  was  another  Scout 
Boat  having  a  Detachment  of  the  Regiment  on  board  in 
Company.  We  were  in  all  three  Boats,  the  Genl.  stood  over 
the  sound  for  Cumberland,  when  the  Spanish  Fleet  (being 
13  Sail)  saw  our  three  Boats  going  across  the  Sound,  they 

1  Fort  William  was  at  the  south  end  of  Cumberland  Island,  where 
it  commanded  the  entrance  to  St.  Marys  River. 

232 


A  RANGER  WITH  OGLETHORPE 

stood  for  us  and  having  the  Wind  and  a  strong  Tide  with 
them  soon  came  so  near  us  that  a  Smart  Engagement  ensued, 
We  fired  very  hotly  at  them  and  they  at  us.  The  Scout 
Boat  where  Lieutent  Sterling  and  Ens[ig]n  Chamberlain  was 
kept  up  with  us  and  fired  very  hotly  at  the  Spaniards.  The 
other  Scout  Boat  with  Lieutt.  Tolson  on  board  and  a  Detach 
ment  of  the  Regiment  went  off  and  made  her  Escape  up  the 
River  in  the  Main.  The  General  and  the  other  Boats 
fought  Their  way  through  the  Spaniards  and  got  to  St. 
Andrews  1  from  whence  he  drew  off  the  Garrison  Stores  etca. 
and  reinforced  Fort  William.  June  the  2$th.  The  General 
went  on  board  the  Guard  Schooner  Walker  and  returned  to 
St.  Simons  to  the  great  Joy  of  all  the  People  who  imagined 
he  was  Cut  off.  I  continued  here  with  the  other  Rangers 
Scouting  along  St.  Simons  beach  watching  the  Motions  of  the 
Spaniards,  when  I  and  two  of  Captain  Jones's  Rangers  had 
orders  to  Swim  over  the  fourth  Creek  and  make  a  Fire  at  the 
fifth  Creek  (in  attempting  which  one  Burns  had  been 
drowned  two  Days  before)  We  accordingly  striped  ourselves 
leaving  our  Horses  with  the  Party  of  Rangers  who  were  to 
secure  our  Retreat.  We  swam  over  the  fourth  Creek  taking 
our  Arms  with  us  and  made  a  Fire  at  the  fifth  Creek  accord 
ing  to  our  orders  and  returned,  the  Spanish  Fleet  lying  then 
close  under  the  Shore  and  the  place  where  we  made  the  Fire 
being  within  Shot  of  them.  July  the  $th.  The  Spanish  fleet 
having  a  Fair  and  fresh  Gale  of  Wind  with  a  strong  Tide  of 
Flood  under  foot  came  into  the  Harbour,  as  they  came  in  one 
after  another  I  sat  on  my  horse  up  to  the  Saddle  in  Water 
and  kept  loading  and  firing  my  Peice  at  them,  when  I  was 
ordered  with  another  Ranger  having  some  Indians  with  us 
to  go  into  the  wood  right  agst  where  the  Spanish  Fleet  came 
to  an  Anchor  and  Shew  ourselves  and  bring  an  Account  if 
they  Attempted  to  Land.  As  soon  as  they  discovered  us 
the  Galleys  fired  several  of  their  nine  pounders  at  us.  I  con 
tinued  going  to  and  fro  along  the  Beach  observing  their 
Motions  till  Eleven  o'  th'  Clock  at  night,  then  I  was  ordered 

1  Fort   St.   Andrews,   on   the   northeast   coast  of   Cumberland 
Island. 

233 


TRAVELS  IN  THE  AMERICAN  COLONIES 

to  follow  the  General  up  to  the  Battery  where  his  Excellency 
and  Captain  Carr  stood  'till  the  Great  Guns  and  Mortars 
were  Naild  or  Burst.  The  Regiment  having  marcht  to 
Frederica  to  Secure  that  place  the  Spanish  Fleet  being  at  the 
Mouth  of  that  River  and  Seem'd  as  if  they  designed  to  attack 
Frederica  by  Water.  About  12  o'  th'  Clock  the  General 
ordered  the  Union  Flag  which  was  at  the  Battery  to  be 
struck  I  having  the  honour  of  bringing  it  to  Frederica.  As 
I  was  coming  up  I  found  a  sick  man  upon  the  Road  whom  I 
took  upon  my  horse  and  brought  safe  to  Town.  July  the  'jih. 
Five  Rangers  were  ordered  out  upon  the  Scout  to  discover 
what  Motions  the  Enemy  were  making  and  bring  what  horses 
they  could  meet  with  to  Town,  and  William  Small,  Ranger 
of  Capt.  Jones's  Troop,  was  Shot  through  the  Leg  and  thigh 
and  his  horse  killed  under  him.  The  other  four  Returned 
with  this  Intelligence  to  the  General,  his  Excellency  imedi- 
ately  mounted  his  Horse  followed  by  the  Rangers  Highland 
Company  and  Indians,  his  timely  presence  and  Care  gave 
us  all  such  Courage  and  Activity  that  we  killed  Chased  and 
put  to  flight  this  Body  of  Spaniards  and  Yamasee  Indians. 
I  was  close  by  the  General  when  he  took  Salvador  Roman,  a 
Spanish  Grenadier,  Prisoner.  In  our  pursuit  Lieutt.  Robt. 
Scroggs  of  the  Troop  of  English  Rangers  took  Prisoner 
Captain  Sebastian  Sanchez  for  which  and  other  Services  he 
is  since  made  Captain  of  the  said  Troop.  We  pursued  the 
Spaniards  half  way  down  to  St.  Simons  where  we  were 
ordered  to  halt,  soon  after  came  up  to  our  Assistance  i 
Captain  2  Lieutenants  and  2  Ensigns  with  a  Detachment  of 
the  Regiment,  His  Excellency  posting  the  Detachment  of 
the  Regiment  on  one  side  of  the  Road  and  the  Highland 
Company  and  Rangers  on  the  other  side  with  a  Savannah 
or  Meadow  in  the  Front  of  them  that  they  might  be  ready 
to  give  the  Onset  to  the  Spaniards  if  they  should  attempt 
to  march  towards  Frederica  again. 

The  Spaniards  hearing  of  the  Fate  their  first  Party  met 
with  sent  out  another  of  300  Men  under  the  Command  of 
Don  Antonio  Barbara  Captain  of  a  Company  of  Grenadiers ; 
about  three  o'  th'  Clock  in  the  afternoon  the  Spaniards 

234 


A  RANGER  WITH  OGLETHORPE 

advanced  up  to  the  Place  where  we  were  Posted  and  some  of 
them  being  Come  within  our  Lines  a  Sharp  Fire  continued 
on  all  hands  and  betwixt  both  parties  for  some  time.  The 
Spaniards  fell  in  great  Numbers  amongst  which  was  Several 
Officers  and  also  that  Famous  Captain  of  Grenadiers ;  the 
Number  of  the  Spaniards  was  so  great  and  their  Fire  so 
brisk,  that  some  Platoons  of  ours  gave  way  and  were  Retiring 
in  Confusion  but  the  timely  presence  of  the  General  pre 
vented  their  Retiring  far.  He  imediately  ordered  them  to 
Rally,  riding  himself  up  to  the  Place  where  he  found  Lieutt 
Sutherland  and  Lieutt  Charles  Mackay  with  the  Highlanders 
and  Rangers  had  Entirely  defeated  the  Spaniards.  We  lost 
not  one  Man  in  the  two  Attacks  but  one  Mr.  Maclane 
a  Highland  Gentleman  who  running  very  hard  in  pursuit  of 
the  Enemy  spoiled  the  Circulation  of  his  Blood  and  died  Soon 
after  he  was  brought  to  Town.  The  Spaniards  after  this 
never  ventured  out  beyond  their  out  Centinels  who  were  also 
Fortified.  I  having  been  often  out  by  order  observing  their 
Motions  and  within  Musquet  shot  of  them,  The  Rangers  and 
Indians  were  always  so  near  them  that  nine  Spaniards  were 
shot  in  their  Camp  as  they  were  Eating.  July  i$th.  The 
Spaniards  in  great  Confusion  Quit  St.  Simons  and  go  on 
board  their  Vessels  and  some  go  to  Sea  and  Some  within 
Land  to  St.  Andrews.  The  General  followed  them  and 
Landed  a  Man  on  Cumberland  Island  with  a  Letter  for  the 
Commanding  Officer  at  Fort  William  in  sight  of  fourteen 
Sail  of  Vessels  belonging  to  the  Spanish  Fleet  who  lay  in  the 
Sound  at  the  Same  time.  The  man  got  Safe  to  Fort  William 
and  told  them  the  Spaniards  were  drove  off  of  St.  Simons 
Island  which  put  new  Life  as  it  were  into  the  People. 

The  General  having  received  advices  by  Captn  Gibson 
Commander  of  the  Beauford  Galley  that  there  was  ten  sail 
of  Spanish  Vessels  in  St.  Juans  River  [on]  July  the  i8th  he 
set  out  in  his  Cutter  for  the  said  River  to  Discover  what 
strength  they  were  of,  also  ordering  me  to  attend  him.  We 
arrived  in  St.  Juans  River  and  Landed  on  the  Florida  side, 
here  we  found  a  Camp  the  Enemy  had  made  and  Several 
huts  and  houses  of  Palmetto  also  two  Cedar  Crosses.  His 
Q  235 


TRAVELS  IN  THE  AMERICAN  COLONIES 

Excellency  dined  in  one  of  the  Houses  then  burnt  their  Camp 
and  Carried  the  Crosses  with  him  to  Fort  William.  July 
the  24th.  The  General  went  out  of  Amelia  Inlet  in  the 
Guard  Schooner  Walker  and  Joyned  Capt.  Francklyn  in  his 
Majestys  Ship  the  Rose  and  the  other  Men  of  War  and 
Vessells  fitted  out  by  Carolina  and  Georgia.  [As]  we  Cruized 
off  of  the  Bar  of  St.  Augustine  [and]  the  half  Galleys  appeared 
within  the  Bar,  Capt.  Hardy 1  had  orders  from  the  Comma- 
dore  to  attack  them  with  the  Small  Craft  but  not  to  go  over 
the  Bar.  With  him  the  General  went  in  one  of  his  own 
Scout  Boats  a  Voluntier.  I  also  went  in  the  Same  Boat. 
We  had  one  Man  killed  and  two  Wounded  and  the  Boats 
Boom  carried  away  by  one  of  their  nine  pounders.  Some 
of  the  Spanish  half  Galleys  were  disabled.  The  General 
was  very  desirous  to  go  over  the  Barr  but  Captain  Hardy 
had  positive  orders  to  the  Contrary,  and  night  Coming  on 
which  obliged  us  to  Return  to  the  Fleet.  The  next  day  the 
Fleet  sailed  for  the  Matanzas.  The  General  went  in  his  Boat 
to  sound  the  Bar,  in  order  to  destroy  a  new  Fort  the  Span 
iards  have  began  there  and  is  not  yet  finished.  The  Swell  was 
so  great  it  was  impossible  to  Land  them.  We  found  3^- 
fathom  Water  within  less  than  Cannon  Shot  of  the  Fort. 
We  returned  to  the  Fleet  hoping  they  would  have  Landed  as 
soon  as  the  swell  was  Fallen.  The  Sky  looked  very  wild  and 
seemed  to  threaten  a  hard  Gale  therefore  Capt.  Francklyn 
acquainted  the  General  it  was  necessary  to  go  off  the  Coast 
and  Disperse  the  Fleet  which  was  accordingly  Done,  Capt. 
Franklyn  and  the  Carolina  Fleet  going  to  Charles  Town, 
Capt.  Hardy  Continued  cruizeing,  Capt.  Hamar  conducted 
the  Genl.  and  Georgia  Craft  off  of  the  Bar  where  we  arrived 
the  4th  September. 

1  Charles  Hardy,  commander  of  the  South  Carolina  fleet. 


236 


JOURNAL  OF  ANTOINE   BONNEFOY,    1741-1742 


INTRODUCTION 

ANTOINE  BONNEFOY  seems  to  have  left  no  other  record 
of  himself  than  this  Journal,  and  interest  in  this  centers  in 
the  Cherokee  treatment  of  him  as  a  prisoner  and  in  his 
"Pierre  Albert"  who  was  instrumental  in  enabling  him  to 
escape.  Since  Colonel  Chicken's  visit  in  1726  the  English 
traders  from  Charleston  had  carried  to  the  Cherokees  the 
germs  of  smallpox,  which  in  1738  proved  fatal  to  nearly 
one  half  their  number.  They  complained  that  they  had 
been  poisoned,  and  some  of  their  towns  began  dealing  with 
the  French.  Oglethorpe  met  a  delegation  of  them  at 
Augusta  in  September,  1739,  on  his  return  from  the  Creek 
assembly  at  Kawita,  and  in  a  measure  healed  the  breach. 

The  French,  however,  were  no  less  active  than  the  Eng 
lish.  In  1736  they  engaged  Christian  Priber,  a  German 
Jesuit,  to  alienate  the  Cherokees  from  the  English.  Priber, 
a  man  of  culture  who  spoke  Latin,  French,  Spanish,  Ger 
man,  and  English,  took  up  his  residence  at  Tellico,  donned 
Cherokee  dress,  adopted  the  Cherokee  manner  of  living, 
learned  to  speak  their  language,  rendered  himself  generally 
useful,  and  won  confidence  and  esteem.  When  thus  strongly 
intrenched,  he  began  to  inspire  hatred  of  the  English  and 
love  of  the  French.  He  brought  about  the  coronation  of  a 
Cherokee  chief  as  king  of  the  "Cherokee  Confederacy," 
secured  for  himself  the  office  of  royal  secretary,  and  pro 
jected  the  establishment  of  an  unbridled  communistic 
society  at  Kashita,  in  the  Creek  country.  Learning  of  his 
activities,  the  authorities  of  South  Carolina  demanded  his 
surrender,  but  the  Cherokees  refused  to  give  him  up.  In 
1743,  however,  while  he  was  passing  through  the  Upper 
Creek  country  on  his  way  to  Mobile,  he  was  captured  by 
some  traders  and  taken  to  Frederica,  Georgia,  where  he  died 
after  a  brief  confinement  in  the  barracks.  Priber  was  none 

239 


TRAVELS  IN  THE  AMERICAN   COLONIES 

other  than  Bonnefoy's  "Pierre  Albert"  who  was  sorry  for 
the  French  prisoners,  who  spoke  English  and  French  "quite 
fluently,"  who  "wrote  German,  Latin,  English,  and  French 
with  equal  correctness,"  who  was  wanted  by  the  Governor 
of  Carolina,  and  for  whose  communistic  project  the  prisoners 
"agreed  to  feign  enthusiasm"  as  a  means  of  promoting  their 
plan  of  escape. 

A  manuscript  copy  of  Bonnefoy's  journal  (French)  is  in 
the  Archives  Nationales,  Paris  :  Colonies  F.  3  :  24,  ff.  361- 
371.  The  translation  which  is  here  printed  is  by  Dr.  J. 
Franklin  Jameson. 


240 


JOURNAL   OF   ANTOINE   BONNEFOY,    1741-1742 

Journal  of  Antoine  Bonnefoy,  containing  the  circumstances  of 
his  captivity  among  the  Cherokee  Indians,  from  his  depar 
ture  from  New  Orleans  in  August,  174.1,  in  ike  pirogue  of 
the  Sieur  Chauvin  dit  Joyeuse,  of  whom  he  was  an  engage, 
till  his  arrival  among  the  Allibamous. 

THE  convoy  destined  for  the  Illinois,  composed  of  three 
bateaux  and  .  .  .  pirogues,  of  the  year  1741,  was  com 
manded  by  the  Sieur  De  Villers,  officer.  The  enrolment, 
including  officers  and  traders,  of  this  convoy  was  of  28  men 
in  each  bateau  and  eight  or  nine  in  each  of  the  pirogues. 
This  convoy  set  out  from  New  Orleans  the  22d  of  August 
1741.  The  pirogue  in  which  I  was,  followed  the  convoy  till 
within  sight  of  the  River  Ouabache,1  where  we  arrived  the 
ifih  of  November,  at  evening,  and  passed  the  night  at  that 
place. 

On  the  i$th  the  convoy  set  out  again  as  usual  at  day 
break,  and  our  boat  went  in  its  usual  order  till  seven  o'clock, 
when  the  commander  caused  the  bateaux  to  cross  the  river 
and  signalled  to  follow  him.  The  Sieur  Marin,  voyageur, 
whose  pirogue  was  in  front  of  us,  asked  Legras  (the  Sieur 
Joyeuse  having  been  sent  from  the  Arkansas  to  the  Illinois 
by  land  had  given  the  command  of  this  boat  to  one  Legras) 
if  he  was  not  in  favor  of  continuing  on  our  course  without 
crossing  the  river.  Unwisely,  being  agreed,  we  continued 
on  our  route  in  company.  An  hour  after  having  left  the 
bateaux,  we  perceived  at  the  entrance  to  a  little  bayou,  a 

1  By  interchange  of  names,  the  Ouabache  (Wabash)  River 
appears  on  maps  of  this  period  as  a  tributary  of  the  Mississippi, 
namely  the  Ohio,  while  the  name  Ohio  River  is  given  to  its  tribu 
tary,  the  Wabash. 

241 


TRAVELS  IN  THE  AMERICAN  COLONIES 

quarter  of  a  league  from  the  mouth  of  the  Wabash,  a  num 
ber  of  pirogues  tied  to  the  shore.  We  examined  their 
appearance  and  took  them  for  Illinois  and  Missouris.  The 
savages  from  these  pirogues,  who  were  on  the  land  and  of 
whom  we  did  not  perceive  a  single  one,  had  disembarked 
20  fathoms  above  their  boats.  The  pirogue  of  the  Sieur 
Marin,  which  we  had  formerly  followed,  was  at  this  time 
behind  ours.  There  were  eight  men  of  us  in  each.  Under 
these  circumstances,  and  under  the  impression  that  the 
savages  were  Illinois  or  Missouris,  we  came  around  the 
bayou  and  the  boats,  up  to  the  place  of  ambush,  where  a 
first  discharge  of  muskets  from  the  savages  instantly  killed 
our  skipper  and  two  of  our  oarsmen,  and  wounded  two  men 
in  the  other  boat,  which,  being  behind,  had  time  to  make 
off  and  was  saved.  The  savages  directed  so  heavy  a  fire 
upon  our  boat  that  we  were  obliged  to  lie  down  flat,  to 
escape  certain  death.  Immediately  20  of  these  savages 
got  into  their  boats  to  hasten  after  the  pirogue  of  the  Sieur 
Marin,  who  escaped  from  them. 

A  moment  afterward,  these  same  pirogues  came  and  sur 
rounded  us,  The  shore  was  lined  with  the  other  savages, 
who  were  aiming  at  us.  The  surprise,  and  the  death  of  our 
skipper  and  of  two  of  our  oarsmen,  having  put  us  out  of 
condition  to  defend  ourselves,  we  surrendered  at  discretion, 
to  the  number  of  four  Frenchmen  and  one  negro,  and  were 
seized,  each  by  one  of  the  savages,  who  made  him  his  slave. 
Brought  to  the  land,  we  were  tied  separately,  each  with  a 
slave's  collar  around  the  neck  and  the  arms  merely,  with 
out  however  depriving  us  of  freedom  to  eat  and  to  pergailler 
when  in  the  sequel  we  were  ordered  to  do  so. 

This  action  took  place  in  sight  of  the  bateaux,  which  had 
become  distant  only  to  the  extent  of  the  breadth  of  the 
river.  The  commander  contented  himself  with  hoisting  his 
flag  on  his  bateau,  without  giving  us  any  aid.  We  however 
remained  all  day  in  the  same  place.  The  savages  who  had 
taken  possession  of  us  proved  to  be  Cherakis,1  instead  of 

1  Cherokees. 
242 


JOURNAL  OF  ANTOINE  BONNEFOY 

Chicachas  l  as  we  had  thought  at  the  time  of  the  firing. 
The  convoy  entertained  the  same  opinion,  following  the 
information  given  them  at  New  Orleans. 

When  we  had  been  bound  with  these  collars  the  savages, 
having  found  in  our  boat  what  had  been  intended  for  our 
breakfast,  brought  it  to  us  to  eat,  and  gave  us  to  understand 
by  signs  that  no  harm  should  come  to  us,  and  that  we 
should  be  even  as  themselves.  They  then  unloaded  our 
boat,  and  distributed  the  goods  equally  among  the  80  men 
of  the  party,  with  the  exception  of  the  iron  and  three  kegs 
of  rum,  which  they  left  in  the  boat,  having  filled  all  their 
kettles  and  even  three  barrels  in  which  the  powder  had 
been  —  after  having  divided  up  the  latter.  I  observed  that 
these  savages  were  careful  not  to  spoil  the  goods  they  could 
not  take  away.  They  passed  the  day  of  the  l$th  in  packing 
their  merchandise,  till  night,  when  they  embarked  in  22 
boats,  with  two,  three,  four,  or  five  men  in  each  according 
to  its  size.  My  companions  in  misfortune,  and  I,  followed 
our  masters,  bound  in  the  manner  I  have  described.  The 
party  took  up  its  course,  paddling  without  making  the  least 
noise,  along  the  River  Ouabache  2  till  six  o'clock  the  next 
morning,  then  rested  about  two  hours,  during  which  time 
they  broiled  some  meat  they  had  found  in  our  pirogue  when 
we  were  captured.  They  gave  us  (as  they  always  did)  a 
portion  equal  to  theirs,  after  which  they  resumed  their 
paddles,  and  gave  us  each  one,  after  having  made  us  each 
drink,  as  with  the  first  meal,  the  evening  before,  a  cup  of 
rum.  I  bathed  a  wound  I  had  received  in  the  knee,  from 
a  musket-shot  in  that  first  discharge ;  after  which  I  was  not 
further  troubled  by  it.  It  was  not  so  with  the  negro, 
whose  wounds  began  from  that  day  to  become  worse.  We 
embarked  again,  as  I  have  just  said,  and  continued  down 
the  Ouabache  3  to  the  River  of  the  Cherakis,4  which  leads 
up  to  the  village  of  those  savages  and  falls  into  the  former 
river  thirteen  leagues  from  its  junction  with  the  River  St. 


1  Chickasaws.  2  Up  the  Ohio. 

3  Up  the  Ohio  River.  4  Tennessee  River. 

243 


TRAVELS  IN  THE  AMERICAN  COLONIES 

Louis  or  Missipi.  When  evening  had  come  the  savages 
landed  at  the  mouth  of  the  river,  and  passed  the  night  there, 
and  made  stocks  to  keep  us  in  safety.  In  these  my  three 
comrades  were  set,  who  were  :  Joseph  Rivard,  son  of  the 
Sieur  Rivard  of  Bayou  St.  Jean,1  Pierre  Coussot,  son  of 
Coussot  the  pilot  at  the  Belaxy 2  in  1719,  Guillaume  Potier, 
half-breed,  son  of  Potier,  habitant  of  the  Illinois,  and 
Legras's  negro.  The  savage  to  whom  I  belonged  did  not 
wish  that  I  should  be  put  in  the  stocks.  The  next  day  we 
entered  into  their  river,  which  they  did  not  leave  till  the 
third  of  February,  marching  and  hunting  on  alternate  days, 
till  we  were  four  days  by  land  from  their  first  village. 

The  20th  of  December  my  savage  took  off  my  slave's 
collar.  Rivard  and  Potier  kept  theirs  a  fortnight,  and 
Coussot  a  month.  They  were  not  put  in  the  stocks  except 
the  first  four  days,  and  then  only  during  the  night.  At 
the  beginning  of  January  we  were  adopted  by  men  of  promi 
nence  in  the  party.  I  was  adopted  as  brother  by  a  savage 
who  bought  me  of  my  master,  which  he  did  by  promising 
him  a  quantity  of  merchandise,  and  giving  me  what  at  that 
time  I  needed,  such  as  bed-coverings,  shirts,  and  mittens, 
and  from  that  time  I  had  the  same  treatment  as  himself. 
My  companions  were  adopted  by  other  savages,  either  as 
nephews  or  as  cousins,  and  treated  in  the  same  manner  by 
their  liberators  and  all  their  families. 

The  same  day  on  which  my  collar  was  taken  off,  the 
negro,  whose  wounds  had  grown  worse,  was  set  at  liberty, 
and  the  head  man  of  the  party  told  him  to  return  to  the 
French,  but  not  knowing  where  to  go,  he  followed  the 
pirogues  for  two  days.  On  the  third,  which  was  the  2^rd 
of  December,  the  savages,  tired  of  seeing  him,  gave  him 
over  to  the  young  people,  who  killed  him  and  took  his  scalp. 

On  January  10  or  n  our  party  met  a  troop  of  savages, 
Chicachas.  They,  recognizing  each  other  as  friends,  nego 
tiated,  and  made  several  exchanges  of  merchandise  and 

1  A  trading  post  on  the  Bayou  Saint  John  at  the  south  side  of 
Lake  Pontchartrain.  2  Biloxi. 

244 


JOURNAL  OF  ANTOINE  BONNEFOY 

slaves,  smoked  together,  and  prepared  to  continue  on  their 
routes  as  we  had  begun.  In  the  course  of  this  river,  which 
I  estimate  as  450  leagues  from  the  Ouabache  to  the  first 
village  of  our  savages,  there  are  three  waterfalls.  The  first 
is  situated  about  half  way  up.  The  portage  is  about  one- 
quarter  of  a  league.  The  second  is  eight  days'  journey 
further  up.  The  portage  amounts  to  a  good  league.  At 
this  place  the  river  is  two  leagues  broad,  and  rolls  its  waters 
like  a  cascade,  a  league  long,  in  the  shape  of  a  hill,  like  that 
of  the  portage  which  we  were  obliged  to  make.  The  third, 
at  which  we  arrived  on  the  first  of  February,  has  a  portage 
of  only  about  100  paces.  The  river  at  this  place  is  extremely 
rapid,  and  generally  is  so,  more  and  more,  from  this  upper 
most  fall  to  the  place  where  we  left  it,  February  j,  to  make 
the  rest  of  our  journey  by  land.  The  savage  who  had 
adopted  me  gave  me,  before  setting  out  upon  the  march, 
a  gun,  some  powder,  and  some  bullets.  The  pirogues  having 
been  unloaded,  each  savage  carried,  as  well  as  ourselves, 
his  pack  of  booty.  We  immediately  set  out  on  the  march, 
and  on  the  seventh  arrived  in  sight  of  the  first  village, 
which  was  called  Chateauke  and  Talekoa,1  which  are  two 
different  councils,  though  the  cabins  are  mingled  together 
indistinguishably.  At  the  first  sight  of  our  savages,  all 
the  men  ran  out  to  the  place  where  we  then  were,  for  the 
ceremony  customary  among  this  nation.  Our  clothes  were 
taken  off,  and  a  stock  was  made  for  each  of  us,  without, 
however,  putting  us  in  it ;  they  merely  put  on  us  our  slave' s- 
collar.  Then  the  savages,  putting  in  each  one's  hand  a 
white  stick  and  a  rattle,  told  us  that  we  must  sing,  which 
we  did  for  the  space  of  more  than  three  hours,  at  different 
times,  singing  both  French  and  Indian  songs,  after  which 
they  gave  us  to  eat  of  all  that  the  women  had  brought  from 
the  village,  bread  of  different  sorts,  sagamite  (corn  porridge), 
buffalo  meat,  bear  meat,  rabbit,  sweet  potatoes,  and  grau- 
mons.2  We  passed  the  night  at  this  place.  The  next  day, 

1  Tellico,  a  Cherokee  town  on  the  Tellico  River  near  its  junction 
with  the  Little  Tennessee.  2  Grapes  ( ?). 

245 


TRAVELS  IN  THE  AMERICAN  COLONIES 

February  <£,  in  the  morning,  the  savages  having  matache 
themselves  according  to  their  custom,  matacherent  our  whole 
bodies,  having  left  us  nothing  but  our  breeches,  made  the 
entry  into  their  village  in  the  order  of  a  troop  of  infantry, 
marching  four  in  each  rank,  half  of  them  in  front  of  us, 
who  were  placed  two  and  two  after  being  tied  together, 
and  having  our  collars  dragging.  The  rest  of  the  savages 
made  the  rear  guard  in  the  order  of  the  prisoners  ( ?).  They 
made  us  march  in  this  order,  singing,  and  having,  as  we 
had  had  the  evening  before,  a  white  stick  and  a  rattle  in 
our  hands,  to  the  chief  square  of  the  village  and  march 
three  or  four  times  around  a  great  tree  which  is  in  the 
middle  of  that  place.  Then  they  buried  at  the  foot  of  the 
tree  a  parcel  of  hair  from  each  one  of  us,  which  the  savages 
had  preserved  for  that  purpose  from  the  time  when  they 
cut  our  hair  off.  After  this  march  was  finished  they  brought 
us  into  the  council-house,  where  we  were  each  obliged  to 
sing  four  songs.  Then  the  savages  who  had  adopted  us 
came  and  took  away  our  collars.  I  followed  my  adopted 
brother  who,  on  entering  into  his  cabin,  washed  me,  then, 
after  he  had  told  me  that  the  way  was  free  before  me,  I  ate 
with  him,  and  there  I  remained  two  months,  dressed  and 
treated  like  himself,  without  other  occupation  than  to  go- 
hunting  twice  with  him.  We  were  absent  thirteen  days 
the  first  time  and  nine  days  the  last. 

At  the  time  when  we  arrived  in  the  village  there  were 
three  English  traders  there,  who  each  had  a  store-house  in 
the  village  where  I  was,  and  two  servants  of  theirs.  There 
was  also  a  German,  who  said  in  French  that  he  was  very 
sorry  for  the  misfortune  which  had  come  upon  us,  but  that 
it  would  perhaps  prove  to  be  our  happiness,  which  he  pro 
posed  to  show  us  in  the  sequel. 

I  also  found  in  the  same  village  a  son  of  Andre  Crespe- 
and  also  Jean  Arlois  of  Bordeaux,  who  both  had  gone  up 
the  river  in  1740  in  the  boat  of  the  Sieur  Turpin,  who  was 
defeated  five  leagues  from  the  River  Ouabache  along  with 
the  boat  of  Liberge  and  Pettit.  The  party  of  Cherake 
savages  which  defeated  these  boats  was  70  men.  The- 

246 


JOURNAL  OF  ANTOINE  BONNEFOY 

same  party  defeated  five  Canadian  voyageurs  in  the  Oua- 
bache  the  same  year,  and  killed  25  out  of  28,  having  two 
men  killed  and  one  wounded.  The  action  has  been  differ 
ently  related  by  the  three  Canadians  who  escaped.  We 
found  also  a  negro  and  a  negress  who  formerly  belonged  to 
the  widow  Saussier,  and  having  been  sold  in  1739  to  a  Cana 
dian,  deserted  when  on  the  Ouabache,  on  their  way  to 
Canada,  and  were  captured  by  a  troop  of  Cheraquis  who 
brought  them  to  the  same  village  where  I  found  them. 

February  12,  Rivard  and  Coussot  followed,  to  a  village 
five  leagues  from  that  where  I  lived,  the  two  savages  who 
had  ransomed  and  adopted  them.  Cussot  deserted  from 
there  15  days  after,  and  was  lost  six  days  in  the  woods,  into 
which  he  had  retreated  because  of  a  panic  he  had  at  the 
village  where  he  was,  and  to  which  he  did  not  return  again. 

The  savage  who  adopts  a  captive  promises  a  quantity  of 
merchandise  to  the  one  to  whom  he  belongs  at  the  moment 
when  he  buys  him.  This  merchandise  is  collected  from  all 
the  family  of  the  one  who  makes  the  purchase,  and  is  de 
livered  in  an  assembly  of  all  the  relatives,  each  one  of  whom 
brings  what  he  is  to  give  and  delivers  it,  piece  by  piece,  to 
him  who  sold  the  slave,  and  at  the  receipt  of  each  piece  he 
makes  the  rounds  of  the  assembly,  constantly  carrying  what 
has  been  given  to  him,  it  being  forbidden  to  lay  down  any 
piece  on  the  ground,  for  then  it  would  belong  to  whoever 
touched  it  first.  The  collection  of  my  ranson  was  made 
on  the  pth  and  xoth  and  the  ceremony  on  the  nth.1 

The  ijth,  the  ceremony  of  our  enfranchisement  having 
been  made  on  the  preceding  day,  I  had  occasion  to  ask  the 
German,  who  was  called  Pierre  Albert,  who  had  accosted  us 
on  the  day  of  our  arrival,  and  who  was  lodging  in  the  cabin 
of  my  adopted  brother,  what  he  wished  me  to  understand. 
I  prayed  him  to  explain  to  me  what  was  this  alleged  happi 
ness  which  he  promised  us.  Guillaume  Potier  and  Jean 
Arlut  were  present.  He  replied  that  it  would  take  time  to 
explain  to  us  what  he  had  to  say  to  us,  addressing  himself 

1  This  paragraph  is  written  in  the  margin  of  the  manuscript. 

247 


TRAVELS  IN  THE  AMERICAN  COLONIES 

to  all  three ;  that  he  thought  we  ought  to  join  his  society ; 
that  he  would  admit  us  to  an  establishment,  in  France,  of 
a  republic,  for  which  he  had  been  working  for  twenty 
years  ;  that  the  form  of  the  government  should  be  that  of 
a  general  society  of  those  composing  it,  in  which,  beyond 
the  fact  that  legality  should  be  perfectly  observed,  as  well 
as  liberty,  each  would  find  what  he  needed,  whether  for 
subsistence,  or  the  other  needs  of  life ;  that  each  should 
contribute  to  the  good  of  the  society,  as  he  could.  I  told 
him,  as  did  my  two  comrades,  that  we  were  disposed  to 
join  him  as  soon  as  he  should  have  shown  us  some  security 
respecting  his  establishment. 

The  next  day  we  got  together  again  and  I  began  to  ask 
him  where  he  had  learned  French,  which  he  spoke  quite 
fluently.  He  told  me  that,  being  of  a  good  family,  he  had 
been  instructed  in  all  that  a  man  ought  to  know ;  that  after 
having  completed  his  studies,  he  had  learned  English  and 
French;  that  he  spoke  these  two  languages  with  a  little 
difficulty  so  far  as  the  pronunciation  was  concerned,  but 
that  he  wrote  German,  Latin,  English  and  French  with 
equal  correctness ;  that  for  twenty  years  he  had  been  work 
ing  to  put  into  execution  the  plan  about  which  he  had  talked 
to  us ;  that  seven  or  eight  years  before  he  had  been  obliged 
to  flee  from  his  country,  where  they  wished  to  arrest  him 
for  having  desired  to  put  his  project  into  execution ;  that 
he  had  gone  over  to  England,  and  from  there  to  Carolina, 
and  had  also  been  obliged  to  depart  thence  for  the  same 
reason,  18  months  after  having  arrived  there;  that  having 
found  among  the  Cherakis  a  sure  refuge  he  had  been  work 
ing  there  for  four  years  upon  the  establishment  which  he 
had  been  planning  for  twenty  ;  that  the  Governor  of  Carolina 
having  discovered  the  place  of  his  retreat  had  sent  a  com 
missioner  to  demand  him  of  the  savages  there,  but  that 
then  he  was  adopted  into  the  nation,  and  that  the  savages, 
rejecting  the  presents  of  the  English,  had  refused  to  give 
him  up  ;  that  he  had  100  English  traders  belonging  to  his 
society  who  had  just  set  out  for  Carolina,  whence  they  were 
to  return  the  next  autumn,  after  having  got  together  a  con- 

248 


JOURNAL  OF  ANTOINE  BONNEFOY 

siderable  number  of  recruits,  men  and  women,  of  all  con 
ditions  and  occupations,  and  the  things  necessary  for  lay 
ing  the  first  foundations  of  his  republic,  under  the  name  of 
the  Kingdom  of  Paradise ;  that  then  he  would  buy  us  from 
the  savages,  of  whom  a  large  number  were  already  instructed 
in  the  form  of  his  republic  and  determined  to  join  it ;  that 
the  nation  in  general  urged  him  to  establish  himself  upon 
their  lands,  but  that  he  was  determined  to  locate  himself 
half  way  between  them  and  the  Alibamons,1  where  the  lands 
appeared  to  him  of  better  quality  than  those  of  the  Cherakis, 
and  there  he  would  be  disposed  to  open  a  trade  with  the 
English  and  French ;  that  in  his  republic  there  would  be  no 
superiority ;  that  all  should  be  equal  there ;  that  he  would 
take  the  superintendence  of  it  only  for  the  honor  of  estab 
lishing  it ;  that  otherwise  his  condition  would  not  be  dif 
ferent  from  that  of  the  others ;  that  the  lodging,  furniture 
and  clothing  should  be  equal  and  uniform  as  well  as  the 
life ;  that  all  goods  should  be  held  in  common,  and  that 
each  should  work  according  to  his  talents  for  the  good  of 
the  republic ;  that  the  women  should  live  there  with  the 
same  freedom  as  the  men  ;  that  there  should  be  no  marriage 
contract,  and  that  they  should  be  free  to  change  husbands 
every  day ;  that  the  children  who  should  be  born  should 
belong  to  the  republic,  and  be  cared  for  and  instructed  in 
all  things  that  their  genius  might  be  capable  of  acquiring ; 
that  the  law  of  nature  should  be  established  for  the  sole 
law,  and  that  transgressions  should  be  punished  by  their 
contrast,  as  in  the  case  of  the  taillon.2 

Note.  The  individual  was  to  have  as  his  only  property 
a  chest  of  books  and  paper  and  ink.3 

My  comrades  and  I  planned  our  flight,  and  agreed  to 
gether  to  feign  enthusiasm  for  the  execution  of  the  project 
of  Pierre  Albert,  who  had  the  confidence  of  the  savages, 
and  they  left  us  at  liberty  with  him.  I  noticed  even,  on 
different  occasions,  that  he  urged  them  to  live  peaceably 

1  Alibamu,  or  Alabama  Indians. 

2  A  feudal  tax  supplementary  to  the  taille. 

3  This  note  is  in  the  margin  of  the  manuscript. 

249 


TRAVELS  IN  THE  AMERICAN  COLONIES 

and  to  ask  peace  from  the  French.  The  savage  with  whom 
I  lived,  who  was  one  of  the  principal  men  of  the  nation,  and 
the  other  chiefs,  sometimes  asked  me  in  what  manner  they 
could  appease  the  French  and  bring  them  to  their  place  to 
trade.  I  told  them  that  it  would  be  necessary  for  them  to 
send  a  calumet  of  peace  to  the  nearest  post ;  that  I  supposed 
that  would  be  the  post  of  the  Alibamons.1  They  told  me 
that  they  had  already  been  there,  but  that  they  feared  the 
savages  of  those  regions,2  with  whom  they  were  not  on  good 
terms ;  that  they  did  not  wish  to  have  any  new  war  —  in 
this  entering  into  the  peaceful  spirit  of  Pierre  Albert. 

I  told  them,  with  regard  to  the  trade  into  which  they 
wished  to  bring  the  French,  that  our  Limbourgs 3  and  guns, 
being  better  than  those  of  the  English,  would  cost  them 
twice  as  many  furs  as  they  now  paid,  but  at  the  same  time 
our  merchandise  was  much  more  durable ;  that  a  pound  of 
our  powder  had  twice  as  much  effect  as  a  pound  of  the  Eng 
lish.  This  they  seemed  quite  to  understand.  They  even 
had  in  mind  to  send  a  calumet  of  peace  at  the  time  when  I 
escaped. 

Note.  They  know  inches  and  measures  and  have  steel 
yards  which  Pierre  has  made  them.4 

While  Pierre  Albert  and  I  were  working  toward  peace 
the  three  English  traders  were  daily  instigating  the  savages 
to  continue  to  make  war  upon  us.  They  were  themselves 
working  to  enlist  parties ;  which  I  saw  them  doing  some 
days  before  my  flight.  After  having  had  their  drum  beaten 
by  one  of  their  negroes  who  was  a  drummer,  and  enlisted 
70  men,  they  distributed  among  them,  from  their  store 
houses,  the  munitions  necessary  for  going  to  the  Ouata- 
mons,5  as  well  against  the  savages  as  against  the  voyageurs 
of  Canada.  Of  the  52  villages  which  compose  the  nation 

1  Alabama   Fort,   or  Fort  Toulouse,   at  the  confluence  of  the 
Coosa  and  Tallapoosa  rivers. 

2  Creeks  and  Choctaws. 

3  Limbourg  was  a  kind  of  French  cloth. 

4  This  note  is  in  the  margin  of  the  manuscript. 

5  Weas. 

250 


JOURNAL  OF  ANTOINE  BONNEFOY 

of  the  Cherakis,  only  the  eight  which  are  along  the  river 
are  our  enemies.  The  other  villages  remain  neutral,  either 
because  of  their  remoteness  or  their  spirit  of  peace.  Caro 
lina  is  15  days'  journey  by  land  from  the  village  where  I 
was,  Virginia  20,  and  the  Alibamonts  10  to  the  south, 
reckoning  to  the  first  village,  Conchasbekas,1  which  is  three 
days'  journey  from  the  French  Fort  Toulouse. 

A  fortnight  after  we  had  arrived  among  the  Cherakis  I 
saw  in  the  village  where  I  was  15  Natches,  four  of  whom 
came  into  our  cabin.  They  told  me  that  they  were  going 
hunting  among  the  Chicachas,  to  seek  15  of  their  men  who 
were  still  there ;  that  on  their  return  they  were  to  have  a 
village  of  75  men.  I  asked  them  if  there  were  still  some 
among  the  Ouyachitas.  They  told  me  that  those  who  had 
been  there  were  almost  all  caken  captive,  but  that  the  rest 
had  rejoined  them. 

The  2Qth  of  April  a  day  on  which  the  savages  had  given 
themselves  up  to  a  debauch,  was  that  which  we  chose  for 
our  escape.  We  had  got  together  a  sufficient  amount  of 
ammunition.  We  went  out  from  the  village  at  nine  o'clock 
in  the  evening.  Jean  Arias  had  his  gun.  Coussot  was  not 
armed,  not  having  been  able  to  take  his  from  the  cabin 
where  he  was.  Guillaume  Potier,  who  was  in  our  plot, 
having  got  drunk  with  the  savages,  was  not  in  condition  to 
go  with  us,  and  we  could  not  wait  longer  for  him  without 
risk  of  being  discovered.  We  marched  until  daylight, 
going  to  find  two  pirogues  that  were  in  a  little  river  six 
leagues  from  the  village.  In  one  of  these  we  embarked, 
but  were  obliged  to  abandon  it  after  an  hour  and  a  half  of 
progress.  We  found  the  river  barred  by  a  great  tree  which 
did  not  leave  enough  space  to  send  the  boat  under  it,  but 
on  the  other  hand,  was  too  high,  and  the  boat  too  heavy, 
to  admit  of  passing  it  over,  which  we  made  many  ineffectual 

1  The  identity  of  this  place  has  not  been  established  ;  but  about 
this  time  there  was  in  the  Upper  Creek  country  —  N.  by  E.  of 
Fort  Toulouse  —  a  village  named  by  the  French  Conchaques, 
whose  inhabitants  spoke  a  dialect  almost  identical  with  the 
Alabamas. 

R  251 


TRAVELS  IN  THE  AMERICAN  COLONIES 

attempts  to  do.  In  this  extremity  we  were  obliged  to  take 
a  false  course  on  the  joth  of  April  and  ist  and  2nd  of  May 
to  the  north  and  northwest,  and  found  ourselves  at  evening 
on  the  banks  of  the  river,  which  we  crossed.  We  put  our 
selves  ten  leagues  from  the  village,  and  continued  our  false 
route  in  the  same  direction  on  the  3^,  $th  and  $th.  It  was 
now  five  days  that  we  had  fasted,  not  having  dared  to  shoot. 
We  killed  a  calf  and  the  next  day  a  cow.  We  rested  on  the 
6th  and  7^,  when,  after  having  held  a  little  council  on  the 
course  we  ought  to  take  for  our  safety,  I  was  determined 
that  we  should  make  our  march  along  the  river,  where  we 
planned  to  make  a  raft  to  take  us  to  the  place  where  the 
savages  had  left  their  boats  when  they  carried  us  into 
slavery.  Our  plan  was  to  take  ourselves  to  the  Illinois  by 
the  same  route  on  which  they  had  taken  us.  We  arrived 
on  the  nth  on  the  banks  of  the  river,  made  a  raft  of  canes, 
upon  which  we  loaded  our  meat  and  our  ammunition,  which 
we  lashed  to  the  raft  in  the  same  parcel  with  Jean  Arlas's 
gun,  keeping  mine  for  need.  We  proceeded  seven  or  eight 
leagues  further  north  than  we  had  been,  had  passed  the  place 
where  the  pirogues  were,  and  were  surprised  to  find  our 
selves  at  the  first  waterfall.  We  struggled  to  get  to  the 
shore,  and  reached  a  great  tree  which  was  six  fathoms  from 
the  bank.  Our  raft  fell  foul  of  it.  All  the  forward  part  sunk 
about  six  feet.  Arias  and  Coussot,  who  were  on  the  forward 
part,  cast  their  arms  about  the  tree.  Then  the  raft  raised 
and  freed  itself,  and  carried  me  along  without  my  being 
able  to  stop  it  and  passed  the  fall  without  breaking  up. 
The  current  was  so  great  that,  though  I  was  near  the  land, 
it  was  impossible  for  me  to  stop  the  raft  until  a  league  and 
a  half  below,  where  I  expected  my  comrades  would  come 
and  find  me.  I  fired  several  shots  to  let  them  know  where 
I  was  during  the  three  days  that  I  remained  there  waiting 
for  them,  without  result.  This  made  me  think  that  they 
were  lost.  My  gun,  my  powder  horn,  and  my  pouch  were 
lost  with  my  comrades,  but  I  recovered  the  gun  of  Arias 
with  our  ammunition,  and  a  little  meat  upon  which  I  lived 
for  four  days.  On  the  ijth,  not  having  seen  any  mark  or 

252 


JOURNAL  OF  ANTOINE  BONNEFOY 

heard  any  signal  on  the  part  of  my  comrades,  I  pushed  off, 
and  went  down  stream  for  two  days  and  a  half.  On  the 
third  day,  which  was  the  ifth  of  the  month,  I  landed  on 
the  side  of  the  Alibamons,  and  took  my  way  southward 
over  a  hilly  country  for  nine  days  and  a  half.  On  the  2jik 
of  May  I  arrived  at  the  first  Alibamon  village,  Conchabaka, 
by  a  beaten  path  which  I  encountered  on  the  seventh  day 
of  my  march,  which  led  me  to  the  end  of  the  river  of  the 
Allibamons,  on  the  other  side  of  which  is  the  Indian  village, 
which,  however,  I  could  not  see.  I  fired  my  gun  three 
times  at  a  venture,  and  the  savages  replied,  firing  one. 
Immediately  after  I  perceived  many  people  on  the  bank  of 
the  stream,  several  men  to  whom  I  signalled  to  come  and 
bring  me  over  the  river.  They  questioned  me  much,  tak 
ing  me  for  an  enemy,  and  fearing  that  I  had  come  to  lay  a 
snare  for  them  and  to  take  from  them  some  scalps,  as  had 
happened  to  them  a  short  time  before.  I  spoke  to  them  in 
French  and  in  Mobillian,  which,  after  two  hours  of  ques 
tions,  caused  them  to  make  up  their  minds  who  I  might  be 
and  where  I  came  from.  One  of  these  savages  crossed  up 
above  me  without  my  seeing  him,  and  after  having  dis 
covered  me  and  seen  that  I  was  alone  and  a  Frenchman, 
he  took  me  across  to  his  village.  They  gave  me  to  eat, 
which  I  did  with  avidity,  for  I  had  fasted  five  days,  my  gun 
having  failed  me  at  need  every  time  that  I  had  occasion  to 
use  it. 

After  I  had  eaten,  the  savage,  in  whose  house  I  was,  took 
me  into  the  council  house.  When  I  was  there  a  council 
was  held  respecting  me,  though  I  did  not  know  it.  All  the 
people  of  the  village  having  taken  their  arms  surrounded 
the  cabin.  The  chief  of  the  village  was  absent,  and  it  was 
proposed  to  give  me  to  the  English.  There  were  then  in 
that  village  six  Englishmen  from  Carolina  and  a  detach 
ment  of  about  15  Chicachas  who  were  there  to  escort  the 
English  to  their  village.  The  English  and  the  Chicachas 
wished  to  prove  to  the  Conch abekas  that  it  was  for  their 
interest  to  give  me  up  to  the  English.  The  greater  part  of 
the  village  were  of  that  opinion,  but  he  who  brought  me  over 

253 


TRAVELS  IN  THE   AMERICAN  COLONIES 

opposed  it  in  such  way  that  he  prevailed,  saying  that  I 
belonged  to  him ;  that  none  of  them  had  been  brave  enough 
to  go  and  seek  me  when  I  called  them ;  he  would  dispose  of 
me,  and  would  take  me,  as  I  had  requested  him,  to  the  chief 
of  the  French  among  the  Alibamons,  whose  friend  he  wished 
to  be.  During  the  time  that  I  was  in  the  council-house, 
the  English  came  and  gave  me  their  hands,  inquiring  in  the 
Chicachas  language  respecting  my  adventures,  and  how  I 
had  been  able  to  come  where  I  was.  I  told  them  in  the 
Mobilian  language,  which  they  understood,  that  having 
been  taken  by  the  Cherakis  in  December,  I  had  escaped 
from  their  villages  a  month  before,  and  that  I  had  been 
compelled,  after  having  lost  my  two  comrades,  who  had 
escaped  with  me,  to  take  my  flight  in  the  direction  of  the 
Alibamons,  being  no  longer  in  a  state  to  proceed  to  the 
Illinois,  as  had  been  our  first  plan.  They  took  me  to  their 
store-houses,  where  they  gave  me  to  eat,  and  wished  to 
engage  me  to  follow  them  to  Carolina,  which  I  refused  to 
do,  and  returned  to  the  cabin  of  my  savage.  Then  the  15 
Chicachas  came  to  see  me,  and  asked  me  the  same  questions 
as  the  English  had  just  asked.  They  then  asked  why  the 
French  did  not  give  them  peace,  saying  that  the  Chactas  1 
vexed  them  continually.  To  all  this  I  replied  that  they 
ought  not  to  expect  peace  until  they  had  driven  the  Eng 
lish  from  their  villages ;  that  moreover  it  could  not  be  true 
that  they  wished  peace,  since  they  struck  at  us  every  day. 
They  assured  me  that  with  the  exception  of  a  party  of  young 
people,  which  had  acted  contrary  to  the  consent  of  the 
nation,  the  last  year  at  Pointe  Coupee,2  they  were  a  people 
who  had  struck  no  blow ;  that  I  could  see  clearly  that 
those  which  had  been  ascribed  to  them  had  been  inflicted 
by  the  Cherakis.  I  told  them  that  in  that  case  it  would 
be  necessary  to  make  known  to  the  Great  French  Chief  the 
dispositions  which  they  wished  me  to  understand  that  their 
nation  entertained  :  First,  by  driving  out  all  Englishmen, 

1  Choctaws. 

2  A  French  settlement  on  the  lower  Mississippi. 

254 


JOURNAL  OF  ANTOINE  BONNEFOY 

and  secondly  by  settling  the  Natchez  in  the  environs  of 
the  Riviere  a  Margot  upon  the  Missisipy,  and  breaking 
forever  with  the  English,  because  as  long  as  they  received 
them  they  would  engage  the  Indians  always  in  some  enter 
prise  against  us.  To  this  they  agreed.  I  smoked  with 
them  the  same  day,  and  the  next,  which  was  the  28th  of 
May. 

The  2Qth,  in  the  morning,  I  set  out  upon  the  march, 
escorted  by  two  savages,  to  go  to  the  post  of  the  French, 
where  I  arrived  on  the  first  of  June,  which  was  the  last 
day  of  my  captivity.  Monsieur  Derneville,  captain,  com 
manded  at  this  post,  who,  though  I  had  served  under  him 
not  long  before  my  journey,  did  not  recognize  me  until 
after  I  had  been  named  to  him,  so  much  was  I  disfigured. 

He  gave  a  present  to  the  savages  who  had  served  me  so 
well,  and  I  told  him  the  adventures  of  my  journey,  as 
stated  in  the  present  journal. 


JOURNAL   OF    DE    BEAUCHAMPS'    JOURNEY    TO 
THE  CHOCTAWS,  1746 


INTRODUCTION 

THE  Choctaw  Indians  in  De  Beauchamps'  time  occupied 
most  of  the  territory  from  the  Tombigbee  River  westward 
to  the  Mississippi  and  on  account  of  their  number,  upwards 
of  ten  thousand,  were  among  the  most  powerful  of  the 
southern  tribes.  A  number  of  them  having  been  sold  into 
slavery  by  the  South  Carolinians,  they  were,  immediately 
after  the  founding  of  Mobile,  in  1702,  easily  persuaded  to 
abandon  the  English  and  ally  themselves  with  the  French. 
They  continued  united  in  their  adherence  to  the  French 
until  1735  when,  at  the  "  pressing  engagement  of  a  prime 
magistrate"  of  South  Carolina,  James  Adair  of  Charleston 
undertook  to  open  a  trade  with  them.  Adair  at  that  time 
was  near  the  beginning  of  his  forty  years  of  experience  as 
a  trader  among  the  southern  red  men,  from  which  he  wrote 
The  History  of  the  American  Indians.  He  gained  an  au 
dience  with  Red  Shoe,  a  Machiavellian  chief,  at  an  oppor 
tune  moment  of  his  resentment  toward  an  offending  French 
man,  satisfied  him  that  whisky  and  ammunition  could  be 
had  from  the  English  at  lower  prices  than  from  the  French, 
and  from  that  day  until  the  end  of  the  French-English 
conflict  in  America  the  Choctaws  were  divided  into  English 
and  French  factions. 

In  March,  1746,  while  the  French  party  were  gone  to 
Mobile  to  receive  their  presents,  Red  Shoe  was  busy  attempt 
ing  to  bring  about  peace  between  the  Choctaws  and  the 
Chickasaws,  who  were  adherents  of  the  English.  The 
chiefs  of  the  French  party  returning  in  time  to  defeat  his 
efforts,  Red  Shoe,  in  a  fit  of  anger,  ordered  the  assassination 
of  Chevalier  de  Verbois  and  two  other  Frenchmen,  and  it 
was  for  the  purpose  of  exacting  satisfaction  for  this  act  that 

259 


TRAVELS  IN  THE  AMERICAN  COLONIES 

De  Beauchamps  undertook  the  mission  of  which  the  journal 
here  printed  is  an  account. 

Little  is  known  of  De  Beauchamps  except  what  may  be 
learned  from  his  journal.  A  manuscript  copy  of  this  is  in 
the  Archives  Nationales,  Paris :  Colonies  F  3  :  24,  ff.  422- 
445.  The  translation  from  the  French  which  is  here  printed 
is  by  Mr.  Waldo  Gifford  Leland. 


260 


JOURNAL    OF   DE    BEAUCHAMPS'   JOURNEY   TO 
THE   CHOCTAWS,    1746 

Louisiana.     The  28th  August  1746. 

Journal  of  the  Journey  of  Monsieur  De  Beauchamps,  Cheva 
lier  of  the  Military  Order  of  St.  Louis,  Major  of  Mobile, 
to  the  Tchactas,1  in  execution  of  the  Orders  of  Monsieur 
De  Faudreuil,  Governor  of  the  province  of  Louisiana,  of 
the  28th  August  1746,  for  the  purpose  of  inducing  that 
nation  to  make  amends  for  the  assassination  of  three  of  our 
Frenchmen  —  a  gentleman  cadet,2  a  soldier,  and  a  trader 
—  committed  the  I4th  August,  1746,  by  order  of  Ymata- 
hatchitou,3  medal  chief  of  that  nation,  who  has  thrown  over 
the  French  in  favor  of  the  English  hoping  to  procure 
greater  favors  from  the  latter. 

September  the  i6th  at  eight  o'clock  of  the  morning  I 
departed  from  Mobille  by  canoe,  accompanied  by  Messieurs 
Grandelle,  Lieutenant  of  Swiss ;  Pechou  De  Verbois, 
gentleman  cadet;  Roucere,  King's  Interpreter;  A  French 
corporal ;  Two  French  soldiers  and  two  Swiss ;  A  Spaniard 
to  lead  the  horses  loaded  with  goods ;  A  savage  and  a  negro 
belonging  to  Monsieur  de  Beauchamps. 

I  set  out  by  water,  with  the  goods  and  the  outfits  of  the 
horses,  for  the  Mobilliens  4  whence  after  the  arrival  of  the 
horses,  I  was  to  set  forth  over  land,  by  the  Tchactas  road. 

We  arrived  at  my  habitation  5  towards  three  o'clock  of 
the  afternoon  and  remained  there  until  the  ijik.  I  de- 

1  Choctaw  Indians.  2  Chevalier  de  Verbois. 

3  Ymatahatchitou  was  known  to  the  English  as  Red  Shoe. 

4  The  Mobilians,  a  branch  of  the  Choctaw  tribe,  dwelt  in  the 
Indian  town  of  Mobile  at  the  head  of  Mobile  Bay. 

6  De  Beauchamps  owned  and  resided  on  Twenty-One  Mile  Bluff, 
the  first  highland  above  the  French  town  of  Mobile. 

261 


TRAVELS  IN  THE  AMERICAN   COLONIES 

parted  thence  at  four  o'clock  of  the  afternoon  and  passed 
the  night  at  the  place  of  one  Myot,  a  settler.  The  i8th  we 
set  out  at  day-break  and  between  7  and  8  o'clock  of  the 
morning  we  reached  the  Mobilliens  who  awaited  us  and 
who  were  playing  a  game  of  ball  by  way  of  fitting  themselves 
for  following  us.  Upon  my  arrival  they  sang  the  calumet 
and  an  hour  afterwards  the  horses,  destined  for  this  expedi 
tion,  arrived,  having  left  Mobille  on  the  i$th.  I  learned 
that  there  were  4  Tchactas,  newly  arrived,  who  said  that 
the  rebel  Imatahatchitou  had  many  partisans  throughout 
their  nations,  adding  that  he  did  not  seem  satisfied  as  yet, 
with  having  caused  the  assassination  of  the  three  French 
men,  and  that  he  made  no  more  of  that  affair  than  if  he 
had  killed  the  wood  rats  which  ate  their  hens ;  that  for  that 
matter  they  [the  victims]  were  traders  and  so  of  little  ac 
count;  that  he  would  readily  console  himself  if  he  had 
caused  the  death  of  a  chief  of  some  consequence,  and  would 
not  have  regretted  dying  afterwards. 

Thereupon  I  delivered  to  them  a  discourse  on  this  matter 
and  told  them  that  I  had  long  known  that  that  rogue  sought 
only  to  bring  trouble  upon  the  nation  by  impoverishing  it 
—  men,  women  and  children.  The  savages,  who  feared 
lest  some  accident  befall  me  and  my  companions,  implored 
me,  with  insistence,  not  to  go  beyond  their  villages,  urging 
that  my  presence,  far  from  advancing  our  affairs,  could  only 
serve  to  hinder  them  and  to  embitter  feelings.  [They  said] 
that  the  nation,  which  seemed  well  disposed  towards  giving 
us  satisfaction,  must  be  left  to  act  of  itself,  and  that  my 
presence  might  be  a  check  on  those  who  are  the  best  dis 
posed  toward  us.  Seeing  that  they  could  not  turn  me 
aside  from  undertaking  this  journey  they  told  me  that  I,  as 
well  as  my  people,  ran  great  risks,  whereupon  I  replied  that 
I  did  not  fear  to  go  among  a  nation  that  was  allied  to  us 
and  that  I  had  known  for  28  years,  and  that,  as  I  had  never 
done  it  aught  but  good  I  could  not  persuade  myself  that  it 
desired  to  do  me  ill.  [I  told  them]  that  their  arguments 
would  not  prevent  me  from  proceeding  on  my  journey, 
that,  for  that  matter,  I  was  not  counting  on  going  among 

262 


JOURNAL  OF  DE  BEAUCHAMPS 

enemies,  but,  on  the  contrary,  among  our  allies,  there  to 
establish  peace  and  union,  so  that  they  might  live  as  in  the 
past ;  that  I  feared  nothing  for  my  life  when  it  was  a  ques 
tion  of  rendering  my  service  to  my  country  [and]  that  I 
would  sacrifice  it  right  willingly ;  [I  said]  that  I  was  not 
going  to  the  Tchactas  to  disseminate  discord  but  to  restore 
everything  to  order  after  that  they  should  have  made  white 
the  ground  that  some  of  evil  purpose  had  reddened  ;  that  not 
for  a  moment  did  I  doubt  that  that  nation  would  give  us 
satisfaction,  even  as  we  ourselves,  six  years  before,  had  done 
by  it.  Finally  the  chief  of  this  village,  the  chief  of  the 
Maniba,  and  the  red  chief  of  the  Chicachas,1  seconded  by 
the  chief  of  the  Youany  2  did  all  in  their  power  to  turn  me 
aside  from  continuing  my  journey. 

M.  De  Bonville  who  arrived  from  Tombekbe  on  the 
morning  of  the  iQth  was  present  at  all  the  harangues,  and 
told  me  that  the  rebel  Yamatahatchitou,  had  gone  to  the 
Tchicachas  to  beg  of  the  English  that  they  send  as  much 
merchandise  as  they  could  to  the  Tchactas  in  his  dependency, 
but  the  letter  of  M.  Hazeur  might,  [he  said],  contain  some 
details  which  he  did  not  remember,  or  which  he  did  not 
know.  This  determined  me  to  dispatch  a  post  for  the  more 
prompt  conveyance  of  M.  De  Bonville,  and  to  receive  the 
latest  orders  of  Monsr.  De  Louboey,3  to  whom  I  transmitted 
all  the  discourses  which  the  savages  had  held  forth.  I  even 
sent  the  interpreter  in  the  pirogue  that  he  might  bring  back 
to  me  the  reply  and  that  he  might  himself  render  an  account 
of  what  he  had  heard  from  the  savages.  The  2$th  the 
Sieur  Roucere  arrived  with  the  reply  of  Mr.  De  Louboey 
who  informed  me  that  nothing  should  delay  my  journey 
[and]  that  M.  Hazeur  did  not  write  him  of  anything  in  par 
ticular  except  that  the  rebel  had  gone  to  the  Chicachas. 
We  had  learned  the  contrary  from  a  Youany  savage  who 

1  Chickasaw  Indians. 

2  There  was  a  Choctaw  town  of  Yowani  on  the  Chickasawhay 
River  near  the  north  border  of  Wayne  County,  Mississippi. 

3  De  Louboey  (Lubois)  seems  to  have  been  in  command  of  Fort 
Conde  at  Mobile. 

263 


TRAVELS  IN  THE  AMERICAN  COLONIES 

had  arrived  the  preceding  day  at  eleven  o'clock  of  the 
morning  —  and  I  had  so  observed  in  my  letter  to  M.  De 
Louboey.  Immediately  the  latest  orders  received  I  made 
all  preparations  for  the  departure. 

The  22d  I  set  out  towards  noon  with  my  companions 
and  14  horses  —  six  saddle  and  eight  pack  —  [and]  57 
savages  as  porters,  escort,  and  guides.  I  arrived  happily 
the  26th  at  the  first  Chactas  village,  without  any  mis 
adventure  but  with  much  trouble  and  effort  on  account  of 
the  pack-horses.  We  found  the  roads  fairly  good  and  we 
came  through  without  rain,  which  saved  us  much  hurt. 
The  savages  of  this  village  received  us  exceeding  well  and 
displayed  abundance  of  friendship  for  us. 

I  found  the  chief  very  ill  with  a  kind  of  dysentery.  They 
brought  us  to  eat,  both  me  and  those  of  my  following  [and] 
after  the  first  compliments  they  asked  of  me  the  object  of 
my  journey,  being  greatly  surprised  to  see  a  chief,  such  as  I, 
in  their  country. 

I  replied  that  I  bore  a  message  from  their  father,  and 
that,  if  curiosity  led  them  to  learn  the  circumstance  of  it, 
those  who  deported  themselves  well  could  come  with  me  to 
the  Chicachas  when  I  purposed  to  hold  an  assembly,  and 
that  I  would  make  known  to  them,  in  the  same  time  as  to 
the  others,  that  which  the  Taskanamgouchy  accepted. 

The  2?th,  in  the  morning,  we  set  ourselves  en  route  for 
the  Chicachas,  where  we  did  not  arrive  until  the  28th  in 
the  afternoon.  Before  reaching  the  village  the  Srs.  Chambly 
and  Larouve  came  to  meet  me  and  said  that  the  Reverend 
Father  Baudoiiin  l  was  in  good  health  and  awaited  me  with 
impatience.  I  repaired  at  once  to  his  dwelling  where  I 
found  a  large  number  of  savages  who  were  waiting  for  me 
and  who  received  me,  in  appearance,  with  an  evidence  of 
friendship.  The  first  compliments  over,  on  the  one  side 
and  on  the  other,  I  told  them  that  being  a  little  weary,  I 
would  not  talk  to  them  today,  as  I  had  need  of  a  little 
repose,  but  that  on  the  morrow,  at  8  o'clock  of  the  morning 

1  Michel  Baudouin,  for  eighteen  years  a  missionary  to  the 
Choctaws. 

264 


JOURNAL  OF  DE  BEAUCHAMPS 

I  would  bring  them  the  message  of  M.  De  Vaudreuil,  their 
father.  This  appeared  to  please  them  and  we  departed, 
whereupon  I  conferred  with  the  Reverend  Father  Baudoiiin 
as  to  the  object  of  my  mission. 

The  2Qth,  in  the  morning,  all  the  Chicachas  and  the  others 
repaired  to  the  assembly  that  had  been  appointed  [and]  I 
addressed  them  in  these  terms  :  That  they  must  be  surprised, 
or  rather  rejoiced  to  see  me  among  them ;  that,  having 
learned  that  there  was  discord  in  a  nation  which  I  had 
always  loved,  and  which  had  on  different  occasions,  given 
proofs  of  its  attachment  to  the  French,  I  came  bearing  the 
message  of  M.  De  Vaudreuil,  their  father,  who  exhorted 
them  never  to  quit  his  band ;  that  they  saw  perfectly  that 
the  rebel  only  sought  to  degrade  his  nation  and  to  make  it 
wretched  ;  that  the  assassination  of  our  three  Frenchmen, 
which  he  had  caused  to  be  committed,  was  a  more  than 
sufficient  proof  of  this,  since  the  wretch  had  aimed  at  the 
life  of  our  people  only  to  the  end  of  empoverishing  them 
[the  savages],  their  women,  and  their  children.  What 
would  become  of  you,  said  I  to  them,  if  we  abandon  you ; 
what  resource  will  you  have  ?  If  this  nation  does  not  make 
amends,  by  giving  up  a  head  for  a  head,  you  force  us  to 
abandon  you.  To  whom  will  you  have  recourse  ?  To  the 
English  ?  It  is  beyond  all  possibility  for  them  to  supply 
you  with  the  fourth  part  of  your  necessities,  [and]  thus  your 
women  and  your  children  will  die  of  want.  Whereas,  upon 
giving  up  three  heads,  following  the  agreements  made  with 
your  elders,  M.  De  Vaudreuil,  your  father  will  forget  that 
which  has  passed,  and  I,  who  am  an  object  of  your  ingrati 
tude,  shall  be  overjoyed,  before  leaving  you,  to  have  restored 
the  peace  and  union  which  have  so  long  reigned  between 
us.  We  ask  of  you  nothing  but  what  is  just,  seeing  that  in 
1740  M.  De  Vaudreuil  rendered  justice  to  you  on  account 
of  a  man  and  a  woman  whom  some  Frenchmen  had  killed, 
and  on  that  occasion  you  all  promised  to  do  the  same  by 
the  French  should  the  Tchactas  commit  any  act  of  that 
sort.  I  well  realize,  I  said  to  them,  that  it  is  not  for  the 
Chicachae  to  render  this  justice,  but  what  I  required  of 

265 


TRAVELS   IN  THE  AMERICAN  COLONIES 

them  was  to  support  my  words  when  the  Tchactas,  to  whom 
I  had  given  notice  of  my  arrival,  should  be  assembeld. 

Then  I  read  to  them  the  intent  of  the  instructions  of  M. 
De  Veaudreuil  and  made  them  feel  the  weight  which  they 
should  attach  to  that  message  —  which  tended  only  to  their 
welfare  and  to  that  of  their  families.  [I  told  them]  that 
they  should  recall  their  first  estate,  that  if  today  they  are 
Men  it  is  to  the  French  alone  to  whom  they  are  under 
obligation,  they  [the  French]  having  put  arms  into  their 
hands  that  they  might  defend  themselves  against  the 
nations  which  were  oppressing  them  and  making  slaves  of 
them.  This  signal  service  has  made  them  respected  of  the 
other  nations,  and  has  even  made  them,  so  to  speak,  the 
arbiters  of  their  neighbors,  both  because  of  their  numbers 
and  because  of  the  warriors  which  our  munitions  and  our 
arms  have  formed;  [I  said]  that  in  default  of  that  satis 
faction  [which  we  demanded],  we  could  not  allow  any 
traders  in  their  nation,  for  fear  lest  a  like  accident  should 
again  occur,  wherefore  the  good  would  suffer  for  the  guilty, 
[we]  not  being  able  to  know  their  inmost  hearts  so  as  [to 
dare]  to  risk  further  Frenchmen  among  them.  [I  told  them] 
that  the  English  moreover,  knew  the  Tchactas  of  old,  that 
they  would  not  trust  them,  [and  that]  they  are  too  wise  to 
commit  themselves  to  an  ungrateful  nation  which  treats  its 
benefactors  in  that  fashion.  I  touched  on  the  spots  where 
they  are  the  most  sensitive  in  repeating  what  I  knew  [of 
them]  28  years  ago,  and  [in  pointing  out]  what  the  Tchactas 
were  then.  After  this  discourse,  in  which  nothing  was 
overlooked  in  order  to  convince  them  of  the  necessity  of 
giving  us  satisfaction,  and  of  the  evil  which  would  follow 
for  the  nation  if  they  refused,  Mongoulacha  mingo,  demanded 
permission  to  speak  and  with  anger  and  animosity  delivered 
himself  of  the  following  discourse. 

I  do  not  think,  he  said  to  me,  that  the  Tchactas  are 
giving  heads  for  those  of  your  Frenchmen ;  that  as  for  the 
head  of  the  rebel  Ymatahatchitou  it  was  useless  to  count 
upon  it.  (I  had  taken  care  not  to  designate  the  heads 
which  we  demanded) ;  that  he  had  long  known  that  we 

266 


JOURNAL  OF  DE  BEAUCHAMPS 

sought  the  ruin  of  the  red  men.  That,  said  he,  is  how  the 
French  are,  and  to  support  his  evil  words,  he  cited  to  me 
[the  case  of]  a  chief  of  his  race  at  the  Thomez,1  whom  M. 
De  Bienville,2  in  the  early  days  of  the  old  fort 3  of  Mobile, 
had  sent  to  the  islands  to  die ;  and  [he  said]  that  he  [Bien 
ville]  had  had  this  man  taken  by  force.  This  seditious  dis 
course  would  have  produced  a  very  bad  effect  if  I  had  not 
had  the  means  of  turning  against  him  the  trick  he  had  made 
use  of  in  order  to  prejudice  the  minds  of  the  savages,  for 
the  lying  rogue  of  whom  he  spoke  had  only  been  sent  to  the 
islands  upon  the  demand  of  the  Thomez.  This  was  con 
firmed  by  an  Ymonguolacha  who  dwelt  there  when  the 
man  in  question  had  been  sent  to  Havannah,  [and  further 
more]  M.  De  Chateauguay  4  had  since  seen  the  man,  at 
the  house  of  a  priest,  and  had  asked  him  if  he  would  not  be 
glad  to  see  again  his  kinsfolk,  whereupon  he  replied  that 
being  a  Christian  he  thought  no  more  of  the  red  men  and 
esteemed  himself  happy  to  have  quit  them.  The  chief,' 
who  was  not  looking  for  this  counter,  was  disconcerted  for  a 
moment.  He  began  again  to  inveigh  against  us  with 
unbearable  reproaches  adding  that  he  well  knew  that  he 
would  never  return  to  favor  with  us,  since  he  had  rejected 
our  words;  that,  the  savages  having  told  him  that  the 
medal  chiefs  were  deprived  of  their  authority,  which  was 
conferred  upon  the  Red  chiefs,  he  had  been  led  to  cut  off 
his  medal  and  to  throw  it  into  a  creek;  that  since  then  he 
had  been  told  that  [such  an  act]  was  as  if  he  had  killed  ten 
Frenchmen ;  that  he  was  convinced  that  sooner  or  later  he 
would  be  put  to  death  for  that  mistake ;  that  furthermore 
he  did  not  trouble  himself  on  account  of  my  threats  to 

1  The  Tohomes,  or  Thomez,  Indians  —  who  spoke  the  Choctaw 
dialect  and  were  closely  associated  with  the  Mobilians  —  had  a 
settlement  on  the  west  bank  of  the  Tombigbee,  a  few  miles  above 
the  Indian  town  of  Mobile. 

2  Jean  Baptiste  Lemoyne,  Sieur  de  Bienville,  who  in  conjunction 
with    his    brother,    Pierre    Lemoyne,    Sieur   d'lberville,    founded 
Mobile.  3  Fort  Louis. 

4  Sieur  Lemoyne  de  Chateaugue,  a  brother  of  Bienville. 
s  267 


TRAVELS  IN  THE  AMERICAN  COLONIES 

abandon  them ;  that  he  had  no  great  obligations  to  us  since 
he  had  kept  nothing  of  what  had  been  given  him,  that  the 
garments  he  wore  came  from  M.  Diron  1  who  had  sold 
[them]  to  him  for  a  slave.  Then  he  addressed  his  people 
and  said  that  since  the  French  were  abandoning  them  they 
would  have  to  take  up  again  the  bow  and  the  arrow,  that 
furthermore  he  was  not  going  to  seek  the  English  but  that 
he  would  remain  at  home  [and  be]  poor.  He  followed  with 
numerous  extravagances,  —  which  revealed  to  me  his  evil 
heart  expressing  itself  in  open  hostility.  I  ordered  him  to 
desist,  which  he  did  not  do  until  the  second  summons.  It 
is  true  that  a  bottle  of  brandy  which  the  red  chief  of  his 
village  had  given  him  to  drink,  the  morning  of  this  assem 
bly,  contributed  not  a  little  to  making  him  vomit  forth  his 
indecencies  and  his  insolence.  He  even  said  that  if  he  had 
come  to  Mobille  at  the  time  of  the  [presentation  of]  gifts  and 
M.  De  Vaudreiiil  had  rejected  him  he  would  have  said  and 
done  more ;  he  even  wanted  to  spring  upon  me  after  [I] 
had  imposed  silence  upon  him,  [but]  this  he  denied,  after 
wards,  when  he  was  in  cold  blood.  I  told  him  that  had  he 
been  daring  enough  to  do  such  a  thing  I  should  have  killed 
him,  or  had  him  killed  on  the  spot.  Finally  he  quitted  the 
assembly  without  taking  leave  of  anyone  and  went  off 
home  like  a  madman  to  tear  down  the  French  flag,  which 
he  had  hoisted  as  soon  as  he  saw  mine  at  the  Reverend  Father 
Baudoiiin's,  and  which,  until  then,  he  had  left  [flying]. 

Mingo  houma  Tchitou  of  this  village  spoke,  after  him, 
and  said  that  I  ought  not  to  be  surprised  at  what  his  chief 
had  just  said  to  me,  that  he  had  warned  M.  De  Louboey 
of  it  before  coming  [here],  and  [that  he  had  warned]  us  our 
selves  at  the  Mobilliens.  He  added  that  he  had  said  that 
the  nation  must  be  left  to  act  of  rfe«e4f,  that  it  was  not  yet 
inclined  to  accord  us  justice,  that  it  was  necessary  to  have 
patience,  [and]  that  he  hoped  we  would  have  reason  to  be 
satisfied  in  the  end.  In  short  his  harangue  was  only  a 

1  Diron  d'Artaguiette,  author  of  the  second  journal  of  this 
volume,  and  at  one  time  commandant  of  Fort  Conde. 

268 


JOURNAL  OF  DE  BEAUCHAMPS 

repetition  of  what  he  had  said  to  M.  De  Louboey  and  to  me 
before  my  departure  from  the  Mobilliens ;  he  only  made 
me  see  that,  in  spite  of  all  the  fine  promises  which  he  had 
made  me  on  the  way,  he  was  no  more  inclined  to  our  in 
terests  than  his  chief,  covering  himself  with  the  mantle  of 
cowardice,  saying  that  he  was  afraid  and  did  not  know 
which  side  to  take. 

The  Captain  of  the  same  village  arose  and  spoke  with 
moderation.  [He]  said  that  the  Tchactas  were  free  to  go  to 
seek  the  English,  that  for  himself  he  would  never  quit  the 
hand  of  the  French,  that  the  evil  deed  of  Ymatahatchitou 
was  going  to  make  them  all  wretched,  that  they  would  see 
themselves  forced  to  take  again  their  ancient  weapons  (that 
is  the  bow  and  the  arrow),  a  sorry  resource,  said  he  to  his 
people,  for  those  who  have  a  family  to  nourish  and  to  sup 
port,  and  all  the  more  so  as  we  have  [i.e.  they  had]  com 
pletely  lost  the  use  of  them ;  that  as  for  himself  we  ought 
to  be  assured  of  his  attachment,  that  he  had  given  us  con 
vincing  proof  of  it  in  the  wounds  which  he  still  bears  and 
which  he  had  received  in  our  service.  After  this  discourse 
the  assembly  broke  up. 

The  3Oth  I  despatched  a  courrier  to  M.  De  Louboey  to 
inform  him  that  I  had  arrived  with  my  men,  among  that 
nation,  in  good  health  and  without  accident.  I  detailed 
to  him  how  dissatisfied  I  was  with  the  harangues  which  the 
Chicachae  had  made  to  me  and  for  which  I  was  not  pre 
pared  by  the  demonstrations  of  friendship  which  they  had 
evidenced  to  me  the  day  before. 

The  same  day  I  despatched  a  courrier  to  the  Couchas  1 
to  notify  Allibamon  maingo  [sic],  the  medal  chief,  and  his 
people  that  I  had  arrived  and  [to  direct  him]  to  give  notice 
of  it  throughout  all  the  Eastern  district,  telling  him  that  if 
he  judged  my  presence  necessary  in  those  parts  he  had  only 
to  let  me  know  [and]  I  would  leave  on  the  instant  to  repair 
thither.  I  profited  by  the  same  occasion  to  despatch  the 

1  The  Couchas  or  Conchas  were  Choctaws  inhabiting  the 
town  of  Coucha  or  Concha  in  the  northeast  district  of  the  Choc- 
taw  country. 

269 


TRAVELS  IN  THE  AMERICAN  COLONIES 

letters  with  which  I  was  intrusted  for  Mr.  Hazeur,  to  Tom- 
bekbe,1  where  he  is  in  command,  informing  him  of  my 
arrival.  I  told  him  that  I  had  demanded  three  heads,  in 
discriminately,  for  the  three  Frenchmen  whom  the  rebel 
had  had  assassinated,  and  that  he  should  conform  himself 
thereto. 

The  ist  of  October  the  courier  whom  the  Reverend  Father 
Baudoiiin  had  sent  to  Mobille  to  carry  news  from  the 
Tchaktas  to  M.  De  Louboey  arrived  with  the  reply  to  the 
letters  of  the  Reverend  Father.  I  received  one  from  M.  De 
Louboey  together  with  a  copy  of  the  one  from  M.  Leseur,2 
commandant  at  the  Allibamons,  whereby  I  saw  with  pleas 
ure  that  the  Abekas,3  very  far  from  giving  support  to  the 
rebel  Ymatahatchitou,  —  as  he  had  intended  in  sending  to 
them  three  pieces  from  the  scalps  of  our  Frenchmen  —  had, 
on  the  contrary,  regarded  the  treachery  with  horror ;  they 
placed  the  fragments  in  a  white  skin  and  took  them  to  the 
captain  of  the  Pakamans  4  who  enveloped  them  in  a  second 
[skin]  and  then  carried  them  to  M.  Lesueur,  assuring  him 
that  the  Abekas,  Talapouches,5  and  Allibamonts  6  detested 
with  all  their  hearts  the  odious  acts  of  the  Tchactas ;  that 
if  that  nation  refused  to  give  us  prompt  satisfaction,  they 
would  even  permit  all  [their  men]  to  go  there  to  persuade 
them  to  it;  that  they  would  utterly  refrain  from  aiding 
such  an  ungrateful  nation.  After  having  learned  this  news 
I  reassembled  the  savages  in  order  that  I  might  impart  it 

1  Fort  Tombecbe,  on  the  west  bank  of  the  Tombigbee  River 
about  twenty  miles  above  its  confluence  with  the  Black  Warrior. 

2  Le  Sueur,  commandant  of  Fort  Toulouse. 

3  Upper   Creek   Indians    inhabiting   the    region   of   the    Coosa 
River  above  Hatchet  Creek. 

4  There  is  doubt  as  to  the  identity  of  these  Indians  but  it  seems 
likely  that  they  were  Upper  Creeks  inhabiting  the  town  of  Pakan- 
Tallahassee   on   Hatchet   Creek   about   eighteen   miles   from   its 
junction  with  the  Coosa. 

5  The  Tallapoosas  were  Upper  Creeks  inhabiting  the  region  of 
the  Tallapoosa  River. 

6  The  Alibamas   inhabited  the  region   at  and  below  the  con 
fluence  of  the  Coosa  and  Tallapoosa. 

270 


JOURNAL  OF  DE   BEAUCHAMPS 

to  them.  After  I  had  related  everything  to  them  in  detail 
I  observed  that  the  people  who  had  comported  themselves 
in  that  fashion  were  savages  who  had  the  English  among 
them,  but  that,  —  as  the  Tchactas  are  great  liars  [and]  so 
might  imagine  that  I  wished  to  avail  myself  of  the  same 
privilege  in  order  to  engage  them  to  give  us  satisfaction,  — 
the  Red  man  who  had  just  delivered  to  me  the  letters  was 
going  to  relate  everything  to  them  that  he  had  learned  from 
the  Apalaches  savage  who  had  brought  this  news  from  the 
Allibamonts,  since,  being  a  red  man  like  themselves,  they 
would  have  perhaps  more  faith  in  him,  [but]  that  they  ought 
nevertheless  to  be  persuaded  that  a  man  like  myself  "was 
incapable  of  imposing  upon  them. 

I  ordered  the  one  armed  man  who  had  brought  this 
news,  and  who  is  a  notable  of  the  village,  to  speak.  He 
arose  and  under  five  heads  reported  with  much  circumstance 
all  that  the  Apalache  had  told  him,  adding  that  peace  had 
been  made  both  on  the  upper  river  and  in  the  region  of  the 
Ouabache  J  Choiianons  2  and  Cheraquis  ;  that  twelve  Choii- 
anons  had  come  to  cement  it  also  with  all  the  nations  of  the 
Allibamonts,  Talapouches,  Abekas,  Caoiiitas,3  Cachetas,4 
etc.,  and  that  this  spring  there  were  to  come  a  hundred 
[Chouanons]  to  settle  at  the  Allibamonts  with  the  people 
of  their  village  who  settled  there  ten  years  ago.  He  added 
furthermore,  that  peace  reigned  throughout  all  the  nations, 
that  all  the  roads  were  white,  that  those  people  could  go 
everywhere  and  that  the  Tchactas  were  the  only  ones  who 
had  reddened  the  ground.  This  discourse,  in  harmony 
with  mine,  did  not  fail  to  disconcert  somewhat  the  chief  of 
the  village  as  well  as  all  those  who  had  yielded  in  the  first 
assembly. 

Nevertheless  the  chief  repeated,  being  sober,  the  same 
nonsense  that  he  had  addressed  to  us,  being  drunk ;  but 

1  Wabash.  2  Shawnee. 

3  Kawitas,  Lower  Creeks  inhabiting  the  town  of  Kawita  on  the 
Chattahoochee  River. 

4  Kasihtas,  Lower  Creeks  inhabiting  the  town  of  Kasihta  on 
the  Chattahoochee  River  a  little  below  Kawita. 

271 


TRAVELS  IN  THE  AMERICAN  COLONIES 

with  more  gentleness  I  spoke  to  him  about  the  flag  which  he 
had  taken  down  and  told  him  that  the  flag  was  not  for  him 
self  alone  but  for  all  the  village  and  that  he  must  raise  it 
again  or  else  I  would  have  it  taken  away  from  him.  He 
had  it  put  back  and  left  it  until  after  my  departure.  The 
Captain,  with  an  aged  notable,  Ytemongoulache,  spoke 
strongly  in  our  behalf.  The  red  chief,  still  disconcerted, 
spoke  not  a  word. 

The  Taskanangoutchy  of  the  Youanis  thereupon  delivered 
his  discourse,  strongly  in  our  favor,  saying  that  nothing 
was  more  just  than  the  demand  which  I  made  upon  them; 
that  it  was  meet  that  prompt  satisfaction  should  be  given 
us  so  that  I  might  conciliate  them  in  spirit  and  re-establish 
peace  and  union  among  the  Tchactas  ;  that  as  for  himself, 
being  inoulacta,  he  would  never  give  vent  to  evil  speech, 
nor  would  he  receive  the  English,  even  though  they  came 
with  many  wares ;  that  he  would  hold  to  the  French  whose 
hand  he  had  taken  from  the  days  of  tender  youth,  as  had 
all  those  of  his  race.  This  speech  over,  each  one  went  his 
way.  The  same  day  the  messenger  whom  I  had  despatched 
to  the  Couchas  and  to  the  Aye  pate  goula  to  announce  my 
arrival,  arrived  at  eight  o'clock  of  the  evening  and  told  me 
that  he  had  not  found  Allibamon  Mingo,  he  having  gone 
to  his  desert,  which  is  far  removed  from  the  village,  but  that 
Toupaou  mastabe,  the  captain,  had  been  rejoiced  to  learn 
of  my  arrival  [and]  was  going  to  notify  his  great  chief  to 
repair  hither  with  the  notables  ;  that  he  [Toupaou  mastabe] 
was  grateful  to  me  for  not  having  gone  beyond  this  village, 
by  reason  of  the  risks  which  I  and  my  men  would  have  run 
in  going  to  see  them,  for  the  heart  of  the  red  men  was  bad 
and  had  some  accident  befallen  me  it  would  have  occasioned 
a  war  among  them,  for  they  would  not  have  suffered  me  to 
be  insulted,  either  while  on  the  way  or  in  their  villages. 
The  messenger  told  me  that  they  begged  me  not  to  pass 
beyond  this  village,  that  I  would  expose  them  to  being  mas 
sacred  by  the  Tchactas,  their  own  faction  being  the  weaker, 
[and]  that  they  would  come  at  once  to  see  me  to  receive 
the  messages  of  the  great  chiefs  of  the  French,  their  fathers. 

272 


JOURNAL  OF  DE  BEAUCHAMPS 

The  2d  October  I  despatched  a  courier  to  the  six  villages 
of  the  dependency  of  the  Chicachae  and  Ougoulasalaya,  to 
notify  them  of  my  arrival,  and  [to  tell  them]  to  come  to 
receive  the  message  which  I  bore  them  from  M.  De  Vau- 
dreiiil,  their  father. 

The  same  day  I  despatched  a  notable  to  Tombekbe  to 
carry  letters  to  M.  Hazeur  in  which  I  informed  him  that  in 
view  of  the  circumstances,  and  of  the  attachment  of  the 
three  nations  of  the  Allibamonts,  Abekas,  and  Talapouches, 
it  was  no  longer  desirable  to  demand  three  heads,  indis 
criminately,  but  that,  on  the  contrary,  we  must  fix  upon  the 
head  of  the  rebel  Ymatahatchitou.  I  told  him  that  if  the 
deputies  of  the  Allibamons  arrived,  he  should  receive  them 
well  —  since  they  were  undertaking  that  move  only  with 
the  view  of  engaging  the  Tchactas  to  give  satisfaction  to 
the  French  —  and  to  send  them  on  to  me  if  that  were 
possible. 

The  3d  of  the  said  [month]  Allibamont  mingo,  Toupaou 
mastabe,  and  Quikanabe  Mingo,  all  three  Couchas,  accom 
panied  by  the  Taskanangouchy  and  by  the  medicine  man 
of  the  Bois  Bleux,  arrived.  I  talked  to  them  on  the  same 
day  and  repeated  to  them  the  message  of  M.  De  Vaudreuil 
and  what  I  had  learned  from  the  Allibamonts  by  the  letter 
of  M.  Lesueur,  as  I  had  done  at  the  preceding  assembly, 
adding  only  in  speaking  to  Allibamonts  Mingo,  that  having 
learned  that  he  had  comported  himself  perfectly  in  this 
affair,  I  addressed  directly  to  him  the  words  of  his  father, 
as  he  was  the  only  great  chief  to  whom  I  could  have  recourse 
for  support  of  my  own,  [and]  that  I  begged  him  to  tell  me, 
without  concealment,  if  what  his  father  and  I  demanded, 
was  not  just.  To  this  the  chief,  after  rising  and  making 
two  circles  —  one  of  which  indicated  the  settlement  of  the 
French,  and  the  other,  larger,  enclosed  the  Tchactas  nations 
—  made  reply.  He  commenced  his  discourse  in  these  terms  : 
That  I  ought  not  in  the  least  to  doubt  his  attachment  for 
us ;  that  it  was  not  his  fault  that  this  evil  affair  was  not 
already  ended,  for  he  had  represented  all  the  consequences 
of  it  to  the  nation  and  particularly  to  the  people  of  his 

273 


TRAVELS  IN  THE  AMERICAN  COLONIES 

village  and  dependency;  that  he  perfectly  remembered  his 
first  estate ;  that  it  was  not  necessary  to  spare  people  who 
had  long  sought  only  the  loss  and  ruin  of  the  Tchactas 
nation,  and  who  had  just  capped  the  climax  with  their 
crimes ;  that  all  the  red  men  must  see  clearly  that  all  the 
promises  of  Ymatahatchitou  were  vain  and  chimerical ; 
that  he  regarded  all  those  projects  as  impossible;  that  as 
for  him,  his  will  was  good  but  that  he  could  not  give  us  the 
satisfaction  which  we  justly  demanded,  fearing  to  set  all 
the  nation  against  him ;  that  if  he  were  seconded  he  would 
do  it  with  a  good  heart,  but  that  his  village,  and  that  of  the 
Chicachae,  which  are  united  from  of  old,  could  not  give 
this  satisfaction,  however  great  their  desire,  without  run 
ning  the  risk  of  being  cut  to  pieces  by  the  rest  of  the  nation ; 
that  it  was  necessary  to  await  the  chiefs  of  the  region  of  the 
west  who  are  the  most  concerned  in  this  affair,  since  the 
Frenchmen  who  were  assassinated  lived  in  their  villages ; 
that  it  would  be  seen  what  they  think  of  it ;  that  he  would 
use  all  his  influence  to  engage  them  to  do  justice  by  us  and 
would  speak  to  them  outright  and  boldly  to  bring  them  to 
it.  In  short  this  chief  spoke  with  all  the  eloquence  possible 
on  the  side  of  our  interests,  often  repeating  that  if  the 
Tchactas  lost  the  French  they  must  needs  look  upon  them 
selves  as  dead,  since  their  women  and  their  children  would 
not  only  be  naked  as  in  the  past  but  would  die  of  destitu 
tion  and  hunger. 

Toupaoii  mastabe,  captain  of  the  same  village,  next  spoke 
[but]  not  in  the  way  I  had  expected.  His  discourse  con 
tained  nothing  but  tricky  terms,  ambiguities,  and  fear ;  he 
brought  forth  as  many  difficulties  for  [the  settling  of]  this 
affair  as  though  I  had  demanded  of  him  things  that  were 
unjust.  Such  an  harangue  from  a  man  whom  I  thought 
wholly  devoted  to  the  French  surprised  me  extremely.  His 
discourse  was  very  long,  stupid,  and  tiresome ;  he  repeated 
from  time  to  time  his  great  deeds,  but  always  refrained 
from  saying  anything  satisfactory  to  us,  except  that  he 
would  always  love  the  French,  that  he  would  not  abandon 
them,  but  that  he  was  afraid  and  could  do  nothing  for  them. 

274 


JOURNAL  OF  DE  BEAUCHAMPS 

Quikanabe  Mingo  made  no  harangue  at  all ;  he  contented 
himself  with  saying  to  me,  after  the  assembly  and  before  all 
who  were  in  the  chamber  of  the  Reverend  Father  Baudoiiin, 
that  as  soon  as  he  had  learned  the  sad  news  [of  the  assassina 
tion  of  the  French]  he  had  made  ready  to  march  to  execute 
justice,  that  he  had  failed  because  no  one  had  been  willing 
to  second  him,  that  if  there  was  a  willingness  to  aid  him 
he  was  entirely  willing  to  start  out  again,  nor  did  he  fear  to 
risk  his  life  to  avenge  the  French  and  to  re-establish  peace 
in  the  nation  to  the  end  that  he  might  rescue  it  from  the 
oppression  of  Ymatahatchitou  and  of  the  English,  knowing 
furthermore  that  these  latter  are  unable  to  supply  their 
needs.  [He  said]  that  of  this  he  spoke  with  knowledge  since 
he  had  formerly  been  [one  of]  their  captains  and  their  par- 
tizans  —  [and]  that  but  for  M.  De  Beauchamps  and  the 
Reverend  Father  Baudoiiin  he  might  still  be  —  but  he  had 
recognized  his  mistake  and  would  always  sacrifice  himself 
for  the  French,  his  benefactors.  He  told  me  in  private 
that  he  took  this  affair  so  much  to  heart  that,  although  he 
did  not  promise  me  anything,  I  would  perhaps  hear  of  him ; 
that  he  was  returning  at  once  to  succor  his  children  whom 
he  had  left  dying;  that  he  had  already  lost  one  but  a  few 
days  before,  for  whom  he  was  in  mourning,  that  it  had  re 
quired  nothing  less  than  a  message  such  as  mine  to  have 
made  him  leave  his  hut  where  he  was  in  tears. 

The  Taskanamgouchy  of  the  Bois  Bleux  next  spoke,  and 
made  a  speech  very  much  in  our  favor,  saying  that  he  had 
always  been  the  destroyer  of  the  English,  and  that  if  any 
of  them  came  among  the  nation  I  might  be  assured  that  he 
would  shoot  them ;  that  as  soon  as  he  had  received  the 
news  of  the  act  of  Ymatahatchitou  he  had  on  the  spot 
caused  the  alarm  to  be  sounded  and  had  gone,  with  sixty 
warriors  of  his  village  to  the  Yazoii  of  the  East,  the  drum 
beating,  counting  upon  all  the  Tchactas  to  take  part  in  the 
affair,  [but]  not  having  found  anyone  to  second  him  in  that 
village  nor  in  those  roundabout  he  had  been  obliged  to  turn 
back.  The  chiefs  told  him,  by  way  of  reward  for  his  good 
will,  that  he  was  crazy,  that  it  was  not  yet  time  to  avenge 

275 


TRAVELS  IN  THE  AMERICAN   COLONIES 

us,  and  that  there  was  too  much  of  risk  to  run;  that  first 
of  all  there  must  be  taken  the  opinion  of  all  the  chiefs  of 
the  nation,  [and]  that  until  then  it  was  fitting  to  remain 
quiet.  The  medicine  man  who  had  accompanied  him  said 
nothing ;  he  contented  himself  with  applauding  indiscrim 
inately  both  the  speeches  of  Allibamonts  mingo  and  the 
others. 

I  then  spoke  in  private  to  Toupaoumastabe,  captain  [of 
the]  Couchas.  It  appeared  by  his  reply  that  he  was  better 
inclined  toward  us  than  he  had  appeared  in  his  harangue ; 
he  said,  by  way  of  excuse,  that  the  Red  men  did  not  dare 
to  say  in  public  what  they  thought,  because  Ymatahatchitou 
had  spies  in  the  assemblies,  but  that  he  hoped  nevertheless 
that  we  would  have  grounds  for  satisfaction  without  loss  of 
time. 

The  4th,  in  the  afternoon,  I  received  a  reply  to  the  first 
news  that  I  had  sent  to  M.  Hazeur,  wherein  he  informed  me, 
that,  jointly  with  me,  he  would  demand  indiscriminately 
three  heads  of  the  murderers. 

The  same  day  Taskanamgouchyaclako,  chief  of  the  Yazoii,1 
came  to  see  me  and  spoke  me  very  fair.  He  told  me  that 
he  was  going  to  bear  the  message  of  M.  De  Vaudreuil,  his 
father,  throughout  all  the  region  of  the  east  and  to  engage 
[the  savages]  to  unite  with  Allibamont  mingo  the  bearer  of 
the  message,  and  to  second  him  in  securing  the  satisfaction 
which  I  demanded  of  them ;  that  if  Choulkooiilacta  were 
not  dead  those  two  great  chiefs  would  have  concerted  to 
render  us  justice,  whether  or  no,  but  unhappily  the  latter 
had  died  in  a  time  when  we  had  the  most  need  of  him,  that 
he  had  realized  all  the  consequence  of  [the  affair]  and  had 
so  declared,  before  dying,  recommending  to  all  his  relations 
and  warriors  never  to  leave  the  French. 

The  1st,  the  chief  of  Oiiny  2  with  his  second  and  a  few 

1  The  principal  town  of  this  name  —  a  Choctaw  town  —  was 
on  the  site  still  known  as  Yazoo  Old  Town  in  Neshoba  County, 
Mississippi.    There  was  another  town  of  the  same  name  farther  east. 

2  There  was  a  Choctaw  town  of  Oony  on  a  branch  of  the  upper 
Chickasawhay  River  in  what  is  now  Newton  County,  Mississippi. 

276 


JOURNAL  OF  DE  BEAUCHAMPS 

warriors  arrived  and  spoke  to  me  right  well,  as  did  also  his 
second.  I  had  good  grounds  for  being  content  with  them, 
although  [they  are]  neighbors  of  the  rebel. 

Oulisso  Mingo  of  the  Eaiies  noires  spoke  no  ill,  notwith 
standing  he  was  suspected  of  being  in  the  interests  of 
Ymatahatchitou. 

The  same  day  arrived  the  courier  from  Mobille  with 
letters  for  me  and  M.  Hazeur. 

The  i6th  at  noon  arrived  the  courier  whom  I  had  sent  to 
Tombekbe  [and]  by  whom  I  had  had  sent  word  to  M. 
Hazeur,  that,  in  consequence  of  the  action  of  the  Abekas 
and  Allibamonts  it  was  necessary  to  determine  upon  obtain 
ing  the  head  of  the  rebel,  and  no  longer  to  demand  three 
heads  indiscriminately.  M.  Hazeur,  to  whom  this  news 
gave  much  pleasure,  replied  that  he  would  second  my  views 
in  all  respects. 

The  same  day  I  sent  on  to  Tombekbe  the  letters  which 
had  come  to  me  from  Mobille.  By  the  same  occasion  I 
informed  the  Commandant  of  the  former  post,  as  to  the 
speeches,  good  and  bad,  which  I  had  listened  to  but  [said] 
that  I  did  not  discern  any  great  attachment  for  us  although 
I  had  every  reason  to  be  content  with  the  fashion  in  which 
Allibamont  mingo  had  declared  himself,  as  well  as  Taska- 
namgouchy  of  the  Bois  bleux  and  some  others ;  that  I  was 
awaiting  the  six  Villages  and  the  western  party  in  order  to 
sound  their  hearts,  which  would  doubtless  be  as  hardened 
as  that  of  the  chief  of  this  village  who  had  spoken  much  ill 
to  us. 

The  said  day,  at  ten  o'clock  of  the  morning  the  chiefs  of 
the  villages  of  the  Cannes  jaunes,  Bouttouloucay,  Tala, 
Machoubaouenya,  Ceniacha,  and  Toussana,1  arrived.  I 
talked  to  them  until  three  hours  past  midday  after  having 
explained  to  them,  in  the  strongest  terms,  the  message  of 
M.  De  Vaudreiiil,  their  father,  and  that  which  the  men  of 
the  Allibamonts  had  done. 

1  These  six  villages  were  in  the  region  of  the  upper  waters  of 
Chickasawhay  River,  within  the  limits  of  the  present  Newton 
and  Jasper  counties,  Mississippi. 

277 


TRAVELS  IN  THE  AMERICAN  COLONIES 

The  chief  of  Tala  arose  and  spoke  in  these  terms :  that 
what  I  demanded  of  them  was  impossible;  that  I  ought 
not  to  hope  that  they  should  deliver  me  any  heads  for  those 
of  the  Frenchmen;  that  if  he  had  known  that  it  was  for 
that  that  I  had  summoned  him  he  would  not  have  taken 
the  trouble  to  come;  that  he  had  thought  I  was  come  to 
propose  to  them  to  make  war  upon  the  Chikachas,  expecting 
that  the  goods  which  I  had  brought  should  be  spread  before 
them  to  engage  them  to  receive  my  message;  that  they 
perceived  well  enough  that  the  French  meant  to  impoverish 
them ;  that  he  did  not  concern  himself  about  that ;  that  he 
would  remain  at  home  at  his  ease.  It  is  to  be  remarked 
that  this  chief  is  of  the  race  of  Ymatahatchitou. 

The  chief  of  the  Cannes  jaunes,  who  is  a  young  man, 
without  authority,  next  spoke,  saying  neither  good  nor  ill, 
except  that  he  had  several  times  warned  the  French  to 
beware  of  the  bad  Tchactas,  that  they  [the  French]  were 
not  ignorant  that  there  were  many  of  ill  will ;  that  he  had 
several  times  warned  the  Sr.  Chambly  as  well  as  the  others, 
of  them. 

The  chief  of  Machoiibaouenya,  who  is  of  the  race  of  the 
great  chief  of  the  nation,  spoke  very  well,  but  his  second, 
Mingo  ouma  said  nothing  of  any  account. 

Ymatahapouscouche,  and  Fanymingo  Tchaha  of  the 
Ceniacha,  spoke  next  and  said  that  they  did  not  see  any 
likelihood  that  the  red  men  could  do  us  justice  without 
running  many  risks  and  that  they  were  not  at  all  inclined 
to  get  themselves  killed  through  love  of  us. 

The  chief  of  the  Bouetouloucay  spoke  in  the  same  tone. 
It  even  appeared  that  their  discourses  were  shaped  upon 
the  understanding  which  they  had  reached  among  them 
selves  while  on  the  way.  They  added  that  if  they  were 
not  furnished  with  munitions  and  if  their  arms  were  not 
repaired  for  them,  they  would,  at  the  worst,  but  be  obliged 
to  resort  to  their  former  weapons,  —  meaning  thereby  the 
bow  and  the  arrow.  I  impressed  upon  them  that  that  was 
but  a  slender  resource  for  people  who  had  lost  the  use  of 
them  [the  bow  and  arrow],  to  which  they  made  no  reply. 

278 


JOURNAL  OF  DE  BEAUCHAMPS 

They  contented  themselves  with  saying  to  me  that  if  they 
had  wars  with  any  nations  they  would  defend  themselves 
as  they  could  —  referring  thus  to  the  Allibamons  because 
of  what  I  had  said  about  them. 

Allibamont  mingo,  whom  I  had  told  to  support  my  words, 
made  a  great  and  fine  speech  to  them,  to  persuade  them  to 
join  with  him  in  obtaining  for  us  the  satisfaction  which  I 
demanded  of  them,  in  the  name  of  their  father;  in  order 
that  I  might  re-establish  peace  and  union  among  them  and 
procure  for  them  the  means  of  supporting  their  women 
and  their  children,  who  would  die  of  hunger,  if  their  muni 
tions  and  the  repairing  of  their  arms  were  cut  off. 

Then  he  recounted  that,  so  far  from  finding  support 
among  the  Abekas,  as  Ymatahatchitou  had  made  them 
hope,  these  latter  had  held  his  action  in  horror,  upon  seeing 
the  pieces  of  French  scalps  which  he  had  sent  them,  and 
instead  of  exhibiting  them  upon  their  huts,  as  he  had  sent 
word  to  them  to  do,  they  had  kicked  them  aside  and  then 
had  wrapped  them  in  a  white  skin  to  take  them  to  M. 
Lesueur  at  the  Allibamonts.  This  chief  told  them  further 
many  other  and  very  pertinent  matters,  in  order  to  make 
them  the  better  feel  of  what  consequence  it  was  for  all  the 
Tchactas  nation  to  give  us  a  prompt  and  ample  satisfaction. 
He  also  told  them  of  all  the  evil  which  might  result  [from 
failure  to  do  so],  whereupon  the  chief  of  Tousana  responded 
that  he,  as  well  as  the  other  chiefs,  had  very  well  heard 
what  I  had  said  to  them;  that  it  was  needless  for  him  to 
give  himself  the  trouble  to  repeat  it ;  that  he  did  not  regard 
him  as  of  any  consequence  in  this  affair,  and  that  he  was 
not  seeking  his  opinion  as  to  what  he  should  do;  that  he 
ought  to  content  himself  with  drinking  and  eating  with  the 
French  chiefs  and  [do]  nothing  else.  This  evil  argument 
compelled  Allibamont  mingo  to  silence,  in  spite  of  the  desire 
which  he  had  to  make  them  realize  all  the  horror  of  the 
crime  committed  by  the  Tchactas,  —  especially  Pouchi- 
mataha,  chief  of  Tousana  who  had  had  the  trader  of  his 
village  assassinated. 

Pouchimataha  arose  then,  and  said  that  he  supposed  that 

279 


TRAVELS  IN  THE  AMERICAN   COLONIES 

the  goods  which  I  had  brought  were  intended  to  engage 
them  to  go  to  war  upon  their  enemies  and  ours,  but  that  he 
saw,  on  the  contrary,  that  they  were  for  the  purpose  of 
getting  them  to  support  [me] ;  that  he  was  not  at  all  of  that 
opinion ;  he  added  many  other  things,  in  the  same  tone  and 
but  little  satisfying.  The  red  chief  of  the  Nachoubaoiienya 
did  likewise  and  endorsed  what  this  last  chief  had  recited. 
I  told  him  that  a  man  like  myself  did  not  go  on  the  march 
without  goods ;  that  those  which  I  had  brought  were  in 
tended  for  the  subsistence  of  my  warriors  and  for  making 
presents  to  whom  I  saw  fit ;  to  which  he  dared  not  retort ; 
no  more  than  did  Pouchimataha  and  the  others.  I  broke 
up  this  assembly  in  telling  them  that  I  would  render  a 
faithful  account  to  their  father  of  the  attachment  for  him 
and  for  all  the  French  which  they  had  displayed  to  me. 
They  then  set  themselves  to  eating  what  the  Chicachae 
had  prepared  for  them,  [and]  as  soon  as  they  had  their 
bellies  full  they  came  to  take  my  hand  and  quickly  departed 
without  saying  anything  more. 

The  chief  of  Toussana  and  the  red  chief  of  the  Nachou 
baoiienya  remained  and  gave  some  signs  of  good  will  and 
attachment  in  the  hope,  without  doubt,  that  I  would  make 
them  a  present  by  way  of  reward  for  the  evil  discourse  they 
had  held  me ;  but  their  hopes  were  vain  as  were  those  of 
their  company,  whom  I  sent  away  with  nothing. 

Allibamont  mingo,  who  had  a  violent  attack  of  fever,  by 
reason  of  having  vehemently  harangued  for  a  part  of  the 
day,  left  on  the  morrow  at  daybreak  to  return  home  and 
bear  the  message  of  M.  De  Vaudreuil  throughout  all  the 
district  of  the  east  and  in  his  dependency,  while  going  to 
mourn  the  death  of  Choulkooulacta  (I  learned  that  the  rebel 
Ymatahatchitou  had  been  there  some  days  previously  to 
weep  over  the  grave  of  that  chief)  —  ceremonies  which  are 
religiously  observed  among  them.  I  gave  the  letters  for 
M.  Hazeur  to  Allibamont  Mingo  who  charged  himself  with 
the  safe  delivery  of  them ;  among  them  was  the  copy  of  the 
letter  of  M.  De  Vaudreuil,  who  transmitted  the  news  which 
the  frigate  La  Mutine  had  brought  him  from  France. 

280 


JOURNAL  OF  DE  BEAUCHAMPS 

The  ^th  the  great  chief  of  the  nation  who  had  arrived  in 
the  morning  with  Ymatahamingo  of  the  Ebitoupougoula, 
and  the  second  of  Tchichatalaya,  spoke  to  me  in  excellent 
terms  and  said  that  he  was  very  sensible  to  the  perfidious 
act  of  Ymatahatchitou,  but  that  he  was  old  and  unable  to 
undertake  anything ;  that  even  of  late  his  hut  had  been 
shot  at  and  [there  had  been  shooting]  in  his  deserts ;  that 
he  was  in  great  fear  lest  those  of  evil  intentions  should  make 
an  attempt  upon  his  life  after  the  measures  that  had  just 
been  taken,  but  that  he  would,  with  all  his  force,  urge  the 
nation  to  give  us  satisfaction  in  order  to  re-establish  peace 
and  union  among  the  Tchactas  that  they  might  live  together 
as  heretofore  ;  that  as  for  himself  personally  he  would  never 
hold  any  other  language  than  that  of  his  father,  but  that 
he  could  not  take  any  action,  that  he  feared  too  much  lest 
he  himself  be  assassinated. 

Ymataha  mingo,  or  the  Monkey,  said  that  as  for  him  [if] 
I  commanded  him  to  make  war  upon  the  Chikachas  he 
would  set  out  upon  the  instant  with  his  warriors,  but  that, 
when  it  came  to  fighting  against  his  own  nation  he  was  too 
fearful  and  not  at  all  so  inclined,  thus  making  an  exhibit  of 
cowardice,  like  the  others. 

I  sounded  this  chief  in  private  through  the  interpreter 
who  reported  that  the  savage  was  not  willing  to  declare  his 
intentions  in  public  but  that  he  would  do  his  best  to  make 
us  satisfied  with  him,  without  however  promising  anything 
positive ;  however,  as  he  has  great  ambition  perhaps  he 
will  attempt  something  [to  gain]  the  promised  reward. 

The  Qth  the  great  chief  and  those  who  had  accompanied 
him  returned.  They  all  assured  me  of  their  fidelity  as  well 
as  of  that  of  all  the  Ayepategoulas.  The  great  chief,  before 
his  departure,  gave  evidence  of  much  displeasure  at  the  evil 
language  held  by  the  Six  Villages  and  by  the  [chief]  of 
Toussana,  and  ordered  Apaninantcla  of  the  Ceniachas  to 
tell  them,  from  him,  that  they  must  come  to  make  their 
excuses  to  me,  both  for  their  evil  discourse  and  for  the 
brusque  fashion  of  their  leaving,  and  that  he  would  speak 
right  roundly  his  mind  to  them  in  the  assembly  which  was 

281 


TRAVELS  IN  THE  AMERICAN  COLONIES 

to  be  held  for  the  scraping  of  the  bones  of  the  dead.  In 
consequence  the  chief  and  the  second  of  the  village  of  Na- 
choubaouenya,  came  the  day  of  my  departure,  to  express 
their  regret  at  having  spoken  ill  as  well  as  at  having  departed 
so  brusquely ;  that  they  had  acted  thus  without  reflection, 
but  that  they  came  to  make  me  their  excuses,  assuring  me 
that  they  would  never  abandon  the  hand  of  the  French. 

The  same  day,  in  the  afternoon,  arrived  the  Ditemon- 
goulacha  chiefs,  of  the  west,  to  whom  I  delivered  the  message 
of  M.  the  governor  and  [told]  what  I  had  learned  from  the 
Allibamonts.  They  replied  that  my  demand  was  just, 
but  that  although  they  realized  all  the  consequences,  they 
were  not  bold  enough,  nor  strong  enough  to  attack  the  party 
of  Ymataha  Tchitou  which  was  still  powerful ;  that  they 
had  taken  upon  themselves  to  avenge  us,  but  that,  finding 
themselves  alone  in  this  determination,  they  had  not  dared 
make  the  attempt  for  fear  of  not  being  sustained  by  the 
nation.  [They  said]  that  when  the  partizans  of  the  rebel 
find  themselves  impoverished  they  will  withdraw  from 
him,  and  that  then  they  will  be  able  to  give  us  the  satis 
faction  which  we  demand ;  but  that  up  to  now  he  [Ymata- 
hatchitou]  had  filled  them  [his  partizans]  with  imaginings 
and  the  hope  that  they  would  shortly  be  enriched  with 
goods,  both  from  the  English  and  from  the  Chikachas ; 
that  as  for  them  they  saw  well  enough  that  all  those  promises 
were  vain  and  futile  and  that  it  was  impossible  for  him  to 
hold  to  all  that  he  had  promised  them ;  that  for  their  part 
we  ought  to  feel  assured  that  they  would  never  abandon 
the  hand  of  the  French  to  take  the  hand  of  the  English; 
that  furthermore  they  would  do  all  in  their  power  to  avenge 
the  death  of  the  man  Petit,  their  trader,  and  that  if  they 
could  not  take  vengeance  upon  the  red  men  they  would  take 
it  upon  the  English,  should  they  be  crazy  enough  to  come 
among  the  nation.  In  short  I  was  very  well  satisfied  with 
the  chief  of  this  village  and  with  the  red  chief,  who  never 
theless  is  of  the  race  of  the  rebel. 

Sonakabetaska  promised  me  further  to  avenge  the  death 
of  the  Sr.  Deverbois  at  the  next  [ceremony]  of  scraping  the 

282 


JOURNAL  OF  DE  BEAUCHAMPS 

bones  of  the  dead,  and  to  escape,  thereupon,  to  New  Or 
leans. 

The  same  day,  about  evening  there  came  to  see  me  the 
red  chief,  brother  of  Allibamon  mingo,  and  the  white  chief 
of  the  Eaux  noires,  chief  of  Oskeatchougma.  I  spoke  to 
the  former  of  what  he  must  have  learned  from  his  brother 
as  well  as  from  the  captain  of  his  village.  He  replied  that 
he  had  not  seen  his  brother,  but  that  the  captain  had  re 
counted  all  to  him;  that  as  to  what  I  demanded  of  them 
on  behalf  of  M.  De  Vaudreiiil  their  father,  he  regarded  it 
as  impossible ;  [he  said]  that  the  Couchas  had  even  con 
structed  a  fort,  as  much  for  their  own  security  as  for  that 
of  the  French,  whose  hand  they  did  not  wish  to  abandon ; 
that  he  did  not  believe  however  that  the  party  of  Ymata- 
hatchitou  could  long  hold  together,  as  his  people  see  no  ful 
fillment  of  the  promises  he  has  made  and  is  still  making 
daily. 

The  white  chief,  who  is  a  worthless  fellow,  told  me  that 
Ymatahatchitou,  seeing  nothing  coming  of  all  that  he  ex 
pected  from  the  English,  Chikachas,  and  Abekas,  began  to 
repent  him  of  having  corrupted  their  lands,  and  that  he 
[Ymatahatchitou]  had  said  that  if  goods  did  not  come  in 
abundance  before  long,  it  would  be  necessary  to  satisfy  the 
French  by  giving  up  the  heads  of  three  of  the  warriors  who 
had  committed  the  deed,  and  that  as  for  himself,  being  gouty 
of  the  feet  and  feeble,  he  thought  his  warriors  would  pardon 
him  and  allow  him  to  die  his  own  death,  which,  by  reason 
of  his  infirmities  and  of  his  age,  would  not  be  long  delayed ; 
for  it  would  be  shameful  for  him  to  die  at  the  hands  of  his 
nation.  The  Abekas  of  the  west,  who  are  his  partizans, 
having  learned  of  this  language  replied  that  not  having  first 
given  their  word  in  favor  of  the  murder,  they  would  not 
consent  to  give  their  heads  to  whiten  the  land  which  he  had 
made  red ;  that  it  was  far  more  just  to  give  up  his  own  head 
since  it  was  only  at  his  solicitation  that  the  warriors  had 
spoiled  the  roads  [grattes  (sic)  les  chemins]  on  the  strength 
of  the  false  promises  which  he  had  made  them. 

The  loth,  Tichoumingo,  of  this  village,  who  has  been 
T  283 


TRAVELS  IN  THE  AMERICAN   COLONIES 

about  in  the  nation,  arrived  and  told  me  that  the  Tchactas 
of  the  party  of  Ymatahatchitou,  who  had  been  to  the  Chika- 
chas  to  sell  their  peltries,  had  returned  without  having  sold 
a  single  one,  there  being  no  goods  to  be  had  among  that 
nation  except  for  ammunition ;  the  Chikachas  had  told 
them  that  they  did  not  have  any  [ammunition]  for  them 
selves,  and  that  even  if  they  had  it  would  not  be  for  the 
Tchactas,  that  they  would  carefully  keep  it  for  their  own 
defense  and  for  the  subsistence  of  their  families.  The 
Tchactas,  seeing  such  a  scarcity  were  disconcerted  by  this 
misadventure  and  were  obliged  to  bring  back  their  peltries, 
much  dissatisfied  with  their  journey.  This  story,  although 
doubtful  at  first  sight,  has  been  confirmed  to  me  by  other 
savages  of  that  quarter. 

The  same  day  the  Soulier  Rouge  of  the  Yanabe  1  came, 
about  four  hours  after  midday  with  his  brother  and  a  warrior 
of  the  same  village.  He  told  me  that  I  must  excuse  his 
chief  who  would  gladly  have  come  to  see  me  had  not  sick 
ness  prevented  him.  I  spoke  to  this  notable  of  the  murder 
committed  by  order  of  Ymatahatchitou.  At  first  he  made 
me  a  reply  modelled  upon  those  of  the  others,  and  only  told 
me  that  since  his  return  from  Mobille  he  had  not  gone  out 
side  of  his  hut,  to  which  I  retorted  that  that  was  not  what 
he  had  promised  to  M.  the  governor  when  the  latter  had 
given  him  his  present;  that  I  saw  with  indignation  that 
hardly  out  of  sight  of  the  house  of  their  father  all  the  promises 
they  had  made  to  him  had  faded  away,  or  been  drowned  in 
the  Bayouygo ;  that,  from  hearing  them  talk  at  that  time  I 
supposed  that  the  Chikachas  were  even  now  all  dead,  but 
that  I  saw,  with  chagrin,  that  all  those  who  had  so  highly 
vaunted  themselves,  had  not  only  done  nothing  for  us,  but 
on  the  contrary  they  were,  it  seemed  to  me  all  of  like  mind 
with  those  who  had  committed  this  horrible  deed,  to  say 
nothing  of  having  tacitly  consented  to  it,  since  they  had 
remained  so  quiet  after  the  assurances  they  had  given  their 
father  that  they  would  die  in  behalf  of  the  French. 

1  Ayanabi,  a  Choctaw  town  about  one  hundred  miles  west  of 
Fort  Tombechbe. 

284 


JOURNAL  OF  DE   BEAUCHAMPS 

The  nth  arrived  one  Gaspard,  trader  at  the  Couchats, 
from  Tombekbe  with  a  letter  from  M.  Hazeur  who  sent  me 
the  letter  from  M.  Lesueur,  Commandant  at  the  Alliba- 
monts,  respecting  the  letter  which  M.  De  Louboey  had  sent 
me,  in  the  first  place,  by  the  one-armed  man  of  this  village, 
relating  to  the  scalps  sent  by  Ymatahatchitou  to  the  Abe- 
coutchy  Abekas.1 

M.  Hazeur  informed  me,  in  his  letter  of  the  9th  that 
Paemingo  of  the  Castachas  2  had  been  to  see  him  and  had 
spoken  to  him  at  first  in  unbefitting  terms,  saying  that  he 
had  just  exposed  his  life  in  the  service  of  the  French  from 
whom  there  was  no  reward  forthcoming,  nor  any  trade  in 
peltries,  since  the  French  were  no  longer  willing  to  trade 
with  the  Tchactas  until  we  should  have  had  satisfaction  for 
the  three  Frenchmen  killed  by  their  brethren.  This  worthy 
harangued  with  vehemence  on  other  scores,  constantly 
referring  to  the  chief  of  Boukfouka,3  and  said  that  the 
Tchactas  of  that  quarter  did  not  appear  disposed  to  accord 
the  satisfaction  which  we  demanded  of  the  entire  nation ; 
he  complained  that  they  did  not  make  much  of  him,  and 
then  reported  what  he  had  done,  but  recently,  for  the 
French  —  risking  his  life  and  those  of  his  warriors  in  their 
service  :  [namely]  that  having  prowled  a  long  time  about 
the  Chikachas  villages,  without  finding  any  one  off  in  some 
lonely  place,  he  found  himself  compelled  —  in  order  not  to 
return  empty  handed  —  to  go  into  the  village  where  he 
had  killed  a  young  man  who  had  fallen  on  the  doorstep  of 
his  hut ;  that  he  had  not  been  able  to  take  his  scalp  on 
account  of  the  risk  that  he  would  have  run ;  that  [this] 
being  known  of  the  French  he  had  thought  that  he  and  his 
warriors  would  have  been  given  cause  for  satisfaction ; 
that,  coming  to  see  a  French  chief  he  had  brought  some 

1  Abeka  or  Abihka  Indians  inhabiting  the  town  of  Abikudshi 
on  Tallassee  Creek,  about  five  miles  from  its  junction  with  the 
Coosa  River. 

2  A   Choctaw   town   about   three   miles    southwest   of  the   old 
Choctaw  town  of  Yazoo. 

3  A  Choctaw  town  on  one  of  the  head  streams  of  Pearl  River. 

285 


TRAVELS  IN  THE  AMERICAN  COLONIES 

peltries  and  he  hoped  that,  in  consideration  of  his  deed, 
they  would  not  refuse  [to  trade  with]  him;  that  if  they 
would  not  trade  the  worst  that  he  could  do  would  be  to 
gamble  for  them  with  a  few  red  men  like  himself.  M. 
Hazeur,  in  reply  to  his  first  proposition  said  that  he  did  not 
have  the  gift  of  divining  whether  he  had  taken  a  scalp  or 
no ;  that  as  for  the  peltries  he  had  not  looked  in  his  pack 
to  see  whether  he  had  any  to  trade ;  after  which  he  told 
him  that  not  only  would  he  pay  him  for  the  scalp,  in  con 
sideration  of  his  zeal  and  attachment,  but  that  he  would 
also  trade  with  him  for  his  skins,  although  that  was  for 
bidden,  for  he  did  not  want  to  send  him  away  ashamed 
after  he  had  performed  such  a  fine  deed  and  had  run  so 
many  risks  in  our  service.  Thereupon  this  party  chief  was 
mollified  and  conferred  at  length  with  M.  Hazeur,  with 
regard  to  the  satisfaction  which  we  demanded,  and  promised 
to  do  his  utmost  to  procure  it  for  us.  [He  said]  that  he  was 
going  to  join  with  Taskaoumingo  of  the  Bouksouka  [sic], 
Pouchymataha  of  Toussana,  [and]  Illetaska  of  the  Ymou- 
goulacha  so  that  they  might  all  together  persuade  Tatouli- 
mataha,  elder  brother  of  Ymataha  Tchitou,  to  give  us  this 
satisfaction ;  he  being  of  the  race  of  the  rebel  it  was  fitting, 
in  order  to  avoid  the  consequences,  that  he  should  be  the 
one  to  perform  the  act. 

The  same  day  the  brother  of  Paemingo,  mentioned  above, 
arrived  towards  seven  o'clock  of  the  evening  with  a  letter 
which  M.  Hazeur  had  given  him  for  me,  dated  the  yth, 
wherein  he  conveyed  the  same  information  as  in  the  letter 
of  the  9th,  which  had  been  delivered  to  me  by  the  man 
Gaspard. 

The  Soulier  Rouge,  of  the  Yanabe,  spoke  next,  saying 
that  he  was  ashamed  to  appear  before  the  French  chief 
after  the  disgraceful  thing  that  had  come  to  pass  in  the 
nation,  but  that  he  saw  no  way  of  making  amends  because 
of  the  fear  in  which  they  stood  of  kindling  a  civil  war  among 
the  Tchactas ;  that  I  should  be  assured  that  he  would 
always  cherish  our  interests  with  warmth,  [but]  that  he  did 
not  feel  that  he  himself  was  brave  enough  to  make  an 

286 


JOURNAL  OF  DE  BEAUCHAMPS 

attempt  upon  the  life  of  Ymatahatchitou,  who  was  well 
guarded,  and  that  furthermore  he  was  not  of  his  race. 

To  which  I  replied  that  it  was  far  more  shameful  for  me 
to  have  come  among  a  nation  which  I  supposed  entirely- 
devoted  to  our  interests,  because  of  the  benefits  which  their 
ancestors  had  received,  and  which  they  [themselves]  would 
still  receive  daily ;  that  I  saw  with  astonished  surprise  that 
all  those  great  warriors,  captains,  red  chiefs,  and  notables, 
did  not  dare  to  undertake  anything  against  a  man  who 
sought  only  their  undoing,  and  to  disunite  them  in  causing 
them  to  lose  the  moiety  of  the  French,  and  to  make  them 
wretched ;  that  if,  however,  they  did  not  give  satisfaction 
to  their  father,  in  reparation  of  the  offense  committed  by 
Ymatahatchitou,  I  doubted  not,  that  upon  my  return,  M. 
De  Vaudreuil,  perceiving  the  lack  of  zeal  for  the  execution 
of  his  orders,  would  at  once  cease  all  commerce  with  a  nation 
so  ingrate.  I  further  said  several  very  strong  things,  re 
calling  to  them  all  that  we  had  done  for  them  and  in  the 
strongest  terms.  This  brought  about  a  change  in  this 
party  chief,  who  appeared  much  touched  by  the  feeling 
reproaches,  which  with  justice,  I  had  just  addressed  to 
him.  He  told  me  that  he  could  not  express  himself  in 
public,  that  there  were  too  many  spies,  but  that  he  would 
tell  me  his  sentiment  in  private. 

I  learned  then  that  Tamatle  mingo,  war  chief  of  the 
Couchatys  Allibamonts  1  was  to  arrive  on  the  morrow  with 
his  son,  a  Tchactas  [who  had]  settled  among  them,  and  [the] 
nephew  of  the  Soulier  Rouge  above  mentioned,  together 
with  some  Tchactas  who  accompanied  him.  M.  Hazeur 
had  told  me,  in  his  letter  of  the  9th  that  he  was  sending 
them  to  me. 

The  brother  of  Paemingo  of  the  Castachas,  who  had 
brought  me  the  letter  of  M.  Hazeur  of  the  yth,  gave  me  an 
account  of  his  brothers  raid  on  the  Chikachas,  in  which  he 
himself  had  taken  part,  and  set  forth,  with  much  discourse, 

1  The  Koasati,  Alabamas  inhabiting  a  village  near  the  con 
fluence  of  the  Coosa  and  Tallapoosa  rivers. 

287 


TRAVELS  IN  THE  AMERICAN  COLONIES 

their  services  to  the  French,  as  is  reported  above  in  the 
paragraph  dealing  with  the  letter  of  the  9th. 

I  replied  to  him  that  I  was  well  satisfied  with  the  conduct 
of  his  brother ;  that  I  should  render  an  account  of  it  to  M. 
the  governor,  who  would  without  doubt  recognize  that  mark 
of  attachment ;  that  it  was  glorious  for  him  to  have  carried 
out  his  word,  [but]  that  it  was  not  the  same  with  all  the 
captains,  red  chiefs,  and  other  notables  of  that  nation,  who, 
vying  with  each  other,  had  assured  M.  De  Vaudreuil,  at 
Mobile,  in  the  strongest  terms,  that,  immediately  upon 
their  arrival  [i.e.,  return]  each  one  would  arouse  his  party 
to  go  against  the  Chikachas,  their  enemies  and  ours ;  but 
that,  hardly  had  they  lost  sight  of  his  house,  as  well  as  of 
the  good  reception  and  the  good  cheer  which  he  had  tendered 
them,  than  all  those  mighty  and  fine  promises  had  gone  up 
in  smoke  and  that,  instead  of  keeping  the  word  which  they 
had  given  their  father,  the  most  of  them  had  remained  asleep 
in  their  huts ;  others  had  gone  to  the  Chikachas  to  trade, 
instead  of  to  make  war,  and  to  learn  at  the  same  time  the 
thoughts  of  the  English  so  that  they  might  know  the  truth 
of  the  words  which  Ymatahatchitou  had  spoken  to  them, 
both  as  to  goods  and  ammunition  and  as  to  the  storehouses 
which  they  [the  English]  were,  or  which  they  are  to  estab 
lish  in  that  nation,  and  [that  they  might  learn]  when  this 
would  be  accomplished. 

[I  continued  by  saying]  that  Paemingo  then,  was  the 
only  one  who  had  held  to  the  word  which,  in  leaving,  he 
had  given  to  his  father,  [and]  that  I  went  so  far  as  to  hope 
that  he  would  not  stop  [halfway]  in  such  a  good  course, 
but  that  he  would  do  his  utmost  to  obtain  for  us  the  satis 
faction  which  we  demand  of  the  Tchactas,  so  that  it  might 
be  possible  to  re-establish  among  them  a  peace,  which,  in  all 
appearance,  has  been  troubled  only  with  the  consent  of  all 
the  captains,  red  chiefs,  and  other  notables  of  the  nation, 
who  had  given  no  proofs  of  their  zeal  and  fidelity  in  our 
service.  This  sharp  reproach,  vehemently  uttered,  as 
tonished  the  Soulier  Rouge  of  the  Yanabe  to  such  a  point, 
that  he  asked  a  second  time  to  speak  in  private,  saying  that 

288 


JOURNAL  OF  DE  BEAUCHAMPS 

he  would  demand  nothing  better  than  to  satisfy  the  French 
and  to  reestablish  the  [supply  of]  munitions  and  goods,  in 
order  to  ward  off  the  misery  to  which  we  were  going  to 
reduce  them ;  [and]  that  further,  if  they  did  not  do  us 
justice,  they  would  be  despised  by  the  other  nations  who 
would  rightly  regard  them  as  ungrateful  and  faithless. 

The  I2th  Tamatlemingo  of  the  Allibamonts,  his  son,  and 
a  Tchactas  of  the  Yanabe  [who]  is  settled  among  them, 
arrived  in  company  with  the  Souliers  Rouges  [sic]  of  Tom- 
bekbe,  and  Rassetaou  mastabe  of  the  Couchas ;  the  Chika- 
chae  people  received  them  with,  in  appearance,  a  demon 
stration  of  friendship.  After  they  had  rested  a  little  and 
had  had  to  eat,  the  savages  were  assembled  together  and  I 
spoke  to  Tamatlemingo  and  told  him  to  set  forth  to  all  the 
savages  of  the  assembly,  in  which  there  were  several  Tchac 
tas  of  different  villages,  the  subject  of  his  journey  and  to 
conceal  nothing  from  them. 

Thereupon  he  commenced  his  address  with  much  gentle 
ness  and  calmness  saying  that  he  did  not  know  well  the 
Tchactas  language  but  that  he  would  express  himself  as 
best  he  could.  He  began  by  saying  that  he  was  surprised 
that  the  Tchactas  had  not  yet  rendered  us  justice  in  the 
matter  of  the  three  Frenchmen  who  had  been  assassinated 
among  them,  [but]  that  without  doubt  they  did  not  realize 
the  seriousness  of  it.  It  is  amazing,  said  he,  that,  receiving 
daily  benefits  from  the  French  you  should  have  been  carried 
to  this  extreme ;  do  not  count  in  the  least  upon  the  Eng 
lish,  your  hopes  would  be  ill  founded ;  so  there  are  only 
the  Chikachas  who  can  have  abused  you  in  that  way  in 
order  to  make  you  wretched  and  to  avenge  themselves  upon 
you  at  their  pleasure,  cutting  you  off  from  all  aid  from  the 
French  as  well  as  from  the  English ;  that  they  ought  to  know 
that  these  latter  were  not  people  to  give  them  any  presents, 
as  did  the  French ;  that  at  the  very  most  they  might  be 
able  to  trade  their  skins  to  them  if  they  took  them  to  the 
Chicakas  [but]  that  as  for  ammunition  they  were  not  able 
to  furnish  four  of  their  villages  with  it ;  that  they  knew,  on 
their  own  account  how  it  was,  being  neighbors  of  the  Eng- 

289 


TRAVELS  IN  THE  AMERICAN  COLONIES 

lish;  that  without  the  French  whom  they  have  among 
them  they  would  lack  absolutely  for  ammunition  unless  they 
wanted  to  load  their  guns  with  limbourg  1  and  other  articles 
of  merchandise ;  in  that  case,  said  he,  perhaps  the  English 
could  furnish  them  a  little;  that  they  should  rest  assured 
of  what  he  said  to  them,  although  the  Tchactas  of  evil 
intentions  made  him  pass  for  a  liar ;  that,  indeed,  he  had 
not  come  to  bring  them  a  message,  but  only,  on  behalf  of 
M.  Leseur  as  well  as  of  the  Allibamonts,  Talapouches,  Abekas, 
Caoiiytas  and  other  nations  of  his  district,  to  see  if  justice 
had  been  rendered  us ;  that  if  the  Tchactas  doubted  what 
he  told  them  they  could  send  some  of  their  spies  with  him 
to  the  Allibamons,  to  report  back  to  them  what  the  nations 
of  those  quarters  think  of  them.  He  added  that  he  was 
surprised  that  the  Tchactas  should  hearken  to  Ymatahat- 
chitou,  in  preference  to  the  French  from  whom  they  received 
so  many  daily  benefits ;  that  the  trader  who  was  at  the 
Chikachas,  and  whom  he  mentioned  by  name,  was  nothing 
but  a  thief,  who  would  not  dare  to  return  home ;  that  he 
was  surprised  that  the  Tchactas  should  have  confidence  in 
a  man  of  that  character,  [to  the  extent  of]  abandoning  a 
certainty.  Then  he  recounted  what  had  taken  place  upon 
the  occasion  of  the  [incident  of  the]  pieces  of  scalp  which 
Ymatahatchitou  had  sent  by  a  Tchactas  to  the  Abecouchys 
Abekas,  his  story  conforming  to  what  M.  Le  Sueur  had  told 
me,  and,  said,  moreover  that  all  the  nations  today  found 
themselves  reunited  at  the  fire  of  the  French,  and  that  there 
were  only  the  Tchactas,  like  a  little  circle  (which  he  illus 
trated  by  joining  his  thumb  to  his  forefinger)  who  would  be 
miserable,  because  of  their  mistakes ;  that  the  Chaouanons 
had  come  to  them  [i.e.  the  Allibamonts]  saying  that  they 
had  just  made  peace  with  the  Cheraquis,  that  M.  De  Bertet,2 
commandant  at  the  Illinois,  had  whitened  the  land  of  all 
the  northern  quarter,  and  that  they  come  to  them  for  the 
same  purpose  —  which  [overture]  the  Allibamonts  and  others 

1  A  kind  of  French  cloth  much  in  demand  among  the  Indians. 

2  Chevalier  de  Bertel  or  Bertet  was  commandant  in  the  Illinois 
country  in  1742-1749. 

290 


JOURNAL  OF  DE  BEAUCHAMPS 

have  accepted.  The  twelve  Chaoiianons  returned  satisfied 
with  [the  result  of]  their  mission,  and  promised  M.  Lesueur 
that  this  spring  a  hundred  of  them  would  come  to  settle 
down  under  the  fort.  He  told  them  again  that  the  English 
man  gave  no  presents  at  all  to  the  red  men,  that  he  gave 
nothing  except  for  skins  and  that  the  inhabitants  of  the 
village  where  he  dwelt  were  obliged  to  furnish  him  with 
provisions.  In  short  this  chief  spared  no  effort  and  said 
all  that  he  could  to  appeal  to  the  Tchactas.  Perceiving 
how  little  movement  they  made  I  said  to  him  that  their 
hearts  were  harder  than  steel. 

The  captain  of  the  Chikachae,  after  the  speech  of  Tamat 
lemingo,  made  a  little  speech  to  the  assembly,  presenting 
to  it  a  bow  and  some  arrows  and  saying  that  he  had  just 
tried  his  ancient  arms  but  chat  he  could  no  longer  make 
use  of  them,  having  lost  the  art ;  hoping  thereby  to  touch 
his  auditors  and  make  them  realize  how  wretched  they 
would  be  should  we  abandon  them. 

The  young  Tchactas,  nephew  of  the  Soulier  Rouge  of 
the  Yanabe,  [who  had]  come  with  Tamatlemingo  then  spoke 
very  well  in  our  behalf,  pointing  out  to  his  uncle  that  time 
was  precious  and  that  he  ought  to  profit  by  it  in  giving  us 
satisfaction ;  that  it  was  useless  for  the  Tchactas  to  think 
that  the  English  could  supply  their  necessities  or  that  they 
would  come  among  them;  that  he  knew  only  too  well  the 
effects  remembering  the  disobliging  manners  of  that  nation 
towards  him  in  former  times ;  furthermore  the  English 
traded  not  at  all  or  but  very  little  in  ammunition,  which 
had  led  the  Allibamonts,  Talapouches,  Abekas  and  Caouylas 
to  cherish  and  regard  the  French  infinitely  more  than  the 
English,  who  ever  sowed  evil  words  among  the  nations  for 
the  purpose  of  troubling  them ;  whereas  the  words  of  the 
French  were  always  the  same,  that  is  to  say,  white  and 
beneficent  for  the  red  men ;  and  he  assured  [them]  that  all 
that  Tamatlemingo  had  said  was  true.  This  discourse 
publicly  uttered  by  a  Tchactas  made  a  very  good  effect. 

The  Soulier  Rouge  of  the  Yanabe  then  forbade  the  Chi 
kachae  to  share  their  munitions  with  the  other  Tchactas 

291 


TRAVELS  IN  THE  AMERICAN  COLONIES 

in  order  that  the  latter  might  the  more  speedily  come  to 
want ;  that  as  for  himself,  he  would  never  leave  the  French 
and  would  carefully  avoid  the  English,  except  to  kill  them 
if  they  came  among  the  nation  ;  [and]  that  he  would  always, 
with  pleasure,  carry  out  the  will  of  M.  De  Vaudreuil  his 
father.  He  then  spoke  to  me  in  private  and  asked  if  no 
one  had  volunteered  to  kill  Ymatahatchitou ;  I  told  him 
No,  not  wishing  to  let  him  know  who  had  given  me  their 
word  [to  do  so].  I  said  to  him  that  he  was  young  and  full 
of  ambition  and  that  he  ought  to  persuade  Paemingo  of  the 
Castachas,  Taskaouamingo,  captain  of  the  Boukfouka,  [the 
Captain]  of  Toussana,  and  Illetaska  of  the  Ymongoulachas 
to  have  that  act  of  reparation  done  by  Tatoulimataha,  elder 
brother  of  Ymatahatchitou,  in  order  to  avoid  the  conse 
quences.  He  replied  that  he  did  not  wish  to  have  the  cap 
tain  of  Boukfouka  co-operate  with  him,  that  he  was  too 
ambitious,  —  which  did  not  displease  me  as  I  had  learned 
that  he  had  given  his  consent  to  the  death  of  the  French 
men  —  but  that  he  would  gladly  join  with  Paemingo,  re 
garding  [however]  the  others  as  suspects.  He  asked  me  if 
the  one  who  should  kill  Ymatahatchitou  would  be  given 
the  medal,  which  I  promised  him,  together  with  the  present 
of  [the  position  of]  Captain  [for  the  second]  and  [for]  the 
third,  the  present  of  [the  position  of]  village  chief,  as  well 
as  a  reward  for  the  warriors,  whereupon  he  replied  that 
that  business  could  be  accomplished  in  a  fortnight  after  my 
arrival  at  Mobille  not  being  willing  to  attempt  anything 
while  I  should  be  among  them,  or  on  the  road,  for  fear  lest 
some  accident  might  befall  me  or  my  men.  At  eleven 
o'clock  of  the  evening  he  came  to  ask  me  if  I  would  give 
him  two  pieces  of  limbourg  in  addition  to  what  I  had  promised 
him.  I  replied  that  I  would,  and  even  more  if  it  were  neces 
sary  ;  [I  said]  that  the  message  of  his  father,  and  my  message 
would  remain  with  the  Reverend  Father  Baudoiiin  in 
my  absence,  as  well  as  at  Tombekbe.  He  requested  of 
me  a  great  secrecy  in  this  affair ;  I  told  him  that  I  would 
observe  it  most  religiously  but  that  I  could  not  dispense 
with  communicating  the  matter  to  Mrs.  De  Vaudreuil  and 

292 


JOURNAL  OF  DE  BEAUCHAMPS 

Louboey.  Tell  them,  said  he,  but  let  them  speak  of  it  to 
no  one.1 

The  1 2th  the  courier,  whom  I  had  despatched  to  M.  De 
Louboey  the  first  of  this  month  to  notify  him  of  my  arrival 
at  the  Tchactas  (indicating  to  him  the  small  satisfaction  I 
had  had  from  the  speeches  which  the  Chikachaes  had  made 
me),  arrived  with  the  reply  to  my  letter  and  brought  me 
another  letter  for  Tombekbe. 

The  i$th  Tatoulimataha  arrived  with  the  former  chief 
of  Tchanke.2  After  I  had  told  him  the  object  of  my  jour 
ney,  as  [I  had  told]  the  others,  he  replied  that  as  for  him, 
he  would  never  make  an  attempt  upon  the  life  of  his  brother ; 
that,  aside  from  that,  he  was  always  inclined  toward  the 
French  and  would  not  abandon  them ;  that  his  brother's 
faction  was  too  strong  [for  him]  to  dare  risk  killing  him ; 
that  even  were  he  promised  a  storehouse  full  of  wares  he 
would  not  do  it ;  that  if  others  than  he  wished  to  undertake 
it,  they  should  take  care  that  it  did  not  come  to  his  knowl 
edge,  because  he  could  not  avoid  going  over  to  his  [brother's] 
faction  if  he  [i.e.  his  brother]  should  be  killed ;  that,  in  spite 
of  that,  he  could  not  approve  of  the  wicked  deed  which  his 
brother  had  had  committed  against  the  French ;  that  he 
knew,  from  of  old,  that  his  heart  was  evil,  and  he  had  many 
times  blamed  him  for  it.  Nevertheless,  if  he  [his  brother] 
should  pass  on  to  the  Abekas  or  the  Talapouches,  we  would 
be  free  to  have  him  [his  brother]  killed,  and  not  only  would 
he  [himself]  not  say  a  word,  but  he  would  be  rejoiced.  It 
is  useless,  said  he,  to  think  of  having  him  killed  by  his  [own] 
nation.  He  added  that  if  his  brother  had  committed  that 
evil  deed  it  was  only  because  of  desperation  at  seeing  how 
he  had  been  treated,  formerly,  at  Tombekbe,  together  with 

1  Ymatahatchitou,  or  Red  Shoe,  was  not  killed  until  the  summer 
of  1748  after  the  more  influential  chiefs  of  the  nation  had  decided 
that  he  should  be  sacrificed  as  a  means  of  restoring  peace  between 
the  warring  factions,  and  even  then  his  death  was  of  no  avail, 
for  the  English  by  means  of  bribes  had  a  younger  brother  placed 
at  the  head  of  their  faction  and  the  war  was  continued. 

2  Chunkey,  a  Choctaw  town  in  the  neighborhood  of  the  "Six 
Villages." 

293 


TRAVELS  IN  THE  AMERICAN  COLONIES 

the  ill  treatment  he  had  received,  both  in  his  own  person 
and  in  the  persons  of  his  wives.  He  even  asked  if  it  was 
by  order  of  M.  the  governor  that  there  were  sent  chiefs 
and  other  Frenchmen,  who  were  in  the  nation,  to  employ 
insulting  terms  towards  them  and  their  wives.  That  we 
ought  to  know  that  that  caused  much  hard  feeling  and 
that  the  red  men  killed  each  other  for  such  things.  He 
added  that  his  brother  had  seen  with  indignation  the  little 
importance  that  we  made  of  him ;  that  it  even  seemed  that 
a  trader  had  been  placed  with  Pouchimataha  at  Toussana, 
only  for  the  purpose  of  emphasizing  it ;  [all  of]  which  had 
determined  him  the  more  promptly  to  commit  that  folly; 
that  it  was  true  that  the  English  had  demanded  but  one 
French  head  for  an  Englishman  who  had  been  killed  by 
the  Tchactas  of  the  village  of  the  Bois  Bleux ;  that  the 
warriors  had  exceeded  his  order,  which  made  matters 
worse.  He  also  said  that  the  partisans  of  his  brother  hoped 
that  the  English  would  have  supplied  them  with  goods  and 
munitions  in  abundance,  but  that  they  already  realized 
that  their  hopes  were  vain  and  futile;  that  an  Abekas  of 
the  west  who  had  been  to  the  Chikachas  to  trade  his  skins, 
had  returned  from  there  much  dissatisfied,  without  having 
brought  back  either  goods  or  munitions  ;  that  the  Chikachas 
had  told  him  that  they  did  not  have  any  for  themselves 
[and]  that  even  if  they  had  they  would  not  trade  with  him 
and  that  he  could  carry  back  his  skins,  which  he  was  obliged 
regretfully  to  do.  Upon  his  return  he  had  displayed  his 
dissatisfaction  to  Ymatahatchitou,  who  was  much  surprised 
[and]  told  him  to  have  patience  until  the  English  convoy 
should  arrive,  when  they  would  have  everything  in  abun 
dance.  That  is  the  way  that  man  feeds  them  with  imagi 
nation,  while  we  are  unable  to  obtain  anything  with  the 
reality,  either  through  our  presents  or  through  trade. 

I  sounded  this  Captain  in  private :  he  replied  to  me  that 
it  was  true  that  in  the  beginning,  [upon  the  occasion]  of 
the  death  of  the  Frenchmen,  he  had  given  the  Reverend 
Father  Baudoiiin  some  hope  that  he  would  avenge  us,  but 
that  to-day,  whatever  attachment  he  might  have  for  us  he 

294 


JOURNAL  OF  DE   BEAUCHAMPS 

would  not  dare  to  undertake  such  an  affair.  And  he  said 
to  me  nothing  more. 

The  former  chief  of  Tchanke  spoke  well,  in  the  evening, 
for  us ;  and  [spoke]  ill  in  the  morning. 

The  1 4th  Tamatlemingo,  with  his  men,  took  leave  of 
me  and  promised  to  hasten  to  the  Allibamonts  to  deliver 
the  letter,  with  which  I  had  charged  him,  to  M.  Lesueur, 
whom  I  directed,  as  soon  as  he  should  have  received  it,  to 
send  to  the  Abekas  to  prevent  the  English  from  taking  any 
extra  merchandise  to  the  Chikachas,  so  that  these  latter 
should  not  be  able  to  trade  anything  to  the  Tchactas,  and 
to  spare  neither  effort  nor  goods  to  keep  them  [the  Tchactas] 
away  from  those  parts,  that  being  the  surest  method  of 
forcing  them,  in  spite  of  themselves,  to  give  us  satisfaction, 
thus  putting  us  in  a  position  to  reform  many  of  the  rascals 
of  that  faithless  nation  who  indirectly  have  been  accomplices 
in  the  affair  of  Ymatahatchitou. 

Tamatlemingo,  to  whom  I  confided  my  thought,  appre 
ciated  fully  the  importance  of  it,  and  promised  to  make  all 
possible  diligence  [saying]  that  on  the  day  after  his  arrival 
he  would  take  the  orders  of  M.  Lesueur  to  go  to  the  Abekas 
where  he  would  act  in  conformity  with  my  intentions.  I 
also  wrote  by  him  to  M.  Hazeur  and  told  him  that  I  was  leav 
ing  with  some  hope  of  [securing]  vengeance ;  that  I  had  set 
everything  in  motion  for  the  attainment  of  our  ends ;  that 
I  was  leaving  to  Providence,  to  the  Reverend  Father  Bau- 
doiiin,  and  to  him  to  do  the  rest;  and  above  all  that  he 
should  not  delay  Tamatlemingo  [explaining  the  reasons], 
but  that,  on  the  contrary,  he  should  urge  him  to  make  great 
diligence ;  that  he  should  trade  no  more  munitions  to  the 
Tchactas ;  the  Reverend  Father  Baudoiiin  will  act  in  the 
same  way,  on  his  side. 

The  I4th  after  having  taken  leave  of  the  Reverend 
Father  Baudoiiin,  recommending  him  to  appeal  strongly  to 
those  who  seemed  well  inclined  toward  us,  and  to  bring  it 
to  pass  that  the  promised  reward  should  not  fall  to  the  race 
of  the  rebel,  so  that  we  might  be  in  a  position  to  degrade  it 
[the  race]  later,  I  was  about  to  mount  my  horse  when  I  was 

295 


TRAVELS  IN  THE  AMERICAN   COLONIES 

told  that  some  chiefs  of  the  district  of  the  east  were  arriving 
in  the  village.  I  waited  for  them  until  ten  o'clock,  [but] 
seeing  that  they  did  not  come  I  told  the  Reverend  Father 
to  announce  to  them  the  message  of  M.  the  governor,  to 
make  them  a  small  present  as  I  had  done  to  those  who  came 
to  see  me,  and  to  take  the  medal  of  Choubkooulacta  if  they 
brought  it,  and  to  send  it  to  me.  I  mounted  my  horse 
that  I  might  join  my  men  who  had  left  that  morning  for 
the  Yoiianys,  ten  leagues  distant,  where  I  arrived  in  the 
evening.  They  received  me  with  affability  and  assured  me 
of  their  fidelity. 

The  ijth,  in  the  morning,  I  left  for  the  River  of  Baka- 
tanne,  which  I  reached  by  evening,  by  roundabout  and 
difficult  roads  in  order  to  avoid  surprises,  the  savages  of 
our  escort  fearing  much  for  us,  which  led  them  to  make 
us  take  an  indirect  route.1 

The  i6th  at  daybreak  the  Taskanangouchy  of  the 
Youanis  joined  me,  with  letters  from  M.  Hazeur  and  one 
from  the  Reverend  Father  Baudoiiin,  who  sent  me  the 
medal  of  Choulkoualacta,  telling  me  that  Uatachimingo 
[and]  Thiououlacta  had  come  to  see  me  and  to  assure  me  of 
the  fidelity  of  all  the  district  of  the  east,  that  they  had 
handed  over  the  medal  to  him,  which  he  sent  me,  that  he 
was  even  sorry  that  I  had  not  seen  them,  because  I  would 
have  been  as  satisfied  with  them  as  I  had  reason  for  being 
dissatisfied  with  the  Oiigou  lafalaya  and  with  the  six  villages  ; 
but  that  he  had  not  left  them  in  ignorance  of  anything  as 
regarded  the  object  of  my  journey,  and  that  they  had  all 
promised  to  act  accordingly. 

The  i?th  and  the  i8th  we  continued  our  journey  without 
any  misadventures.  We  had  rain  day  and  night  and  were 
obliged  to  cross  several  ravines  and  creeks  with  unbeliev 
able  troubles  and  fatigues. 

The  iQth  we  set  out  early  in  the  morning.  We  had 
much  bad  weather  and  were  obliged  to  cross  still  further 
ravines  and  creeks  which  were  much  more  difficult  and 

1  Fausser  la  route. 
296 


JOURNAL  OF  DE  BEAUCHAMPS 

troublesome  than  [those  of]  the  two  preceeding  days,  since 
we  were  in  water  up  to  the  belly.  I  was  even  obliged  to 
leave  two  of  my  horses  three  leagues  from  here,  they  not 
being  able  to  hold  themselves  up  any  longer.  In  spite  of 
all  that  my  people  came  back  in  good  health.  I  arrived  at 
Mobille  towards  one  hour  after  midday.  I  dismounted  at 
the  house  of  M.  De  Louboey,  where  I  recounted  to  him,  in 
few  words,  the  success  of  my  journey,  to  tell  him  more  when 
I  should  have  changed,  being  all  drenched.  That,  then  is 
the  fruit  of  the  journey  which  I  have  made  with  pleasure 
for  the  service  of  the  King  and  of  the  Country. 

May  God  bless  my  work 

Signed  DE  BEAUCHAMPS. 


297 


JOURNAL    OF    CAPTAIN    PHINEAS    STEVENS' 
JOURNEY  TO  CANADA,    1752 


INTRODUCTION 

PHINEAS  STEVENS  and  three  younger  brothers  were  with 
their  father  in  a  meadow  near  Rutland,  Massachusetts, 
when,  the  I4th  of  August,  1723,  they  were  surprised  by  five 
Indians.  The  father  escaped,  two  brothers  were  killed, 
Phineas  and  the  other  brother,  Isaac,  were  taken  prisoners. 
Phineas  was  a  youth  in  his  eighteenth  year ;  Isaac,  a  child 
of  four.  The  Indians  resolved  to  kill  the  child,  but  Phineas 
saved  his  life  by  making  them  understand  that  he  would 
carry  him  on  his  back.  They  were  taken  to  Canada,  but 
were  soon  ransomed.  In  1740  Stevens  removed  to  the 
frontier  town  Number  Four  (now  Charlestown,  New  Hamp 
shire)  of  which  he  was  one  of  three  principal  founders,  and 
here,  in  1747,  with  a  garrison  of  only  thirty  men  he  success 
fully  defended  a  wooden  fort  against  a  war  party  of  three 
hundred  or  more  French  and  Indians  under  Boucher  de 
Niverville.  Throughout  the  third  Intercolonial  War  he 
was  frequently  commissioned  by  Governor  Shirley  to  com 
mand  volunteers  for  the  defense  of  the  frontier. 

Peace  having  been  concluded,  Shirley  sent  him  to  Canada 
in  1749  to  recover  whatever  prisoners  were  held  there  either 
by  the  French  or  by  the  Indians,  and  in  1752  Acting  Gover 
nor  Phips  sent  him  thither  on  a  second  mission  for  the  same 
purpose.  While  on  each  of  these  missions  he  kept  a  journal. 
That  kept  on  the  first  mission  was  published  in  1837  in  the 
Collections  of  the  New  Hampshire  Historical  Society,  Vol.  V. 
That  kept  on  the  second  mission  is  the  one  here  printed. 
It  is  especially  valued  for  its  record  of  the  ransom  of  John 
Stark,  the  hero  of  Bennington,  for  "an  Indian  poney  .  .  . 
for  which  we  paid  515  livres."  The  original  journal  was 
found  on  one  occasion  "at  the  bottom  of  an  old  churn  in  a 
garret  in  Charlestown."  It  was  subsequently  removed  to 
the  State  House  at  Montpelier,  Vermont,  but  was  there 
destroyed  by  fire  in  January,  1857.  A  copy  of  it,  however, 
has  been  preserved  in  the  Library  of  Congress. 

301 


JOURNAL    OF    CAPTAIN    PHINEAS    STEVENS' 
JOURNEY  TO  CANADA,    1752 

Instructions  to  Capt:    Phineas  Stevens  and  Mr.  Nathaniel 

\        Wheelwright,  appointed  to  proceed  to  Canada,  to  negotiate 

the  restoration  of  the  Captives  belonging  to  this  Province, 

now  remaining  in  the  hands  of  the  French  or  Indians  there. 

.  You  are  hereby  directed  with  all  convenient  speed  to 
proceed  to  Albany,  and  there  furnishing  yourselves  with  a 
suitable  Guide  and  Guides  and  other  Assistance  necessary 
for  your  convenient  and  safe  Travel,  to  go  direct  to  the  Fort 
at  Crown  Point,  and  upon  your  arrival  there  apply  your 
selves  to  the  Commanding  Officer  of  that  Garrison,  and  after 
shewing  him  your  Passport  and  acquainting  him  with  your 
general  business,  request  of  him  to  give  Orders  for  your 
Speedy  and  Safe  Conveyance  to  the  Governour  or  Com 
mander  in  Chief  of  the  Province  of  Canada.1 
.  And  upon  your  arrival  at  the  place  of  Residence  of  the 
said  Commander-in-Chief,  immediately  wait  on  him,  and 
deliver  my  Letter  to  him  shew  him  your  Passport,  and  take 
his  time  for  receiving  his  Answer  to  my  demand  of  his 
delivering  up,  without  Ransom,  the  Captives  in  the  hands 
of  the  French  or  Indians ;  which  you  are  to  urge  as  far  as 
you  shall  find  necessary,  or  Convenient. 

But  if  you  find  he  cannot  be  prevailed  with  to  release  the 
Captives  without  Ransom,  you  must  treat  with  him  about 
their  release  upon  the  easiest  and  most  reasonable  Terms 
that  may  be  obtained. 

You  must  use  all  the  advantages  you  may  have  of  getting 
a  knowledge  of  the  several  Prisoners,  whether  English  or 

1  Charles  Lemoyne,  Baron  de  Longueuil,  was  Governor  of 
Canada  from  February  to  July,  1752. 

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JOURNAL  OF  CAPTAIN  PHINEAS  STEVENS 

Indians  belonging  to  this  Province,  now  remaining  in  that 
Country,  with  their  respective  Circumstances  and  Condi 
tion,  and  if  it  should  be  pretended  that  any  of  them  are 
unwilling  to  return  you  must  endeavour,  if  it  be  possible  to 
come  at  a  Speech  with  them,  and  use  your  best  endeavours 
to  prevail  upon  them  to  return  with  you,  with  the  leave  of 
the  Governour  or  Commander-in-Chief. 

You  are  hereby  impowered  and  directed  to  draw  upon 
the  Province  Treasurer,  for  such  sum  or  sums  as  you  may 
find  necessary,  as  well  for  the  Ransome  of  the  Prisoners,  as 
for  the  Charge  of  their  Travel  and  other  Contingencies  that 
may  require  it,  or  use  such  other  way  or  method  of  supply 
ing  your  Credit  as  you  may  find  most  suitable. 

When  your  business  is  finished  and  you  have  received  the 
Governour  of  Canada's  Despatches  for  this  Government, 
take  back  your  English  Passport  and  get  one  from  the 
French  Governour  for  your  safe  conduct  home. 

You  must  keep  a  Journal  of  your  Proceedings,  and  also 
an  Account  of  the  Articles  of  Expense  of  the  Publick  money 
put  into  your  hands,  and  lay  the  same  before  me  and  the 
Council,  at  your  return. 

Cambg  l  April  the  I5th  1752. 

S.   PHIPS.2 

[Cambrg  N.E.,  April  14.     1752. 

SIR,3 

This  comes  to  your  Excellency  by  Captain  Phineas 
Stevens,  who  was  employed  by  Governour  Shirley,  before 
his  departure  for  Great  Britain,  to  carry  Dispatches  to  you. 

The  Affair  Captain  Stevens  was  then  engaged  in  (viz.  to 
procure  the  recovery  and  return  of  our  Captives  in  the 
hands  of  the  French  and  Indians)  being  not  yet  fully  effected, 
I  have  sent  him  together  with  Mr.  Nathaniel  Wheelwright, 

1  Cambridge,  Massachusetts. 

2  Spencer    Phips    was    Acting   Governor   of   Massachusetts    in 

I749-I753. 

3  The  Governor  of  Canada. 

303 


TRAVELS  IN  THE  AMERICAN  COLONIES 

with  these  my  Letters  to  you  :  And  with  Directions  to  do 
every  thing  necessary  on  the  part  of  this  Government,  for 
the  Deliverance  of  the  rest  of  our  Captives,  still  remaining 
in  any  part  of  the  Government  of  Canada. 

You  will  therefore  please  to  receive  these  Gentlemen  in 
the  Character  of  Messengers  from  this  Government,  for 
transacting  the  Affair  abovementioned,  and  give  them  all 
the  assistance  necessary  to  make  their  Business  successfull, 
that  so,  (if  it  be  possible)  there  may  not  remain  one  single 
subject  of  This  His  Majesty's  Government,  either  English 
or  Indian  under  their  miserable  Captivity. 

And  I  am  the  rather  moved  to  urge  this  Business  with 
freedom  and  importunity,  by  reason  of  the  solicitous  care 
our  respective  Masters  have  expressed  to  have  this  matter 
completely  effected ;  as  you  will  see  by  the  inclosed  Copy 
of  his  Most  Christian  Majesty's  Order  to  your  Excellency 
(which  I  suppose  you  have  received,)  the  Counterpart  of 
which  I  have  also  received  from  his  Britannick  Majesty, 
my  most  Gracious  Master ;  and  I  have  so  completely  ful 
filled  the  Directions  contained  therein,  as  that  I  am  well 
assured  that  there  is  not  one  single  Person,  French  or  Indian, 
Subject  of  his  Most  Catholick  Majesty,  or  in  alliance  with 
him,  under  Captivity,  in  any  part  of  this  Government. 

I  must  in  a  particular  manner  repeat  my  pressing  Demands 
for  the  restoration  of  any  of  those  Indians,  (now  surviving) 
the  Subjects  of  this  his  Majesty's  Government,  who  were 
taken  upon  the  Sea,  being  on  a  Whaling  Voyage,  or  any 
other  Indians  belonging  to  this  Province,  some  of  whom  it 
has  been  reported  are  treated  as  Slaves,  tho'  in  this  Province 
they  live  in  as  much  freedom  as  the  English  themselves. 

It  seems  highly  unjust  and  contrary  to  the  Form  of  the 
Articles  of  Peace,  always  stipulated  between  the  Powers  of 
Europe,  that  this  Government  should  be  put  to  any  charge 
for  the  Ransom  of  Prisoners  of  War,  after  a  Peace  con 
cluded  ;  and  I  am  confident  that  no  one  instance  can  be 
produced  of  any  Ransom  being  paid  by  the  French  Govern 
ment  or  private  persons  for  the  release  of  their  Prisoners  or 
that  their  Release  was  ever  denied  them  under  pretence  of 

304 


JOURNAL  OF  CAPTAIN  PHINEAS  STEVENS 

their  being  in  the  hands  of  the  Indians  :  And  therefore  I 
must  once  more  urge  my  Demand  that  all  the  Prisoners 
belonging  to  this  Government  may  be  discharged  without 
Ransom. 

I  have  [remainder  of  this  letter  missing] 

April  27, 1752.  I  set  out  from  No.  4.*  for  Canada,  my  son 
Samuel  with  me ;  came  two  miles  below  Fort  Turner ;  and 
lodged  at  Caleb  Hows. 

April  28th.  Hired  said  How  with  two  horses  (for  which 
I  paid  him  two  dollars)  came  to  Deerfield.  Lodged  at  Col. 
Hinsdell's. 

April  2Qth.  To  Hatfield,  where  I  met  with  Mr.  Wheel 
wright,  and  returned  with  him  to  Deerfield  the  same  day, 
where  we  remained,  preparing  for  our  journey  till 

May  4th  then  set  out  and  came  at  Francis  Taylor's,  12 
miles,  and  lodged  a  2  I  dollar. 

May  $th.  To  Fort  Massachusetts,3  accompanied  by  Capt. 
Moses. 

May  6th.  After  making  a  present  to  the  soldiers  of  one 
dollar,  we  set  out,  accompanied  by  Capt.  Williamson,  till 
noon ;  then  took  our  leave  of  him,  and  came  to  Albany. 
Same  day  had  an  account  of  three  soldiers  being  drowned 
in  the  morning  of  the  said  day,  belonging  to  the  fort  at 
Albany. 

May  ?th  we  spent  in  visiting  and  consulting  with  some 
of  the  chief  men  in  the  place  how  to  proceed  in  our  Journey 
to  Canada. 

May  8th.  We  agreed  with  an  Indian  to  assist  with  his  son 
in  our  journey;  and  also  engaged  Mr.  Sanders  4  (the  mayor 
of  the  city)  to  provide  all  things  needful  for  our  journey. 

May  Qth.  We  sent  a  man  to  Skanately  6  to  buy  a  canoe, 
for  a  suitable  one  was  not  to  be  found  in  Albany. 

1  Now  Charlestown,  New  Hampshire. 

2  For. 

3  Fort  Massachusetts  was  near  the  site  of  the  present  town  of 
Adams,  Massachusetts. 

4  Robert  Sanders  was  Mayor  of  Albany  in  1750-1754. 

5  Skaneateles,  N.  Y. 

305 


TRAVELS  IN  THE  AMERICAN  COLONIES 

May  loth.     Lords  Day  —  exceeding  dry  sermon. 

May  nth.  The  two  Indians  came  from  Stockbridge,  in 
order  to  go  with  us. 

May  I2th.  Fixed  our  canoe,  and  set  all  things  in  readi 
ness  for  our  journey. 

May  I3th.  I  set  out  from  Albany,  with  Heywood,  and 
Samuel;  and  the  two  Indians  came  with  our  canoe  and 
lading  16  miles,  and  lodged  at  Jacob  Foot's,  a  Dutchman. 

May  ifih.  I  hired  the  said  Dutchman  to  carry  our 
baggage  in  a  wagon  to  Stillwater,  6  miles.  I  with  the  two 
Indians  came  up  the  swift  water  in  the  canoe.  Then  took 
the  lading  and  came  to  Saratogue  l  and  lodged  [having  trav 
elled]  24  miles  this  day.  Mr.  Wheelwright  came  on  horse 
back  this  day  from  Albany,  and  lodged  at  Saratogue. 

May  i$th.  I  came  with  the  canoe  three  miles  above 
Lydies'es,2  and  lodged  at  the  foot  of  the  falls.  Mr.  Wheel 
wright  lodged  at  Lydies'es.  It  rained  at  night. 

May  i6th.  Col.  Lydies  joined  Mr.  Wheelwright  and  met 
the  canoe  (at  the  place  where  we  take  our  departure  from 
Hulstines  [or  Hulstions]  river)  3  with  five  horses  which 
assisted  us  in  carrying  our  baggage.  We  came  this  day  half 
way  over  the  carrying  place,  and  lodged  by  the  branch  of 
Wood  creek.  It  rained  hard  at  night. 

May  ijth.  We  came  to  the  Lake  St.  Sacrement 4  about 
noon,  with  all  our  bagg[ag]e.  Col.  Lydies,  with  the  two 
Indians  with  him,  turned  back.  After  we  had  mended  our 
canoe,  we  embarked,  and  came  eight  miles,  and  camped 
on  the  west  side  of  the  lake.  Showery  weather. 

May  i8th.  Came  over  said  lake.  Lodged  at  the  canoe 
ing  place  from  said  lake  to  the  drowned  land. 

May  igth.  Carried  our  baggage  over  the  carrying  place ; 
then  embarked,  and  came  to  the  French  settlements,  three 

1  Old  Saratoga ;    now  Schuylerville. 

2  John  Henry  Lydius,  who  had  built  Fort  Lydius  to  protect 
his  settlement  at  the  Falls  of  the  Hudson.     This  fort  was  de 
stroyed  by  the  French  and  Indians  in  1745  and  ten  years  later 
the  historic  Fort  Edward  was  erected  on  the  same  site. 

3  Hudson  River.  4  Lake  George. 

306 


JOURNAL  OF  CAPTAIN  PHINEAS  STEVENS 

miles  south  of  Crown  Point.  Lodged  in  a  French  house. 
A  very  stormy  day.  Wind  at  head,  and  rain. 

May  2oth.  The  storm  continued  at  North  East  and 
rained.  We  came  to  Crown  Point  at  two  o'clock  afternoon. 
The  commandant  received  us  kindly. 

May  2 1 st.     It  stormed.     We  remained  at  the  Fort. 

May  22d.  The  storm  somewhat  abated.  We  set  of? 
from  the  Fort  at  six  afternoon  in  a  large  batteau  accom 
panied  by  a  French  officer  and  five  soldiers ;  came  about 
two  miles,  and  lodged  on  the  east  side  of  the  lake  l  in  a 
French  house. 

N.B.  The  commandant  of  the  Fort  fitted  us  out  with 
all  things  necessary  for  our  journey. 

May  2^d.  Set  out  very  early  in  the  morning.  Cloudy 
and  some  rain ;  but  not  much  wind.  Came  about  thirty 
miles ;  the  wind  freshened  up  at  northeast.  We  put  into 
the  mouth  of  a  river,  on  the  west  side  of  the  lake ;  at  which 
place  there  is  a  fine  pine  plain.  After  we  had  refreshed 
ourselves,  we  embarked  and  came  twelve  miles,  and  lodged 
on  an  island. 

May  24th.  Lords  day.  The  wind  blew  up  at  south.  We 
hoisted  sail  at  day  light.  The  wind  continued  in  our  favor 
till  afternoon,  which  brought  us  in  sight  of  Fort  La  Motte ; 
then  turned  into  the  northeast.  We  then  took  down  our 
sail,  and  rowed  till  four  afternoon,  which  brought  us  to  the 
south  end  of  the  above  said  island,2  in  sight  of  a  number  of 
French  houses ;  but  the  wind  so  very  high,  and  having  a 
large  bay  to  cross,  we  turned  to  the  west  shore.  A  little 
before  night  the  wind  fell :  We  crossed  the  bay  three  miles 
to  a  French  house  and  lodged. 

May  2$th.  Set  forward  early  in  the  morning.  Came 
fifteen  miles,  and  stopped  at  a  French  house  on  the  east 
side,  just  above  an  Island.  Below  3  said  Island  it  is  called 
Chamblee  River.4  Here  we  refreshed  ourselves,  etc.  Then 

1  Lake  Champlain.  2  Isle  La  Motte. 

3  I.e.  north  of. 

4  That  part  of  the  Richelieu  or  Sorel  River  above  the  Falls 
was  at  this  time  known  as  the  Chambly  River. 

307 


TRAVELS  IN  THE  AMERICAN  COLONIES 

embarked,  and  came  eighteen  miles  to  St.  Johns  fort.1  Im 
mediately  upon  our  arrival  the  officer  of  the  fort  sent  an 
express  to  La  Prarie  for  horses  and  carts  to  convey  our 
baggage  from  hence. 

May  26th.  About  ten  in  the  morning  the  two  carts  came. 
After  dinner  loaded  our  things  into  the  carts  and  came  off. 
The  officer,  Mr.  Wheelwright,  and  myself  rode  on  horses 
sent  for  that  purpose.  Came  to  La  Prarie  a  little  before 
night.  It  rained  most  of  the  way. 

May  2?th.  A  large  batteau  and  a  number  of  hands  was 
made  ready,  which  brought  us  to  Montreal.  We  arrived 
at  the  Governor's  about  ten  in  the  forenoon.  After  he  had 
read  our  passport,  letters,  etc.,  we  retired  to  Madam  Carols 
where  we  took  up  our  lodgings ;  then  returned  to  the  Gov 
ernor's,  and  dined.  After  this  we  visited  the  commissioners 
and  several  other  gentlemen. 

May  28th  and  so  [continued  doing]  till  the 

joth  [which]  we  spent  in  making  the  best  inquiries  we  could 
where  our  prisoners  were,  etc. 

May  jist.     The  Sabbath  day.     It  rained  at  night. 

June  the  ist.  We  dined  with  the  Governor,  and  at  night 
supped  with  an  officer.  This  day  a  schooner  arrived  from 
Quebec,  and  we  have  a  hint  as  if  she  brings  news  of  a  large 
army's  being  about  to  go  to  Jebuctoo 2  and  also  that  a 
mutiny  has  happened  amongst  the  soldiers  at  Quebec. 

June  sd.  Had  the  news  of  the  Indians  killing  and  taking 
four  of  our  people. 

June  3d.     Dined  with  the  Commissary. 

June  4th.     Mr.  Linglauesne  and  his  wife  came  to  visit  us. 

June  $th.     Nothing  remarkable. 

June  6th.  Mr.  Wheelwright  and  I  wrote  a  letter  to  Gov 
ernor  Phips,  and  several  other  letters  for  New  England. 

June  fth.     Sabbath  day.     Very  hot  weather. 

June  8th.  Mr.  Wheelwright  went  to  Connewago  with  a 
number  of  French  gentlemen. 

1  Fort  Saint  John  was  at  the  head  of  the  falls  of  the  Richelieu 
River. 

2  Chebucto,  now  Halifax,  Nova  Scotia. 

308 


JOURNAL  OF  CAPTAIN  PHINEAS  STEVENS 

June  Qth.  Had  further  news  of  more  mischief  being  done 
on  our  people,  and  that  three  prisoners  were  brought  to 
Crown  Point. 

June  loth.  Paid  a  visit  to  the  Governor,  who  told  us  he 
had  no  intelligence  of  any  prisoner  being  brought  to  Crown 
Point.  At  night  we  supped  at  Mr.  St.  Luke  Laurens. 
This  day  three  men  and  a  woman  obtained  a  pass  from  the 
Governor  and  set  out  for  New  England  themselves.  Said 
the[y]  belonged  to  the  Province  of  Pennsylvania. 

June  nth.     Nothing  remarkable. 

June  I2th.  I  visited  French's  sisters.  This  day  were 
told  by  John  Tasble  that  the  mischief  the  Indians  had  done 
on  the  English  was  at  White  River,  and  that  there  was 
six  in  company.  Two  made  their  escape  ;  two  killed  ;  and 
two  taken  prisoners.  At  night  was  taken  with  a  terrible 
purging. 

June  i^th.     I  kept  house  with  the  same  distemper. 

June  I4th.  Sabbath  day.  Two  small  schooners  arrived 
at  Montreal  from  Quebec,  loaded  with  flour  ;  which  might 
certainly  denote  a  very  great  scarcity  ;  for  the  most  of  the 
supply  for  that  place  are  in  time  of  plenty  carried  from 
hence.  This  day  dined  at  Madam  Lestushes  Supped  at  a 
gentleman's  house  near  the  same  place. 

June  ijth.  Lewse,  a  Frenchman,  (who  lately  came  from 
Albany,)  came  to  visit  us.  Gave  an  account  of  two  negroes 
being  taken  at  a  place  called  Canterbury  one  x  Merrimac 
River  ;  one  of  which  he  saw  at  Crown  Point,  bought  by  the 
Commissary  of  said  Fort,  for  400  Livres.  The  other  made 
his  escape  the  fortnight  after  he  was  taken.  He  also  in 
formed  us  he  saw  nine  Indians  set  off  from  thence  for  war, 
who  told  him  they  designed  for  some  of  the  English  settle 
ments,  for  if  they  must  fight  the  English  they  would  not  go 
so  far.  They  look  upon  them  to  be  all  one  people. 

June  i6th.  It  thundered  and  rained  a  small  matter  in 
the  morning.  Mr.  Wheelwright  set  off  for  Quebec  about 
12  o'clock,  with  Mr.  Deplace,  the  high  Sheriff.  We  have 


309 


TRAVELS  IN  THE  AMERICAN  COLONIES 

repeated  accounts  of  the  Dureedweer  Indians  doing  [evil] 
upon  the  French  traders  in  the  westward,  which  puts  the 
merchants  in  Montreal  into  a  consternation.  There  is 
nothing  can  hurt  this  country  so  much  as  to  distress  their 
trade  in  those  parts ;  for  their  income  from  thence  seems  to 
be  the  dependance  of  the  whole  country.  Vast  numbers 
are  employed  in  that  business.  We  are  told  that  200  large 
birch  canoes  and  batteaux  are  gone  up  the  river  this  spring  - 
some  five,  and  some  six  men  each;  so  that  upwards  of  a 
thousand  men  are  already  gone  upon  that  business.  Their 
method  of  carrying  on  the  trade  is  for  the  chief  traders  of 
factors  to  remain  in  that  country  for  three  or  four  years^, 
and  have  supplies  sent  them  yearly.  Tis  said  some  of  these 
traders  go  3000  miles ;  but  their  supplies  are  not  sent  so 
far  —  they  go  no  farther  than  some  of  the  French  forts  that 
are  kept  in  those  parts — viz — those  westward  parts.  So  these 
ramblers  are  obliged  to  return  once  a  year  to  said  forts  for 
a  new  supply.  Could  our  people  be  so  well  spirited  in  time 
of  war  as  to  go  and  destroy  those  forts,  it  must  in  a  short 
time  so  impoverish  Canada  that  it  must  fall  an  easy  prey 
into  our  hands. 

June  ijth.  A  soldier  was  shot  to  death  for  deserting- 
from  some  of  the  French  forts  in  the  westward.  This  day 
I  received  a  letter  from  Mr.  Hardwick,  a  prisoner  at  St. 
Francois,  taken  from  Chebucto.1 

June  i8th.  It  thundered  and  rained  a  small  matter,  but 
the  drought  is  very  great.  The  wheat  in  this  country 
suffers  very  much.  There  is  intelligence  from  Quebec  that 
several  vessels  are  arrived  there  from  France  laden  with 
flour  and  pork. 

June  iQth.  I  received  a  letter  from  the  missionary  of  St. 
Francis  and  another  from  the  abovementioned  woman.  A 
number  of  Indians  came  to  town  to  night.  Tis  said  they 
have  brought  two  scalps,  and  two  prisoners ;  but  it  wants 
confirmation. 

June  2Oth.     I  went  round  the  town  to  look  for  a  good 

1  Now  Halifax,  Nova  Scotia. 
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JOURNAL  OF  CAPTAIN  PHINEAS  STEVENS 

gun.  The  scalps  abovementioned  were  brought  from  the 
westward,  and  tis  said  are  Indian's  scalps. 

June  2ist.     Sabbath  day.     Hot  and  dry. 

June  22d.  A  number  of  the  chiefs  of  the  St.  Francois 
Indians  came  to  Montreal,  and  showed  me  the  respect  as 
to  come  the  same  day  and  pay  me  a  visit. 

June  2^d.  After  dinner  the  Governor  sent  for  me  to 
appear  before  him  and  his  council  to  receive  a  message  from 
the  St.  Francois  Indians.  I  accordingly  did  and  after  their 
spokesman  had  made  his  speech,  he  delivered  me  a  large 
belt  of  wampum,  which  he  said  I  must  deliver  with  his 
message  to  the  Governor  at  Boston.  The  same  day  I  gave 
my  old  Indian  father  a  hat,  price  10  Livres  —  he  being  one 
of  the  chiefs  abovementioned. 

June  24th.  I  sent  a  letter  to  one  of  the  Jesuits  at  St. 
Francois  by  an  Indian. 

June  2$th.  I  had  a  hint  from  an  Indian  as  if  a  belt  of 
wampum  was  come  into  this  country  from  some  of  the  Six 
Nations  in  order  for  a  treaty  with  some  or  all  the  tribes  of 
Indians  here.  There  is  numbers  of  the  former  tribes  of 
Indians  coming  to  Montreal  every  few  days.  The  drought 
is  now  very  extraordinary.  The  wheat  in  this  country,  tis 
thought,  has  received  so  much  damage  already  that  a  crop 
cannot  be  expected  this  year,  and  as  they  had  but  a  very 
small  crop  last  year,  the  calamity  of  this  country  must  cer 
tainly  in  a  little  time  be  very  great. 

June  26th.    Something  likely  for  rain,  but  very  hot  and  dry. 

June  2jih.  A  small  matter  of  rain  fell  in  the  morning; 
in  the  afternoon  windy  and  dry.  The  great  probability  of 
a  scarcity  casts  a  sadness  in  all  faces.  In  the  evening  it 
clouded  up  and  bid  fair  for  rain,  but  broke  away  with  but  a 
small  sprinkling. 

June  28th.  Sabbath  day,  and  kept  as  a  day  of  rejoicing 
with  them  for  the  birth.of  a  young  prince  born  in  France, 
they  have  lately  had  news  of.1  They  went  in  procession 

1  Louis,  due  de  Bourgogne,  born  September  13,  1751,  eldest  son 
of  the  Dauphin,  eldest  grandson  of  Louis  XV.,  and  heir  to  the 
throne.  Louis  XVI.  was  his  younger  brother. 


TRAVELS  IN  THE  AMERICAN  COLONIES 

and  fired  all  their  cannon,  viz.  33  in  number.  A  black  cloud 
came  up  at  night,  but  no  rain. 

June  2Qth.  I  paid  my  respects  to  the  Governor.  He 
informed  me  of  a  great  difficulty  at  Chebucto,  but  did  not 
let  me  know  what  it  was  about. 

June  3Oth.  Four  large  birch  canoes  containing  nine  or 
ten  Indians  each  came  to  Montreal.  Tis  said  those  Indians' 
place  of  abode  is  1800  miles  from  hence.  There  came  also 
a  batteau  with  nine  or  ten  Frenchmen  to  town  from  a  French 
fort  west  of  our  English  governments,  900  miles  from  hence. 
They  brought  with  them  an  Englishman,  who  deserted  from 
some  of  our  Indian  traders  from  Philadelphia.  His  name 
is  Jonathan  Lafavour.  There  came  also  four  canoes  of 
Indians  from  Albany. 

July  ist.  A  large  number  of  Indians  came  to  town  from 
Becanco[ur]  an  Indian  town  on  the  south  side  the  Great  River 
near  the  Three  Rivers.  This  day  a  number  of  women  came 
to  the  Commissary  for  bread,  and  upon  his  refusing  to  let 
them  have  any,  one  of  them  took  him  by  the  throat.  Ex 
ceeding  hot  and  dry  weather. 

July  2d.  I  received  a  letter  from  Mr.  Wheelwright  at 
Quebec  informing  of  his  speedy  arrival  at  Montreal.  The 
weather  is  yet  exceeding  hot. 

July  jd.  Mr.  Wheelwright  returned  to  Montreal  from 
Quebec ;  brought  with  him  two  men  taken  at  New  Medows  last 
summer.  Great  numbers  of  Indians  are  daily  coming  to  town 
to  receive  their  presents  from  their  fathers,  as  they  term  it. 

July  4th.  Two  of  the  Ottawa  Indians,  being  almost 
drunk,  fell  out  to  such  a  degree  that  one  stabbed  the  other 
with  his  knife  so  that  he  expired  in  a  few  minutes.  An  old 
Indian  that  sit  by  and  see  the  action  ordered  a  lad  of  about 
14  or  15  years  of  age  (being  a  near  relation  of  him  that  was 
stabbed)  to  charge  his  gun  and  be  ready  to  kill  the  other  as 
soon  as  the  first  was  dead.  The  boy  accordingly  did  with 
deliberation.  The  French  people  that  were  by  told  the 
murderer  to  make  his  escape.  He  moved  off  slowly.  The 
boy  stood  with  his  gun  in  his  hand  till  his  kinsman  was 
quite  gone ;  and  as  soon  as  he  see  him  fetch  his  last  breath, 

312 


JOURNAL  OF  CAPTAIN  PHINEAS  STEVENS 

he  went  after  the  other  with  as  much  calmness  as  he  was  in 
pursuit  of  some  game.  When  the  murderer  saw  the  lad 
after  him  he  endeavored  to  hide  himself;  but  the  boy  was 
so  lucky  as  to  see  him  lie  down  in  a  place  of  wheat.  The 
boy  went  as  near  as  he  thought  convenient,  and  then  first 
gave  him  a  mortal  wound  ;  but  he  retained  so  much  strength 
that  he  rose  up  and  pursued  the  boy  but  not  far.  The  old 
Indian  that  gave  the  boy  his  orders  seeing  that  he  was  not 
killed  outright  ran  with  his  knife  and  gave  him  several  stabs, 
so  that  he  died  immediately  —  so  that  in  half  an  hour's 
time  they  were  both  dead.  This  was  transacted  just  with 
out  the  wall  of  Montreal. 

July  $th.  Sunday.  Two  prisoners  were  brought  to  town 
from  St.  Francoes,  viz.  Seth  Webb  and  Amos  Eastman. 
We  bought  them  at  300  Livres  each,  and  ten  livres  each  for 
the  charge  of  bringing  them  to  Montreal.1 

July  6th.  I  received  a  letter  from  the  missionary  of  St. 
Franscoes. 

July  Jth.  Mrs.  Honor  Hancok,  a  prisoner  taken  from 
Jebucto  was  brought  to  Montreal ;  which  we  bought  at  300 
livres,  and  30  livres  for  the  charge  of  bringing  her. 

July  8th.  Mr.  Wheelwright  and  I  went  to  visit  a  captive 
girl  named  Elizabeth  Cody.  She  lived  at  the  hospital  south 
of  the  town. 

July  gth.  A  great  number  of  the  St.  Franscoes  Indians 
came  to  Montreal.  Brought  with  them  some  of  our  cap 
tive  boys.  There  came  up  a  smart  thunder  shower  at  night, 
and  for  about  half  an  hour  it  rained  hard,  so  that  the  water 
run  in  brooks  in  the  streets. 

July  loth.  Mr.  Wheelwright  and  I  paid  our  respects  to 
the  Governor,  in  the  morning.  [In  the]  Afternoon  I  bought 
two  guns,  price  65  livres,  10  sous,  each ;  of  which  Mr. 

1  In  Documents  Relative  to  the  Colonial  History  of  the  State  of 
New  York,  Vol.  X,  pp.  252-254,15  a  copy  of  what  purports  to  be 
minutes  of  conference  of  Stevens  with  the  St.  Francis  Indians 
held  this  day  —  July  5,  1752  —  in  the  presence  of  the  Baron  de 
Longueuil.  For  some  of  the  captives  named  below,  see  C.  Alice 
Baker,  True  Stories  of  New  England  Captives,  pp.  335-348. 

313 


TRAVELS  IN  THE  AMERICAN  COLONIES 

Wheelwright  paid  66  livres,  15  sous.  The  heat  increases 
very  much. 

July  nth.  An  exceedingly  hot  day.  Being  by  the  river 
side  I  see  the  French  people  dig  ice  out  of  the  bank,  which 
was  hove  up  in  the  winter  and  covered  by  the  bank  falling 
down  upon  it.  They  use  this  ice  to  preserve  their  fresh  meat. 

July  I2th.  Sabbath  day.  Hot  and  dry.  Clouds  of 
smoke  are  rising  in  all  parts  of  this  country  —  a  surprising 
sight  at  this  time  of  year. 

July  ijth.  Mr.  Wheelwright  and  my  self  went  before 
the  Governor  with  a  Dutch  girl  taken  in  the  war,  named 
Elizabeth  Cody,  and  an  English  boy  named  Solomon  Met- 
chel,  12  years  old  taken  about  one  year  ago.  Upon  their 
refusing  to  go  home  the  Governor  would  not  give  them  up. 
The  same  day  John  Starks  *  was  brought  to  Montreal  by  his 
Indian  Master.  He  was  taken  a  hunting  this  spring.  He 
is  given  us  for  an  Indian  poney  in  his  place,  for  which  we 
paid  515  livres. 

July  ifth.  We  took  our  leave  of  the  Governor  and  the 
rest  of  the  chief  Officers  and  made  all  things  ready  for  our 
return  to  New  England. 

July  i$th.  We  set  out  from  Montreal  for  New  England. 
Brought  with  us  eight  prisoners,  viz :  two  taken  from  Je- 
bucto,  Thomas  Stanard  and  Honor  Hancock;  two  men 
from  New  Hampshire,  Amos  Estmon  and  John  Stark,  taken 
a  hunting ;  Joseph  Fortner,  taken  west  of  Pennsylvania ; 
from  the  Massachusetts  Edmund  Hinckley,  Samuel  Lam- 
bart,  and  Seth  Webb.  We  came  this  day  to  Laperary.2  It 
rained  a  smart  shower  as  we  crossed  the  river,  and  some  in 
the  night. 

July  i6th.  Set  out  from  thence  —  came  to  St.  Johns. 
Our  baggage  was  brought  in  carts.  An  officer  is  sent  with 
us,  who  has  orders  to  conduct  us  to  the  first  English  land. 
We  remained  till  5  afternoon,  then  set  out  with  a  batteau 
and  a  birch  canoe.  Came  18  miles  and  lodged. 

July  ijth.     Embarked  very  early  in  the  morning.     Came 

1  John  Stark,  the  hero  of  the  Battle  of  Bennington  (August  16, 
1777).  2  La  Prairie. 


JOURNAL  OF  CAPTAIN  PHINEAS  STEVENS 

about  45  miles.  Met  several  canoes  from  Albany.  It 
rained  some  showers. 

July  I2th.  Sabbath  day.  Two  small  barks  arrived 
from  Quebec.  I  this  day  saw  a  man  in  prison.  [He  said] 
His  name  was  Johnson  and  that  he  had  an  uncle  in  Boston, 
named  George  Johnson,  and  a  kinsman  one  Wm.  Johnson. 
His  father,  he  says,  lives  in  Edinburgh  in  Scotland,  and  is 
a  man  of  note.  Look  back  for  the  I2th  day  and  then  add 
this  above. 

July  i8th.  Embarked  early  in  the  morning  —  wind  at 
head  and  some  rain.  We  came  to  the  mouth  of  Otter  creek 
and  turned  ashore  to  lodge ;  but  the  small  flies  were  so 
plenty  that  we  could  not  sleep.  We  embarked  again  about 
2  at  night  —  wind  at  northeast  and  some  hard  showers  of 
rain.  We  hoisted  sail  and  came  to  Crown  Point  about  sun 
rise.  I  would  note  that  my  old  Indian  master  came  in  the 
canoe  with  me  and  that  the  quarter  part  of  the  St.  Fransioes 
Indians  have  left  their  town  for  want  of  protection,  and  are 
on  the  road  to  the  Dutch  Settlements.  We  remained  at 
Crown  Point  all  day,  being  Sabbath  day.  The  wind  blew 
hard  all  the  day,  but  we  could  not  prevail  with  the  Indians, 
being  none  here  but  of  the  St.  Fransioes  tribe.  The  negro 
which  the  Commissary  of  the  fort  bought  of  the  Indian  taken 
at  Canterbury,  we  cannot  get  for  the  same  money  we  sup 
pose  he  bought  him  for.  The  gentleman  declares  he  gave 
600  livres  for  him.  We  have  been  informed  he  gave  but 
400  —  the  captain's  lady  told  us  she  was  offered  him  for 
that  money. 

July  2Oth.  The  Indians  we  had  engaged  to  go  with  us 
to  Lydies's  failing  us  and  not  coming,  obliged  us  to  remain 
at  the  fort  all  day.  Just  at  night  agreed  with  two  other 
Indians  so  that  Mr.  Wheelwright  and  five  of  our  people 
set  off  at  sunset.  I  with  the  rest  lodged  at  the  fort. 

July  2ist.  I,  with  the  people  left  with  me,  set  out  from 
Crown  Point  at  ten  in  the  morning,  accompanied  by  an 
officer  and  ten  soldiers,  who  brought  us  in  two  log  canoes. 
We  came  all  night  up  the  drowned  land.  Arrived  at  the 
landing  place  at  the  west  end  of  the  great  bay  west  of  the 
x  315 


TRAVELS  IN  THE  AMERICAN   COLONIES 

mouth  of  wood  creek.  At  8  the  next  morning  we  slept  and 
refreshed  ourselves  till  two  afternoon ;  then  bound  up  our 
packs  and  set  forward.  Came  about  one  mile  and  passed 
by  a  family  of  Indians.  Came  7  miles  and  camped. 

July  2$d.  In  the  mo[r]ning  I  missed  my  sword  which  I 
had  left  at  the  place  where  we  first  took  up  our  packs. 
Sent  two  men  back :  they  found  it  with  the  Indians  above- 
mentioned.  We  came  this  day  to  Col.  Lydis's.  Met  with 
Mr.  Wheelwright  (who  came  by  the  way  of  the  lake  St. 
Sacrement.1)  He  was  obliged  to  leave  the  canoe  and  load 
ing  on  the  carrying  place.  The  Indians  leaving  him,  he  came 
to  Lydeses  for  help. 

July  24.th.  I  went  with  Lydieses  son  with  three  horses  to 
assist  in  getting  our  things  to  Hutson's  River.  I  hired  two 
Mohawks  to  carry  the  canoe.  Brought  our  things  to  the 
river  and  returned  to  Lydyes  at  night  met  great  numbers 
of  the  St.  Francois  Indians  coming  to  Albany  with  beaver. 

July  2$th.  Came  from  Lydyeses  to  Saratogue.  Lodged 
at  Mr.  Killians.  The  two  Mohawks  that  brought  our  canoe 
over  the  carrying  came  thus  far  with  us  for  which  we  paid 
them  six  dollars. 

July  26th.  Sabbath  day.  Mr.  Wheelwright  and  his 
man  came  on  horseback  to  Albany.  I  with  the  canoe  and 
the  rest  of  our  people  came  within  10  miles  of  Albany.  I 
paid  3  dollars  for  the  carrying  our  things  by  the  bad  water. 

July  2jth.  Came  to  Albany  about  12  o'clock.  Remained 
there  the  rest  of  the  day. 

July  28th.  I  remained  at  Albany  upon  the  desire  of  a 
number  of  the  St.  Francois  Indians,  who  this  day  had  a  sort 
of  treaty  with  the  Dutch  Traders.  They  met  at  10  fore 
noon —  [They]  made  a  small  speech  to  the  Dutch,  in  which 
they  manifest  a  great  desire  for  peace;  then  delivered  a 
belt  of  wampum  and  a  pack  of  beaver.  The  Dutch  de 
sired  their  attendance  at  3  afternoon.  They  accordingly 
met,  when  the  Dutch  made  their  speech,  in  which  they 
gave  them  free  liberty  to  come  and  trade  without  molesta- 

1  Lake  George. 
316 


JOURNAL  OF  CAPTAIN  PHINEAS  STEVENS 

tiori,  and  [told  them]  that  the  road  was  open.  Then  [the 
Dutch]  made  them  a  present  of  a  belt  of  wampum,  and 
two  pieces  of  2  kegs  of  rum,  tobacco,  etc.  The 

Indians  received  them  thankfully. 

July  2Qth.  I  set  out  from  Albany  with  my  son.  Came 
to  the  first  Dutch  house  on  Hoosack  river,  and  lodged. 
Wm.  Heywood  and  the  seven  prisoners  who  came  off  the 
day  before  lodged  at  Fort  Massachusetts. 

July  3Oth.  I  came  to  Capt.  Rice's  where  I  overtook  the 
above  said  men.  Here  we  all  lodged. 

July  3ist.     Came  to  Deerfield  and  lodged. 

August  ist.  I  sent  an  express  to  Boston  with  the  letters 
that  came  from  Canada ;  and  four  of  the  prisoners  went 
down  the  country  road  for  home,  three  of  which  belonged 
to  the  eastward,  the  others  to  Jebucto.  I  came  with  the  rest 
of  the  people  to  Northfield. 

August  2cl.  Lords  day.  Went  to  meeting.  After  meet 
ing  came  to  Hinsdell's  Fort 1  with  my  son  and  Joseph 
Fortner.  The  two  Hampshire  men  set  off  for  Winchester.2 

August  jd.  Came  with  my  son  to  No.  2.  Left  Fortner 
with  Col.  Hinsdell.  Wm.  Heywood  remains  at  Northfield  to 
hunt  for  his  horse,  that  left  him  at  the  carrying  place. 

August  4th.  Came  to  No.  4.  Found  my  family  all  well, 
my  wheat  all  reaped,  etc. 

August  $th  and  6th.     My  people  finished  reaping  my  oats. 

August  jih.     I  begun  to  them. 

August  8th.  A  paper  was  drew  up,  and  signed  for  me  to 
go  to  New  Hampshire,  etc. 

August  Qth.     Lords  day. 

August  loth.     A  day  of  rain.     I  prepared  for  my  Journey. 

August  nth.  I  set  out  for  Portsmouth.  Came  to  Col. 
Hinsdells  fort. 

August  I2th.  Stopped  the  greater  part  of  day  at  said  fort 
to  get  my  linen  washed.  Came  to  Northfield  at  night. 

1  Hinsdels   Fort  was   near  the  west  bank  of  the  Connecticut 
River,  a  little  above  what  is  now  the  northern  boundary  of  Massa 
chusetts.     A  few  miles  N.  by  E.  of  it  was  Fort  Dummer. 

2  Winchester. 

317 


TRAVELS  IN  THE  AMERICAN   COLONIES 

August  1 3th.  [Came]  to  Deerfield  to  get  my  clothes. 
Returned  the  same  day  to  Winchester,  where  I  met  Capt. 
Hubard.  We  lodged  at  Major  Willards. 

August  ifth.  We  came  to  and  lodged  at  Col. 

Berrys  house.  It  rained  the  most  of  the  day. 

August  i$th.     [Came]  to  Luneinburge. 

August  i6th.     Lords  day. 

August  ijih.  Hubard  and  I,  in  company  with  Mr.  Bellows 
came  to  Col.  Blanchard  at  Dunstable  and  lodged. 

August  i8th.  After  dinner  I  set  out  from  thence  and  came 
to  Chester  and  lodged  at  Capt.  Dalford's. 

August  iQth.  Said  Capt.  set  out  with  me  and  came  to 
Portsmouth.  I  remained  there  till  the 

24ih.  In  which  time  I  lodged  a  proposition  with  the 
Governor  and  counsel  for  the  township  No.  4.  I  came 
from  Portsmouth  to  Ipswich,  and  lodged  at  Mr.  Rogers'. 

August  2$th.  Came  to  Boston  by  the  way  of  Cambridge 
and  Roxbury. 

August  26th.     At  Boston  I  lodged  with  Mr.  Lyman. 

27.     I  set  out  from  Boston.     Came  as  far  as  Marlborough. 

August  28th.     [Came]  to  Rutland. 

August  2Qth.     At  Rutland. 

August  3Oth.     Lords  day. 

August  $ist.     Came  from  Rutland  to  Hardwicke. 

Sept.  ist.     Came  to  Hatfield. 

Sept.  2nd.  [Came]  to  Deerfield.  Bought  a  trunk  of 
Madam  Hinsdell,  in  which  I  put  my  clothes  and  sent  them 
to  Northfield.  The  next  day,  which,  according  to  act 
of  Parliament,1  is  the 

iqth.     I  came  to  Col.  Hinsdells  fort.     It  rained  some 

Sept.  i$th.     I  came  to  Killbruns  at  No.  3,  and  lodged. 

Sept.  i6th.     [Came]  home  to  No.  4-2 

Sept.  i?th.     Lords  day.     From  the 

1  By  the  Act  of  Parliament  here  referred  to  eleven  days  were 
omitted  in  the  record  of  time  so  that  the  day  after  September  2, 
1752,  was  recorded  as  September  14,  1752. 

2  There   is   a   note   in  the   margin   as   follows :    Joseph  Woods 
moved  out  of  the  fort  this  week. 

318 


JOURNAL  OF  CAPTAIN  PHINEAS  STEVENS 

i8th  to  the  2jd  exceeding  dry  weather.  The  Great  River 
is  thought  to  be  as  low  as  has  been  known  these  many 
years  past.  Some  of  our  people  are  gone  down  to  Deerfield 
and  Hatfield  this  week,  viz.  Dr.  Hastings  and  wife,  Joseph 
Willards  and  Hastings  wives.  Thos.  Putnam  and  Isaac 
Parker  went  with  a  canoe  for  salt,  etc.  I  this  week  begun 
to  fall  timber  for  a  house. 

Sept.  24th.     Sabbath  day. 

Sept.  2$th.  I  sawed  timber  for  clapboards  etc.  A  great 
supply  of  rain  at  night.  The  water  in  puddles  the  next 
morning. 

Sept.  26th.     It  rained  part  of  the  day. 

Sept.  2jtk.     A  hard  frost  at  night. 

Sept.  28th.  I  began  to  make  a  road  at  the  south  end  of  my 
house  lot.  Ebr.  Putnam  and  his  brother  Larence  set  out 
upon  a  journey. 

Sept.  2Qth.  I  finished  the  above  said  road.  The  whole 
cost  me  seven  days  work. 

Sept.  3oth.     It  rained  hard  afternoon. 

October  ist.  Lords  day.  Stephen  Farnsworth  had  an  ox 
killed  by  the  fall  of  a  tree. 

Oct.  2d.  Wright  had  a  barrel  rum  brought  to  the  fort. 
I  bought  a  three  acre  lot  of  Joseph  Woods. 

Oct.  3d.     Elijah  Grout  left  me  and  set  out  for  home. 

Oct.  4th.     I  fell  timber,  etc. 

Oct.  $th.     I  begun  to  hew  timber  for  my  house. 

Oct.  6th.     I  gathered  my  corn. 

Oct.  Jih.     I  carted  my  corn. 

Oct.  8th.     Sabbath  day.     It  rained  hard  all  day. 

Oct.  pth.     The  storm  continued. 

Oct.  loth.  At  husking.  Pleasant  weather,  but  clouded 
up  at  night,  and  bid  fair  for  more  rain. 

Oct.  nth.     It  rained  the  most  of  the  day. 

Oct.  I2th.     I  finished  husking  my  corn. 

Oct.  ijth.  It  rained  part  of  the  day.  It  is  now  a  very  wet 
season. 

Oct.  I4th.     Lieut.  Bellows  came  to  No.  4. 

Oct.  ijth.     Sabbath  day. 

319 


TRAVELS  IN  THE  AMERICAN  COLONIES 

Oct.  i6th.     I  fell  timber,  etc. 

Oct.  ijth.     Stephen  Davis  came  to  town. 

Oct.  i8th.     I  hewed  timber  with  six  scoope.     The  boat 
came  to  the  falls  with  salt,  rum,  etc. 

Oct.  iQth.     Hewed  timber  with  8  schooars. 

Oct.  20th.     Hewed  with  6  do.     Doct.  Hastings  and  wife  re 
turned  home.     Ruth  Parker  came  home. 

Oct.  2 1 st.     Hewed  with  six  hands. 

Oct.  22d.     Sabbath  day. 

Oct.  2$d.     Hewed  with  six  do.     Our  people  are  yet  busy 
at  harvesting. 

Oct.  24-th.     Five  hands  at  hewing. 

Oct.  2$th.     Five  do.     This  day  two  barrels  [of]  rum  [were] 
brought  to  the  fort. 

Oct.  26th.     It  rained  hard  the  most  of  the  day. 

Oct.  2?th.     Four    hands    schooring.     Drew    part    timber 
off. 

Oct.  28th.     I  finished  hewing  in  the  forenoon  Three  at 
schooring.     Afternoon  the  carpenters  went  home. 

Oct.  2Qth.     Sabbath  day. 

Oct.  jost.     I  drew  my  hay  out  of  the  great  meadow.     Our 
cattle  are  now  all  let  into  said  meadow. 

Oct.  3ist.     There  fell  a  small  snow  in  the  morning  about  2 
inches  deep,  but  all  went  off  before  night. 

Nov.  ist.,  2d.,  and  jd.     I  drew  timber  for  my  house  etc. 
Fine  pleasant  weather.     We  are  now  set  out  for 

Nov.  ^.th.     Fine  weather. 

Nov.  $th.     Sabbath  day,  very  warm  for  the  season.     I 
have  a  cow  calf. 

Nov.  6th.     Drew  timber,  etc. 

Nov.  ^th.     Davis  came  in  the  morning,  father  Perry  with 
him.     Began  to  frame  my  house  the  same  day. 

Nov.  8th.     At  framing.     Deacon  Addams  and  family  came 
to  No.  4. 

Nov.  Qth.     At    framing.     Lieut.  Johnson's  wife   brought 
abed  of  a  daughter. 

Nov.  loth.     At  framing.     This  day  a  number  of  men  from 
Woodstock  came  to  No.  4. 

320 


JOURNAL  OF  CAPTAIN  PHINEAS  STEVENS 

Nov.  nth.  Forenoon  it  rained  —  obliged  us  to  lie  by. 
Afternoon  at  raising.  Begun  to  raise  the  sides  of  the  house. 

Nov.  I2th.  Lords  day.  Our  people  begin  to  assemble 
together  for  the  worship  of  God. 

Nov.  ijth.  At  framing.  The  lower  part  of  the  house  is 
almost  up. 

Nov.  I4th.     At  framing.     A  small  snow  fell  at  night. 

Nov.  i$th.     I  begun  to  raise  my  house. 

Nov.  i6th.  I  finished.  Wheeler  and  old  Mr.  Putnam 
raised  the  same  day.  Davis  and  Jeremy  went  home. 

Nov.  ijth  and  i8th.     Nothing  worth  notice. 

Nov.  iQth.     Lords  day. 

Nov.  20th.  I  sent  my  son  Enos  down  to  Hatfield  in  com 
pany  with  several  others.  A  stormy  day. 

Nov.  2ist.     The  storm  continued. 

Nov.  22d.     I  worked  at  my  cellar. 

August  loth  1752 

Cash  borrowed  of  John  Hastings  Jr  14  Spanish  Dollars 
of  Caleb  Wright  Do.  2 

of  Moses  Wheeler  I  do. 

After  I  returned  home  I  paid  John  Hastings  one  dollar, 
and  allowed  Wright  for  his  on  my  bond  against  him. 


Nov.  2jd.  I  went  to  No.  3  to  help  Lieut.  Bellows  raise 
his  house  and  a  barn.  A  small  snow  fell  at  night. 

Nov.  2^th.  We  finished  raising  the  above  buildings  and 
returned  home.  Cold  for  the  season. 


A  Short  Description  of  the  City  of  Montreal  in  Canada 

Viz :  Its  built  on  the  south  side  of  the  great  island  called 
the  Island  of  Montreal.  This  island  is  said  to  be  fifteen 
leagues  in  length,  and  in  breadth,  called  the  most 

healthful  part  of  their  country,  mostly  inhabited  by  tenants 
put  on  by  the  priests  and  nuns ;    for  they  own  the  greater 

321 


TRAVELS  IN  THE  AMERICAN  COLONIES 

part  of  the  land.  The  city  is  about  f  of  a  mile  in  length, 
and  about  100  rods  wide  in  the  widest  place.  It  stands  on 
the  side  of  St.  Lawrence's  river,  encompassed  round  with  a 
wall  1 6  or  18  feet  high.  The  wall  on  the  river  side  stands 
about  three  rods  from  highwater  mark.  The  town  lies 
upon  a  descent  of  land,  so  that  from  the  water  side  to  the 
upper  part,  or  northwestwardly  side  of  [the]  town,  is  up  hill, 
but  not  very  steep. 

There  is  but  two  streets  that  go  through  the  length  of  the 
town,  and  so  about  nine  or  ten  cross  streets.  This  town 
contains  about  four  hundred  dwelling  houses,  besides  public 
buildings.  There  is  five  chapels  or  churches,  viz :  one  for 
the  barefoot  friars ;  one  for  the  close  nuns,  to  which  joins 
the  hospital ;  one  do.  for  the  holy  sisters,  and  one  for  the 
Jesuits ;  and  one  which  is  called  the  great  church,  where 
the  priests  say  mass.  There  is  one  more  just  without  the 
walls  on  the  south  side  joining  to  the  Kings  Hospital. 

N.B.  The  walls  of  the  city  are  not  so  wide  at  the  north 
end  as  at  the  south ;  for  at  the  north  are  but  about  thirty 
rods  wide.  Here  is  the  battery,  on  a  rise  of  land  which 
commands  all  the  city. 


322 


DIARY  OF  A  JOURNEY  OF  MORAVIANS  FROM 
BETHLEHEM,  PENNSYLVANIA,  TO  BETHABARA 
IN  WACHOVIA,  NORTH  CAROLINA,  1753 


INTRODUCTION 

THE  Moravians  made  their  first  settlement  in  America, 
in  1735,  on  the  lower  Savannah  River,  where  Count  Zin- 
zendorf  had  obtained  from  the  Georgia  Trustees  a  grant  of 
five  hundred  acres.  Rather  than  bear  arms  against  the 
Spaniards  they  removed  to  Pennsylvania  in  1738-1740  and 
settled  Bethlehem  and  Nazareth.  Here  by  their  industry 
and  sobriety  they  won  the  good  opinion  of  Thomas  Penn, 
the  proprietor,  and  with  his  assistance  the  Moravians  pro 
cured,  in  1749,  an  Act  of  Parliament  expressly  designed  to 
encourage  their  immigration  to  the  British  colonies  in 
America,  there  to  enjoy  full  liberty  of  conscience,  exemption 
from  military  service  for  reasonable  compensation,  and  per 
mission  to  make  a  solemn  affirmation  instead  of  taking  an 
oath. 

Under  the  new  conditions  the  Moravians  immediately  set 
about  to  acquire  a  large  tract  of  land  in  America  on  which 
to  build  a  central  town  with  administrative  offices,  and  with 
trades,  industries,  and  schools,  the  town  to  be  also  a  center 
from  which  to  carry  on  missionary  work  among  the  Indians, 
and  the  remainder  of  the  tract  to  be  sold  to  and  occupied  by 
Moravian  farmers.  Land  was  cheaper  in  North  Carolina 
than  in  any  of  the  colonies  to  the  northward.  Lord  Gran- 
ville,  President  of  the  Privy  Council,  was  proprietor  of  the 
northern  portion  of  that  colony,  and  he  made  a  liberal  offer. 
Augustus  Gottlieb  Spangenberg,  a  bishop  in  the  Moravian 
Church  and  superintendent  of  Moravian  affairs  in  Penn 
sylvania,  was  commissioned  to  select  a  suitable  site.  With 
five  of  the  brethren,  all  on  horseback,  he  set  out  from  Beth 
lehem  the  25th  of  August,  1752.  The  party  reached  Eden- 
ton,  North  Carolina,  the  loth  of  September  and  was  there 
joined  by  Lord  Granville's  agent  and  surveyor-general. 
Weeks  of  hardship  followed,  but  late  in  December  a  site  was 

325 


TRAVELS  IN  THE  AMERICAN  COLONIES 

selected  in  the  region  of  the  head  waters  of  the  Yadkin,  and 
here  a  tract  of  98,985  acres  was  surveyed  and  named 
Wachovia.  Bishop  Spangenberg  returned  to  Bethlehem, 
and  in  August,  1753  Lord  Granville  deeded  the  tract  to  the 
agent  of  the  Church  for  £500  and  a  yearly  rent  of  three 
shillings  per  hundred  acres. 

The  next  step  was  to  establish  a  settlement,  and  to  this 
end  a  party  of  twelve  single  men  set  out  from  Bethlehem 
the  8th  of  October  with  six  horses  and  a  wagon  loaded  with 
their  effects.  The  party  consisted  of  Rev.  Bernhard  Adam 
Grube,  the  first  minister  of  the  new  settlement ;  Jacob 
Loesch,  business  manager ;  Hans  Martin  Kalberlahn,  phy 
sician  ;  Henrich  Feldhausen,  carpenter ;  Erich  Ingepretsen, 
carpenter  ;  Hans  Petersen,  tailor ;  Jacob  Lunge,  gardener ; 
Herman  Loesch,  farmer;  Christopher  Merkli,  baker; 
Friedrich  Jacob  Pfeil,  shoemaker  and  tanner ;  Jacob  Beroth, 
farmer;  and  Johannes  Lischer,  farmer.  Brethren  Gottlob 
Koenigsderfer,  Nathaniel  Seidel,  and  Joseph  Haberland 
accompanied  them,  but  these  three  soon  returned  to  Bethle 
hem.  The  road  which  they  traveled  the  greater  part  of 
the  distance  was  that  from  the  Yadkin  River  to  Philadelphia 
by  way  of  the  Shenandoah  Valley,  a  road  which  at  the  time 
was  in  the  making  as  the  result  of  a  general  movement  of 
Germans  from  Pennsylvania  to  the  "back  parts"  of  Mary 
land,  Virginia,  and  North  Carolina. 

It  is  the  account  of  their  journey  that  is  given  in  this 
Diary  which  was  written  by  one  of  the  party,  most  likely 
by  Brother  Grube.  The  original  document  is  preserved  in 
the  Archives  of  the  Moravian  Church  at  Winston-Salem, 
North  Carolina ;  the  translation  which  is  here  printed  is  by 
Miss  Adelaide  L.  Fries,  the  Archivist. 


326 


DIARY  OF  A  JOURNEY  OF  MORAVIANS  FROM 
BETHLEHEM,  PENNSYLVANIA,  TO  BETHABARA 
IN  WACHOVIA,  NORTH  CAROLINA,  1753 

Travel  Diary  of  the  First  Company  of  Single  Brethren  Going 
to  North  Carolina. 


At  the  evening  service  ("Singstunde")  we  were  prepared 
for  our  journey,  received  the  blessing  from  our  dear  Brother, 
and  finally  partook  together  of  the  "Cup  of  blessing."  The 
next  morning,  that  is 

Oct.  8,  1753,  we  rose  early  and  made  ready  for  our 
start,  our  dear  Br.  Christian  Seidel  *  holding  morning  prayer 
for  us.  And  so  with  a  feeling  of  blessing  and  contentment 
we  set  out  from  our  beloved  Bethlehem,  —  the  Brn.  Grube, 
Jac.  Losch,  Feldhausen,  Erich  Ingepretsen,  Petersen,  Lunge, 
Hermanus  Losch,  Markli,  Pfeil,  Beroth,  Lischer,  Kalberlahn 
and  Joseph  Haberland,  the  last  named  to  accompany  us 
only  to  the  Susquehannah.  Our  "Chor  Jiinger"  2  Br. 
Gottlob,  Hoffman,  Eberhard,  and  several  other  Brethren 
went  with  us  for  a  few  miles,  and  when  we  had  taken  tender 
leave  of  each  other  we  went  our  way  humbly  happy  over  the 
goodness  that  the  Lamb  of  God  had  shown  to  us  poor 
mortals  in  His  congregation.  The  Brethren  Gottlob  and 
Nathanael  followed  us  in  a  few  hours,  and  in  the  evening 
we  met  at  the  Missellimer  Mill  and  remained  there  over 
night,  —  the  people  were  fairly  civil  in  their  entertainment 
of  us  though  hitherto  they  have  refused  to  let  Brethren 
stop  there.  On  the  way  we  picked  up  several  pieces  of  our 

1  Christian  Seidel  was  a  Moravian  missionary  to  the  Indians. 

a  Superintendent  or  Leader  of  the  Choir,  —  i.e.  the  Choir  of 
unmarried  men,  "Choir"  being  a  division  of  the  congregation, 
not  a  group  of  singers.  A.  L.  Fries. 

327 


TRAVELS  IN  THE  AMERICAN  COLONIES 

baggage  which  had  been  left  by  our  wagon  when  it  stuck 
fast  and  had  to  be  unloaded  before  it  could  be  pulled  out. 

Oct.  p.  We  arose  very  early  to  continue  our  journey, 
the  Brn.  Grube  and  Kalberlahn  going  a  little  in  advance. 
A  man  came  to  them  inquiring  whether  any  one  in  the 
party  knew  how  to  let  blood,  saying  that  a  poor  servant 
lay  sick  at  Uly  Hui  who  had  heard  of  us  and  begged  that 
we  would  come  to  him ;  we  therefore  went  and  Br.  Kal 
berlahn  bled  him,  for  which  he  was  very  thankful,  and  the 
people  declared  themselves  as  being  friendly  toward  us. 
At  noon  we  reached  the  house  of  Br.  Jac.  Miiller ;  he  was 
not  at  home  but  his  son  took  us  across  the  Tulpehokke  1  in 
a  canoe,  it  almost  upset  but  our  little  boatman  held  it  steady. 
Soon  we  reached  Heidelberg  Schoolhouse,  and  found  Br. 
and  Sr.  Miiller  2  well  and  glad  to  see  us  again  and  to  have 
us  to  a  meal.  There  were  other  Brethren  there  working  on 
a  new  hall  who  rejoiced  to  greet  us  once  more.  Toward 
evening  we  reached  the  home  of  Br.  and  Sr.  G.  Losch, 
who  gave  us  hearty  welcome ;  we  found  there  Br.  Christ. 
Rauch  who  had  arrived  shortly  before  us.  The  Brn. 
Merk  and  Ziegler,  who  had  preceded  us  thus  far  with  the 
wagon,  related  their  experiences  by  the  way,  that  it  had 
taken  them  four  days  to  reach  Tulpehokke,  and  that  they 
had  been  obliged  to  abandon  part  of  the  baggage,  because 
it  had  rained  a  great  deal  and  the  road  was  very  muddy. 
Before  we  retired  Br.  Nathanael  conducted  a  "  Singstunde," 
and  then  we  laid  ourselves  down,  as  it  were,  in  the  arms  of 
Jesus. 

Oct.  10.  Br.  Gottlob  held  morning  prayers.  Then  we 
had  a  conference  about  our  wagon,  which  is  several  inches 
too  wide,  and  therefore  does  not  keep  in  the  beaten  track. 
We  finally  unloaded  it  and  took  it  to  the  blacksmith's  shop. 
The  damp  articles  we  dried  in  the  sun.  Mother  Losch  pre 
pared  the  necessary  provisions  for  our  trip.  Br.  Rauch 

1  Tulpehocken  Creek. 

2  Joseph  Mueller,  Herman  Loesch,  and  John  Merk  were  mem 
bers  of  the  exploring  party  who  accompanied  Bishop  Spangenberg 
to  North  Carolina  in  1752. 

328 


DIARY  OF  THE  MORAVIANS 

took  leave  of  us  and  returned  to  his  home  in  Quittopehill. 
Br.  Beroth  crossed  the  Susquehannah  to  see  his  father  once 
more,  rejoining  us  at  the  river.  Br.  Nathanael  wrote  a 
note  to  Br.  Pader,  who  is  now  in  York  on  the  Catores,1  tell 
ing  him  of  our  journey  to  Carolina.  In  the  evening  when 
our  wagon  was  ready,  having  been  made  three  inches  nar 
rower,  we  repacked  it  by  moonlight  so  that  we  might  make 
an  early  start  nest  morning.  Some  Brethren  from  Tonigal, 
on  their  way  to  visit  in  Bethlehem,  arrived  at  the  house ; 
there  was  hardly  room  enough  for  everybody,  but  Br.  and 
Sr.  Losch  rejoiced  to  have  so  many  Brethren  under  their 
roof.  Br.  Gottlob  held  a  sweet  "Singstunde." 

Oct.  ii.  We  rose  early  and  prepared  for  our  journey. 
We  gave  letters  to  the  Tonigal  Brn.  to  be  taken  to  Bethle 
hem.  Father  Losch  lent  us  his  wagon  to  be  used  until  we 
were  across  the  Susquehannah,  and  Mother  Losch  supplied 
us  bountifully  with  bread  and  meat.  Then  we  bade  fare 
well  to  these  dear  people,  thanking  them  heartily  for  all 
their  trouble  and  care  on  our  account ;  they  both  wept  like 
children,  realizing  that  now  for  a  while  they  could  not  see 
their  two  sons,  Jac.  and  Herm.  At  noon  we  reached  our 
school-house  in  Quittopehill,  and  stopped  there  for  lunch. 
The  Brn.  Neuser  and  Engel  welcomed  us  heartily  and  we 
were  glad  to  see  them.  Br.  Peter  Kucher  fed  our  horses 
and  rejoiced  to  see  us  once  more.  Several  Brn.  called  on 
Johann  Tanneberger,  who  was  much  pleased  to  have  a  visit 
from  Bethlehem  Brethren.  When  we  started  again  the 
Brn.  Neuser  and  Engel  accompanied  us  as  far  as  Xander's, 
which  we  reached  by  evening.  As  we  drove  over  the  mill- 
race  bridge  it  broke  in,  and  it  was  truly  a  wonder  that  our 
horses  and  wagon  were  not  thrown  into  the  water;  we 
thanked  our  Heavenly  Father  for  the  escape  and  for  the 
help  of  our  companions,  of  which  we  had  great  need.  Br. 
Xander  was  not  at  home,  but  his  wife  and  daughter  gave  us 
good  care.  Br.  Neuser  and  Br.  Engel  went  home  this 
evening.  Br.  Gottlob  held  a  sweet  "Singstunde,"  and  spoke 

1  Codorus  Creek. 
329 


TRAVELS  IN  THE  AMERICAN  COLONIES 

on  the  text  "Walk  as  the  children  of  light,"  referring  feel 
ingly  to  the  blessing  and  joy  that  can  come  into  the  life  of  a 
child  of  God  ;  and  then  we  went  peacefully  to  rest. 

Oct.  12.  We  rose  at  four  and  after  morning  prayers  had 
breakfast  at  five  and  set  out  at  six  o'clock.  Several  young 
men  who  love  the  Brethren  accompanied  us  a  little  way  and 
were  pleasant  and  cheery.  We  had  traveled  eight  miles 
when  suddenly  a  thick  tree  fell  across  our  team,  giving  us  a 
fright;  however,  the  trunk  fell  just  between  the  horses  so 
that  neither  the  horses  nor  the  man  who  rode  one  of  them 
were  hurt,  though  a  bush  on  the  other  side  of  the  road  was 
crushed.  This  was  indeed  a  marked  instance  of  the  pro 
tection  of  our  Father,  and  we  thanked  Him  earnestly  and 
besought  His  continued  care.  To-day  we  shot  several 
fawns,  partridges  and  squirrels.  In  the  evening  we  made 
our  first  camp  in  the  forest,  one  mile  from  the  Susquehannah, 
by  a  creek.  All  busied  themselves  collecting  wood  and 
building  a  fire.  Br.  Erich  undertook  the  cooking,  and 
after  we  had  eaten  we  spread  our  blankets  and  lay  down 
to  rest.  We  also  considered  whether  we  should  not  take 
Father  Losch's  wagon  with  us,  for  it  was  evident  that  we 
could  hardly  make  the  trip  with  only  our  heavily  loaded 
wagon,  but  as  we  had  not  discussed  it  with  Father  Losch 
we  decided  that  we  could  not  do  it.  We  set  our  first  night- 
watch,  —  Br.  Nathanael  took  the  first  two  hours,  and  was 
followed  by  Br.  Grube,  and  he  by  Br.  Losch,  and  in  the 
future  three  or  four  Brethren  will  watch  each  night.  At 
midnight  a  drunken  Irishman  came  and  laid  himself  by  our 
fire,  but  did  not  disturb  us.  Br.  Gottlob  hung  his  hammock 
between  two  trees  and  rested  well  in  it. 

Oct.  /j.  After  eating  some  broth  we  set  out  on  our 
journey.  The  Brn.  Grube  and  Losch  went  ahead  to  the 
Susquehannah  at  Harrison's  Ferry  l  to  see  about  our  cross 
ing.  Br.  Grube  found  an  opportunity  to  send  a  letter  by  a 
Trader  to  the  Brethren  in  Shomoko.  The  Susquehannah 
was  so  low  that  the  Ferry-boat  could  not  run,  so  we  decided 

1  Harris'  Ferry,  now  Harrisburg,  Pennsylvania. 
330 


DIARY  OF  THE   MORAVIANS 

to  drive  across.  The  Brn.  got  into  the  wagons  and  on  the 
horses  and  we  crossed  safely.  The  Susquehannah  is  one 
mile  wide  here.  Br.  Beroth  and  his  father  soon  joined  us 
and  brought  a  letter  from  Br.  Pader,  regretting  that  he 
could  not  come  to  see  us  and  sending  affectionate  farewell. 
Two  miles  beyond  the  Susquehannah  we  loaded  on  our 
wagon  all  that  had  been  in  Br.  Losch's  wagon,  since  that 
must  now  return  home.  It  had  been  the  intention  that  our 
beloved  Br.  Gottlob  should  here  also  bid  us  farewell,  but 
he  decided  that  he  and  Br.  Haberland  would  go  all  the 
way  to  North  Carolina  with  us,  and  all  hearts  rejoiced  that 
we  were  to  have  our  "  Jiinger"  so  much  longer  with  us.  Br. 
Gottlob  and  Br.  Nathanael  wrote  letters  to  Bethlehem,  and 
entrusted  them  to  Br.  Merk,  and  then  the  wagon  started 
back,  taking  Br.  Merk  and  the  little  Joseph  Miiller  and  G. 
Losch.  The  latter  wept  sorely  at  parting  from  his  two 
brothers,  and  we  were  all  touched.  Then  we  took  up  our 
further  way.  Beroth's  father,  who  was  much  pleased  that 
he  had  seen  the  first  Carolina  company,  bade  us  farewell 
and  returned  to  his  home.  It  is  counted  30  miles  from  here 
to  Yorck  on  the  Catores.  The  work  became  rather  heavy 
for  the  horses  and  the  Brethren  had  to  help  push,  but  we 
had  a  good  road  which  was  a  great  blessing.  Some  miles 
from  the  Susquehannah  we  stopped  for  the  noon  hour  by 
an  inn,  where  there  is  good  water.  The  people  thought 
Br.  Gottlob  was  a  Clergyman.  We  went  on ;  it  began  to 
rain,  but  the  shower  did  not  last  long.  Five  miles  from  the 
inn  we  came  to  a  creek ;  and  eight  miles  beyond  to  another. 
We  put  up  our  tent  for  the  first  time,  as  a  heavy  storm  came 
on,  and  were  fairly  dry  under  it  and  the  Brethren  slept  a 
little.  The  storm  passing  we  started  again  at  midnight, 
and  drove  several  miles  to  the  next  stream.  We  passed  a 
little  town  called  Carl  Isles,1  which  contains  about  60 
houses  and  is  chiefly  inhabited  by  Irishmen. 

Oct.  14.     Sunday.     About  four  in  the  morning  we  set  up 
our  tent,  going  four  miles  beyond  Carl  Isles  so  as  not  to 

1  Carlisle,  nineteen  miles  W.S.W.  of  Harrisburg. 
Y  331 


up   \ 
be 


TRAVELS  IN  THE  AMERICAN   COLONIES 

f 

too  near  the  Irish  Presbyterians.  We  lay  down  and  slept 
well  for  some  hours.  After  breakfast  the  Brethren  shaved, 
and  then  we  rested  under  our  tent.  At  noon  we  dined  on 
pork  and  dumplings.  In  the  afternoon  we  were  visited  by 
the  people  from  Jersey  who  were  recently  in  Bethlehem, 
and  they  told  us  about  our  road.  They  had  broken  their 
wagon  crossing  the  Susquehannah,  and  were  thereby  de 
tained  several  days.  They  were  very  friendly,  and  wished 
they  could  stay  with  us.  Toward  evening  we  went  three 
miles  further  to  Widow  Tennant's  Tavern,  and  spent  the 
night  by  the  creek.  People  who  were  staying  at  the  Tavern 
came  to  see  what  kind  of  folks  we  were.  We  asked  them 
about  our  road  and  they  were  quite  polite  to  us.  One  of 
them  was  born  in  Silesia,  and  as  a  boy  lived  in  the  Herrnhut 
Orphanage ;  another  was  the  son  of  the  Commissioner  of 
Sakana,  and  lives  in  Friedrichstown,  Va.  We  slept  to-night 
without  a  tent  and  were  quite  comfortable. 

Oct.  75.  We  started  at  2  :  30  A.M.  had  moonlight  and  a 
good  road  ;  and  it  was  80  miles  to  Friedrichstown.  On  the 
twelve  miles  to  Shippestown,1  —  a  little  town,  —  we  found 
no  water.  We  had  a  little  work  done  on  our  wagon,  as  the 
pole  had  been  injured.  The  smith  charged  a  big  price  and 
his  work  did  little  good.  We  saw  the  Blue  Mts.  some  8  to 
10  miles  to  our  right,  and  had  unusually  fine  weather.  We 
stopped  for  noon  eight  miles  further  on  by  the  Kanikatschik,2 
which  is  no  larger  here  than  the  Manakis  at  Bethlehem. 
A  couple  of  miles  beyond  we  stopped  for  the  night  by  Corrnell 
Chimpersen's  mill,  where  we  had  good  water.  Br.  Na- 
thanael  held  the  evening  service. 

Oct.  16.  Br.  Grube  conducted  morning  prayers,  and  we 
set  out  at  4  A.M.  On  the  way  we  bought  10  bushels  of  oats, 
and  after  driving  five  miles  had  breakfast  by  a  creek  where 
Irish  people  live.  Two  miles  further  we  found  good  water, 
also  three  miles  beyond,  where  a  house  stands  back  a  little 
on  the  left.  One  mile  more  brought  us  to  a  Tavern.  We 

1  Shippensburg,  twenty-two  miles  W.S.W.  of  Carlisle. 

2  Conococheague  Creek. 

332 


DIARY  OF  THE   MORAVIANS 

could  again  see  the  Blue  Mts.  quite  plainly.  In  another 
mile  we  reached  a  German  inn,  where  we  bought  some  hay 
and  spent  the  noon  hour.  Two  miles  from  the  inn  we 
passed  the  boundary  between  Pennsylvania  and  Maryland, 
it  is  said  that  Maryland  is  here  only  six  miles  wide.  From 
the  Susquehannah  here  the  residents  are  chiefly  Irish,  and 
they  have  good  lands,  but  one  can  buy  little  or  nothing 
from  them.  Two  and  a  half  miles  further  we  came  to  an 
old  Swiss,  where  we  bought  some  hay.  He  was  very  friendly 
and  asked  that  we  come  to  see  him  again.  One  mile  beyond 
we  bought  some  kraut  from  a  German  named  Fende  Kra, 
which  tasted  very  good  to  us.  We  went  on  and  camped  for 
the  night  two  miles  from  the  Patomik,1  putting  up  our  tent 
by  a  creek.  The  man  on  whose  land  we  were  came  to  see 
us,  was  very  friendly,  and  took  supper  with  us.  He  said 
that  he  knew  the  Brn.  Rose  and  Nyberg  well,  and  that 
some  years  earlier  they  had  preached  in  his  house  here. 
He  was  a  Swede  by  birth.  Br.  Gottlob  held  the  evening 
service,  then  we  lay  down  around  our  cheerful  fire,  and  Br. 
Gottlob  in  his  hammock,  which  he  had  swung  between  two 
stakes. 

Oct.  77.  We  started  at  five  o'clock  and  had  two  miles  to 
go  to  the  Patomik  which  we  reached  at  daybreak.  Br.  Jac. 
Losch  rode  in  first  to  find  the  ford  which  makes  a  decided 
curve  between  the  banks.  We  crossed  safely  but  it  was 
very  difficult  to  drive  out  at  the  other  end  and  we  had  a 
great  deal  of  trouble  to  get  up  the  bank.  The  river  is  here 
about  as  wide  as  the  Lecha  at  Bethlehem,  but  in  flood  it 
runs  far  over  the  high  banks,  and  flows  swiftly,  —  toward 
the  south-east.  Half  a  mile  from  the  river  is  a  plantation, 
and  four  miles  further  a  Tavern;  the  road  was  stony. 
Four  miles  further  we  found  good  water,  and  a  Tavern ; 
four  miles  beyond  the  Tavern  we  stopped  for  noon  by  a 
creek  near  a  mill  which  stood  on  the  left  of  the  road.  Three 
miles  further  was  a  spring,  and  after  driving  four  miles  more 
we  put  up  our  tent  by  a  creek.  For  supper  we  cooked 

1  Potomac. 
333 


TRAVELS  IN  THE  AMERICAN  COLONIES 

chicken,  which  tasted  very  good.  Br.  Nathanael  conducted 
evening  prayer. 

Oct.  18.  We  rose  at  three ;  Br.  Nathanael  held  morning 
prayer.  Br.  Gottlob  reminded  us  that  this  was  the  birth 
day  of  our  beloved  Johannes.1  The  Brn.  Gottlob,  Haber- 
land  and  J.  Losch  went  ahead  to  Friedrichtown  to  order 
various  things.  We  soon  followed  them  with  the  wagon, 
having  one  mile  to  go  to  Robert  Kornike's  mill,  and  eleven 
more  to  Friedrichstown,  for  seven  of  which  we  found  no 
water.  We  breakfasted  by  a  creek,  and  two  miles  beyond 
found  water  again.  At  noon  we  passed  through  Friedrichs 
town,2  which  consists  of  about  sixty  houses  rather  badly 
built.  One  mile  beyond  Friedrichstown  we  stopped  for 
lunch  near  a  mill,  and  bought  some  bread  and  corn.  The 
Brn.  Gottlob  and  Haberland  rejoined  us  there.  We  then 
drove  on,  soon  came  to  water  again,  and  had  four  miles  to 
Jost  Raid's  mill,  setting  up  our  tent  just  beyond.  Br.  Jac. 
Losch  rejoined  us  there ;  he  had  been  to  several  plantations 
to  buy  bread  and  oats  but  had  been  able  to  get  little.  We 
turned  our  horses  out  to  graze  in  a  meadow  as  we  had  no 
feed  for  them;  the  Brn.  Lischer  and  Merkli  stayed  with 
them  during  the  night.  Br.  Gottlob  held  evening  prayers, 
and  we  spoke  of  our  dear  Johannes,  sang  several  sweet 
verses  of  blessing  in  his  behalf,  thanked  the  Lord  for  his 
call  of  grace,  and  prayed  that  we  might  have  him  among 
us  for  a  long  time  yet.  Then  we  lay  peacefully  down  to 
rest  under  our  tent. 

Oct.  ip.  We  rose  about  six  but  had  not  slept  much  hav 
ing  been  disturbed  by  the  smoke.  One  mile  beyond  our 
camping  place  we  stopped  to  bake  bread,  and  about  nine 
o'clock  started  on  again.  Several  of  the  Brn.  went  ahead 
two  and  a  half  miles  to  Neuschwanger,  a  German,  who  lives 
half  a  mile  to  the  left  of  the  road.  There  is  a  straight  track 
cut  from  his  house  to  the  main  road.  The  Brn.  procured 
bread  and  hay  and  brought  it  to  the  main  road,  where  the 

1  Bishop  Johannes  von  Watteville. 

2  Now  Winchester,  Virginia. 

334 


DIARY  OF  THE   MORAVIANS 

rest  waited  with  the  wagon.  On  the  plantation  Br.  Haber- 
land  unexpectedly  met  a  man  who  knew  him,  —  a  man  who 
some  years  ago  in  London  carried  the  love-feast  bread  to 
Bloomsbury.  The  man  was  very  happy,  and  told  the  other 
Brn.  that  when  he  saw  Br.  Haberland  it  seemed  as  if  he 
were  in  heaven.  He  told  us  all  about  himself,  and  that  he 
had  three  years  still  to  serve,1  and  he  would  be  most  happy 
to  see  other  of  the  Brethren.  We  went  five  miles  further 
and  came  to  Baumann's  mill,  where  we  bought  several 
bushels  of  oats,  but  we  had  to  wait  several  hours  while  it 
was  thrashed.  Some  Germans  visited  us  and  we  enquired 
about  the  way,  but  they  gave  us  little  comfort,  saying  that 
beyond  Augusti  Court  House  2  the  road  was  so  bad  that  it 
was  doubtful  whether  we  could  travel  it.  It  was  five  miles 
from  Baumann's  to  Justice  Funk's  mill,  and  it  was  after 
dark  and  rather  late  when  we  reached  there.  The  outlook 
was  unpromising  for  a  camp  for  it  was  pitch  dark,  and  no 
wood  near;  but  we  set  up  the  tent  on  the  mill  creek  in  a 
pleasant  place  under  a  large  tree,  all  went  to  work  to  collect 
wood  for  the  fire,  and  in  a  few  minutes  all  was  ready.  Some 
people  came  to  see  us  and  wondered  much  at  us.  On  the 
way  we  had  lost  a  sack  of  oats,  so  a  couple  of  the  Brn.  took 
a  lantern  and  went  back  and  found  it.  Otherwise  we  had 
a  good  trip  to-day ;  we  could  plainly  see  the  Blue  Mountains 
on  our  right.  Some  high  mountains  were  directly  in  front 
of  us.  Br.  Nathanael  held  the  evening  service,  and  then 
we  went  to  sleep. 

Oct.  20.  Very  early  the  Brn.  brought  in  our  horses  from 
pasture.  Br.  Grube  waked  the  other  Brn.  by  singing  a  few 
verses,  and  after  eating  our  broth  we  set  out  about  five 
o'clock.  There  was  a  considerable  hill  just  ahead  and  we 
had  to  push  hard  to  help  get  the  wagon  up,  and  reached  the 
top  before  daybreak.  We  heard  that  from  here  we  would 
see  no  house  for  20  miles,  but  that  we  would  find  water 

1  Probably  three  of  the  five  years  which  the  man  was  bound  to 
serve  in    return  for   payment  of   his  passage   from   England   to 
America. 

2  Now  Staunton,  Augusta  County,  Virginia. 

335 


TRAVELS  IN  THE  AMERICAN   COLONIES 

every  three  or  four  miles.  Several  Brn.  went  hunting,  but 
returned  empty  handed.  Six  miles  to  the  left  we  saw  high 
mountains,  which  ran  toward  the  south-west.  Our  course, 
however,  was  mostly  south  by  west,  the  land  apparently 
barren  and  grown  up  in  pine  trees.  We  drove  twelve  miles 
this  morning,  and  stopped  for  noon  by  a  creek.  In  this 
neighborhood,  one  mile  to  the  left  of  the  road,  there  lives  a 
man  named  Jac.  Miiller  where  one  can  always  buy  oats. 
Then  the  road  goes  up-hill  for  a  while,  and  when  we  reached 
the  summit  we  crossed  the  "Narrow  Passage,"  which  is  so 
narrow  that  two  wagons  cannot  pass,  and  there  are  very 
deep  valleys  on  each  side.  In  the  valley  on  the  left  flows 
Stone  Creek,  and  another  creek  in  that  on  the  right.  The 
road  goes  about  south  on  the  ridge.  We  traveled  eight 
miles  this  afternoon,  and  put  up  our  tent  near  the  Shanidore  l 
Creek,  which  is  about  again  as  wide  as  the  Manakis,  but 
dangerous  in  high  water,  and  difficult  then  to  cross.  We 
had  a  pretty  camping  place  to-night,  and  felt  happy,  and 
thankful  to  the  Lord  for  bringing  us  safely  so  far.  Br. 
Nathanael  held  evening  prayers. 

Oct.  21.  We  drove  five  miles  and  crossed  the  Shanidore,2 
then  camped  on  the  bank  for  Sunday.  The  Brn.  Jac. 
Losch  and  Kalberlahn  were  bled,  as  they  were  not  feeling 
very  well.  We  turned  our  horses  into  the  woods.  In  the 
afternoon  we  cooked  something  good  and  had  a  pleasant 
little  tea  together.  An  Englishman  came  by  and  drank  a 
cup  of  tea  with  us  and  was  very  grateful  for  it.  The  Brn. 
Petersen  and  Herm.  Losch  went  ten  miles  off  to  an  English 
man,  to  help  him  thrash  oats  tomorrow.  It  was  very  warm 
to-day,  and  we  and  our  horses  enjoyed  the  rest.  In  the 
evening  just  as  we  were  about  to  retire  two  Germans  came 
up,  who  had  been  into  the  upper  part  of  Virginia  to  take 
up  land ;  they  spent  the  night  with  us.  They  come  from 
near  Yorck  on  the  Catores,  and  know  Br.  Philipp  Meurer. 

Oct.   22.     We   set  out   again    at  five    o'clock.     Br.   Jac. 

1  The  North  Fork  of  the  Shenandoah. 

2  Shenandoah. 

336 


DIARY  OF  THE   MORAVIANS 

Losch  went  to  the  plantation  where  the  Brn.  are  thrashing 
oats.  The  South  Mountains  were  about  three  miles  to  our 
left,  and  looked  as  high  as  the  Blue  Mountains  on  the  road 
to  Gnadenhiitten.  There  are  a  good  many  plantations  in 
this  neighborhood,  but  most  of  them  hilly.  We  stopped 
for  noon  by  a  creek.  The  Brn.  returned  bringing  eleven 
bushels  of  oats.  It  was  warm  and  sultry  weather  and  we 
found  no  water  in  the  eleven  miles  between  our  last  night 
camp,  and  this  place.  It  is  200  miles  from  here  to  Williams- 
burg,  the  capital  of  Virginia.  We  went  a  mile  and  a  half 
further  to  a  tavern  keeper  named  Severe  and  inquired  about 
our  way,  but  could  get  no  definite  information.  Three  and 
a  half  miles  beyond  the  road  forked.  The  Brn.  Gottlob 
and  Nathanael  took  the  left-hand  road  and  found  a  woman 
who  told  them  about  it ;  they  returned  and  we  took  the 
right-hand  road,  but  found  no  water  for  ten  miles,  it  grew 
late,  and  we  had  to  drive  five  miles  into  the  night  to  find  a 
stopping  place.  We  had  to  climb  two  hills  where  every  one 
had  to  help  push  or  we  could  not  have  made  it,  for  our 
horses  were  quite  exhausted.  Two  Brn.  had  to  keep  a  little 
ahead  to  seek  out  the  road  ;  and  so  we  came  at  last  to  Thorn. 
Harris'  plantation,  where  we  bought  food  for  our  horses, 
and  set  up  our  tent  a  little  way  from  the  house.  The  people 
were  friendly  and  assisted  the  travelers  gladly. 

Oct.  25.  We  started  at  daybreak.  We  bought  a  bottle 
of  milk  to  use  at  our  noon  lunch,  but  the  bottle  broke  and 
we  lost  it  all.  Two  miles  from  camp  we  bought  some  meat ; 
had  six  miles  to  North  River,1  where  we  stopped  for  noon ; 
this  creek  is  half  as  large  as  the  Lecha,  but  is  impassible  at 
high  water,  and  there  is  no  canoe  near.  Our  meat  and 
dumplings  tasted  good  and  refreshed  us.  This  .  afternoon 
our  way  for  a  while  was  directly  south.  At  three  miles  we 
came  to  a  creek,  in  two  more  to  a  run,  and  one  mile  further 
we  came  to  a  spring,  we  went  two  miles  further  and  camped 
for  the  night  by  a  creek,  not  far  from  a  plantation.  Br. 
Nathanael  held  evening  prayers,  and  then  we  slept  in  the 
care  of  Jesus. 

1  A  tributary  to  the  South  Fork  of  the  Shenandoah. 

337 


TRAVELS  IN  THE  AMERICAN  COLONIES 

Oct.  24.  At  2  :  30  A.M.  our  broth  was  ready,  and  at  three 
we  were  on  our  way.  One  mile  from  camp  we  found  good 
water,  the  same  one  mile  further.  Two  more  miles  brought 
us  to  Middle  Branch,1  a  fairly  large  creek,  with  a  bank 
difficult  to  climb  that  gave  us  much  trouble.  Most  of  the 
Brn.  crossed  on  a  fallen  tree,  Br.  Kalberlahn  fell  in  but  did 
not  hurt  himself.  It  was  not  yet  day  when  we  crossed  the 
creek.  One  mile  beyond  was  a  creek,  and  then  one  mile 
to  Robert  Bohk,  who  has  a  pretty  plantation  and  good 
water.  There  we  bought  some  hay  and  chaff  and  the  people 
were  very  polite.  Three  miles  further  we  came  to  Augusti 
Court  House,  a  little  village  of  twenty  houses,  surrounded 
with  hills.  This  whole  section  is  settled  by  Irish  and  Eng 
lish.  The  road  forks  here,  —  that  to  the  right  goes  to 
Carolina.  Immediately  beyond  Augusti  Court  House  the 
bad  road  began,  it  was  up  hill  and  down  and  we  had  con 
stantly  to  push  the  wagon  or  hold  it  back  by  ropes  that  we 
fastened  in  the  rear.  There  was  no  lack  of  water,  which 
we  found  every  couple  of  miles,  and  we  put  up  our  tent 
eight  miles  from  Augusti  Court  House  by  a  spring  and  an 
old  tumble-down  house.  Br.  Jac.  Losch  went  to  several 
plantations  to  buy  food  for  our  horses,  but  the  people  had 
none,  though  they  were  friendly  and  regretted  that  they 
could  not  help  us.  Br.  Gottlob  conducted  the  evening  ser 
vice,  and  as  this  was  Br.  Lunge's  birthday  we  sang  some 
verses  for  him,  and  enjoyed  the  evening  with  him.  Then 
we  laid  ourselves  down  in  the  arms  of  Jesus. 

Oct.  25.  Half  a  mile  from  camp  the  road  forked,  we 
took  the  left,  but  had  no  water  for  five  miles.  Then  one 
mile  further  we  took  breakfast  by  a  creek ;  drove  six  miles, 
and  stopped  for  noon  at  a  pretty  spring.  We  met  two 
Seventh  Day  Adventists,  who  had  been  to  Carolina  and 
were  returning  to  Pennsylvania,  they  gave  us  information 
about  our  way.  Br.  Nathanael  was  somewhat  ill.  On  the 
left  we  saw  great  mountains  and  sometimes  came  quite 
near  them.  Our  road  runs  constantly  south-west.  In  the 

1  Another  tributary  to  the  South  Fork  of  the  Shenandoah. 

338 


DIARY  OF  THE  MORAVIANS 

evening  we  set  up  our  tent  on  a  hill,  and  had  to  carry  the 
water  some  distance.  Br.  Gottlob  went  half  a  mile  ahead 
to  a  Free  Negro,  who  is  the  only  smith  in  these  parts,  to 
have  his  horse  shod.  The  negro  and  his  wife,  who  was  a 
Scotch  woman,  were  very  friendly  to  Br.  Gottlob,  and  told 
him  that  they  had  recently  come  hither  from  Lancaster, 
that  they  had  often  heard  Br.  Nyberg 1  preach,  and  also 
the  Brn.  in  Philadelphia,  and  that  they  were  now  reading 
the  "  Berliner  Reden."  They  were  very  glad  to  see  Brethren, 
and  happy  to  serve  us.  During  the  night  the  woman  baked 
bread  for  us,  invited  Br.  Gottlob  and  Br.  Nathanael  to 
breakfast,  and  begged  that  as  they  returned  they  would  not 
pass  them  by  but  stop  and  speak  to  them,  for  they  loved 
people  who  spoke  of  the  Saviour.  The  negro  understood 
German  well.  The  Brn.  Hermanus  and  Lunge  went  to 
neighboring  plantations  to  buy  food  for  the  horses.  It 
rained  almost  all  night,  but  we  kept  fairly  dry  in  our  tent. 

Oct.  26.  We  rose  rather  late  on  account  of  the  rainy 
weather.  A  couple  of  the  Brn.  took  breakfast  with  the 
negro,  who  felt  very  important  at  entertaining  two  ministers. 
We  had  bad  hills  to-day  and  as  soon  as  we  were  at  the  top 
of  one  we  had  to  hang  on  the  break-rope,  and  even  then  it 
was  dangerous  going  down.  In  spite  of  the  hills  this  is  a 
fertile  section,  with  few  stones  and  a  rich  black  soil ;  it  is 
settled  mostly  by  English  and  Irish.  The  Brn.  Gottlob 
and  Nathanael  went  ahead,  and  spent  the  night  a  mile  and 
a  half  beyond  the  North  Branch  of  James  River  with  Mr. 
Brikstone,  a  well-to-do  man  who  a  few  years  ago  moved 
here  from  Canistoge,2  and  knows  the  Brethren  well.  The 
rest  of  the  Brn.  with  the  wagon,  spent  the  night  half  a  mile 
from  the  Branch,  which  they  could  not  cross  on  account 
of  the  high  water.  It  began  to  rain  and  continued  almost 
all  night,  and  as  our  tent  was  on  a  hill  the  water  ran  through 
it  and  we  were  all  soaked  through  and  through.  Br.  Grube 
held  the  evening  service. 

1  Laurentius  Thorstansen  Nyberg. 

2  Conestoga,  Pennsylvania. 

339 


TRAVELS  IN  THE  AMERICAN  COLONIES 

Oct.  27.  We  rose  early  to  dry  our  clothes,  and  the  sky 
cleared.  We  were  very  thankful  to  the  Saviour  for  giving 
us  good  weather  again ;  it  was  badly  needed  for  without  it 
we  could  hardly  have  gone  forward,  for  our  wagon  is  very 
heavily  loaded,  and  the  ascent  of  the  hills  is  almost  more 
than  we  can  manage.  We  had  two  miles  of  bad  road,  up 
hill  and  down.  Then  we  reached  the  house  where  the  Brn. 
Gottlob  and  Nathanael  had  spent  the  night,  and  were  well 
served  at  a  reasonable  price.  This  is  a  pretty,  fruitful 
neighborhood ;  in  the  distance  one  sees  the  encircling  high 
mountains.  This  morning  for  the  second  time  we  had  to 
take  off  half  our  load,  in  order  to  climb  the  hill,  for  it  was 
so  slippery  that  the  horses  could  not  keep  their  feet  in  pull 
ing  but  fell  constantly  to  their  knees.  Our  noon  rest  was  at 
Buffler  Creek,1  which  is  half  as  wide  as  the  Lecha,  but  in 
flood  runs  far  over  the  banks.  Br.  Losch  shot  the  first 
turkey,  which  we  ate  for  supper.  Passing  over  the  creek 
we  came  immediately  to  a  long  high  hill,  which  took  us  an 
hour  to  climb,  and  we  all  had  to  push  on  the  wagon.  But 
we  had  fine  pleasant  weather,  and  from  the  top  there  was  a 
beautiful  view  of  the  great  mountains,  and  the  valleys  on 
either  side  of  us.  We  drove  some  miles  along  the  ridge. 
At  two  and  a  half  miles  we  found  a  foot-path  leading  to  the 
left,  and  as  we  had  heard  that  there  was  a  spring  a  short 
way  down  in  the  valley  and  we  were  very  thirsty  some  of 
the  Brn.  went  for  water  which  greatly  refreshed  us.  Br. 
Hermanus  followed  this  path  to  a  plantation  to  try  to  buy 
feed  for  our  horses  but  could  get  none.  Then  he  went  to 
another  man,  named  Illison,  where  he  purchased  several 
bushels  of  corn,  and  stayed  over  night.  Our  road  was  bad, 
always  up  and  down  hills.  In  the  evening  we  set  up  our 
tent  eight  miles  from  BufHer  Creek,  by  a  stream,  made  a 
good  fire  and  rested  from  our  labors  which  today  have  been 
rather  trying.  Br.  Nathanael  held  the  evening  service,  and 
we  were  all  so  tired  that  we  dispensed  with  the  night-watch. 

Oct.  28.     We  rose  early  to  continue  our  journey.     One 

1  Buffalo  Creek. 
340 


DIARY  OF  THE   MORAVIANS 

of  our  horses  was  sick.  After  a  mile  and  a  half  we  bought 
corn  at  a  house.  One  mile  further  we  came  to  a  small 
creek,  and  two  miles  beyond  approached  the  Blue  Moun 
tains.  We  stopped  for  noon  by  a  large,  beautiful  spring, 
six  miles  from  our  night-camp.  Br.  Hermanus  rejoined  us, 
bringing  several  bushels  of  corn.  Our  afternoon  road  was 
stony  and  bad,  and  we  constantly  had  to  steady  the  wagon 
with  ropes  to  keep  it  from  overturning.  Four  times  we 
crossed  a  bad,  stony  creek,  and  the  banks  were  so  high  that 
it  was  difficult  to  pull  out.  The  South  and  Blue  Mountains 
here  approach  within  two  miles  of  each  other;  we  turned 
to  the  right  to  the  Blue  Mountains.  Towards  evening  we 
saw  Jeams  *  River ;  the  road  to  it  ran  down  so  very  steep  a 
hill  that  we  fastened  a  small  tree  to  the  back  of  our  wagon, 
locked  the  wheels,  and  the  brethren  held  back  by  the  tree 
with  all  their  might,  but  even  then  the  wagon  went  down 
so  fast  that  most  of  the  brethren  lost  their  footing  ;  no  harm 
was  done,  and  we  thanked  the  Lord  that  He  had  so  graciously 
protected  us,  for  it  looked  dangerous  and  we  thought 
at  times  that  it  could  not  possibly  be  done  without  acci 
dent,  but  in  spite  of  stump  and  stone  we  got  down  safely. 
We  made  our  camp  near  the  River,  and  rested  well 
after  the  fatigue  of  the  day,  for  the  road  had  all  been  bad 
and  yet,  we  had  made  sixteen  miles.  A  man  visited  us, 
and  asked  whether  we  had  come  down  the  steep  hill ;  he 
expressed  surprise  at  our  success,  and  said  we  need  not 
have  come  that  way,  but  might  have  turned  to  the  right 
toward  the  Blue  Mountains  and  have  followed  a  good 
road  around  through  a  valley.  Br.  Gottlob  held  evening 
prayer. 

Oct.  2p.  We  rose  at  five,  having  had  a  rather  cold  night 
with  frost  for  the  first  time  on  this  trip.  We  drove  half  a 
mile  to  the  River,  and  found  two  roads,  the  one  to  the  right 
going  one  mile  further  to  Lunis  Ferry,2  that  to  the  left  ford 
ing  the  river.  A  couple  of  the  Brethren  rode  through  to 
see  what  kind  of  a  crossing  it  was,  for  there  were  many 

1  James.  2  Looney's  Ferry,  across  the  Fluvanna  River. 


TRAVELS  IN  THE  AMERICAN  COLONIES 

rocks  and  stones  in  the  stream.  Fortunately  for  us  all  the 
rivers  and  creeks  are  low  just  now,  otherwise  we  could  make 
little  progress,  for  even  the  smallest  creeks  rise  so  in  rainy 
weather  that  the  horses  would  have  to  swim.  From  the 
Buffler  Creek  here  we  crossed  streams  every  two  or  three 
miles.  We  crossed  Jeams  River  safely,  and  thanked  our 
Father  in  heaven  that  He  had  helped  us  through  so  many 
difficulties.  We  then  had  two  miles  of  good  road,  crossed 
a  creek,  and  came  to  a  house  where  we  spent  most  of  the 
day,  taking  time  to  bake  bread  and  to  kill  a  hog  that  we 
bought.  We  were  visited  by  the  Mr.  Illison  from  whom 
Br.  Hermanus  recently  bought  corn,  and  he  asked  that  the 
Brethren  would  shoe  his  horse,  which  was  done.  He  said 
that  he  would  soon  go  to  Philadelphia,  and  offered  to  attend 
to  anything  we  wished  done  there.  The  Brn.  Gottlob  and 
Nathanael  wrote  letters  to  our  friends  in  Bethlehem,  address* 
ing  them  to  the  care  of  Sam.  Powell  in  Philadelphia,  and  we 
were  glad  of  the  opportunity  of  sending  our  Bethlehem 
friends  some  account  of  our  journey.  This  evening  we 
went  about  four  miles  further  over  a  rather  bad  road.  On 
the  way  we  got  some  bread  that  we  had  had  baked  at  Lunis* 
Mill.  We  crossed  a  large  creek,  and  set  up  our  tent  two 
miles  from  the  Mill  near  a  stream,  but  immediately  had  to 
change  our  position  because  the  wind  blew  the  smoke  into 
the  tent.  It  also  began  to  rain.  We  turned  our  horses 
loose  in  the  woods.  The  Brn.  Petersen  and  Merkli,  who 
had  remained  behind  to  finish  baking  the  bread,  came  late 
in  the  night,  and  had  had  to  swim  the  creek  at  Lunis'  Mill,, 
which  is  quite  deep. 

Oct.  50.  The  weather  was  bad,  it  rained  and  snowed, 
but  we  kept  fairly  dry  under  our  tent.  Our  horses  had 
strayed  off  and  it  took  several  of  the  Brethren  nearly  all 
day  to  find  them,  and  we  were  glad  when  we  had  them 
back,  for  we  had  heard  that  in  this  neighborhood  horses 
were  often  stolen,  and  that  might  have  happened  to  ours. 
As  the  Brethren  came  in  cold  and  wet  through  and  through 
we  had  a  cup  of  tea  all  round,  and  enjoyed  it  together.  We 
changed  the  position  of  the  tent  on  account  of  the  smoke. 

342 


DIARY  OF  THE   MORAVIANS 

Br.   Gottlob   held   the   evening   service.     We  for  the  first 
time  tried  baking  bread  in  the  ashes. 

Oct.  57.  We  rose  very  early  and  prepared  to  continue 
our  journey.  Immediately  we  had  to  climb  a  considerable 
hill,  which  was  very  hard  on  our  horses  for  the  ground  was 
frozen  and  covered  with  snow.  One  mile  brought  us  to  a 
small  creek,  and  another  to  a  larger  one,  near  which  was  a 
plantation.  Then  came  more  hills,  and  from  the  top  a 
beautiful  view,  the  Blue  and  South  Mountains  forming  a 
pretty  oval,  their  summits  all  covered  with  snow.  The 
farther  we  went  the  more  snow  we  found,  and  travel  was 
difficult.  Two  miles  to  the  left  was  a  plantation  and  some 
of  the  Brethren  went  thither  to  drink  milk.  Near  at  hand 
was  a  small  creek,  then  the  road  rose  again.  After  a  mile 
and  a  half  we  came  to  another  creek  not  far  from  a  planta 
tion  ;  this  would  be  a  good  place  to  camp  as  there  is  good 
water  and  wood.  One  mile  further  we  came  to  a  very  bad 
piece  of  road,  so  sloping  that  we  could  hardly  keep  the  wagon 
from  slipping  over  the  edge  down  the  mountain,  and  had 
to  use  the  tackle  frequently.  Then  we  began  to  descend, 
and  in  a  half  mile  came  to  a  small  creek;  we  drove  a  bit 
up  its  valley,  and  took  our  noon  rest  there.  One  of  our 
horses  was  sick,  we  gave  him  something  that  helped.  After 
going  a  mile  and  a  half  further  we  passed  over  some  bad 
hills,  and  by  a  fence,  and  came  to  Joseph  Macdonald's 
house.  Two  years  ago  he  came  here  from  Manakesie  1  in 
Maryland,  and  before  that  he  used  to  attend  the  preaching 
of  the  Brethren  ;  he  was  friendly  and  told  us  about  our  best 
road  without  waiting  to  be  asked.  Half  a  mile  from  his 
house  the  road  forks,  the  right  hand  going  to  New  River. 
We  took  the  left,  came  to  another  creek,  and  five  miles 
further  on  camped  for  the  night.  Towards  evening  we  met 
an  old  man  whom  Br.  Nathanael  engaged  in  conversation, 
and  as  we  passed  near  his  fence  we  asked  him  to  sell  us 
some  turnips,  but  he  was  so  good  as  to  make  us  a  present 
of  a  nice  quantity,  and  gave  an  invitation  that  any  of  our 


1  Monocacy. 
343 


TRAVELS  IN  THE  AMERICAN   COLONIES 

people  passing  this  way  should  visit  him.  He  had  heard 
perhaps  a  hundred  lies  about  the  Brethren,  —  that  we  were 
"bearded  people,"  1  that  we  enjoined  celibacy,1  etc.  —  and 
now  learning  the  truth  the  old  man  rejoiced,  and  took  a 
friendly  leave  of  us.  His  name  is  Miiller.  Another  of  our 
horses  was  sick  and  we  bled  him. 

Nov.  I.  With  earliest  dawn  we  were  again  on  our  jour 
ney,  but  again  had  to  bleed  a  horse.  The  change  in  food  is 
largely  responsible  for  the  illness  of  our  horses.  At  one  and 
a  half  miles  we  found  water,  there  was  a  small  creek  half  a 
mile  beyond,  and  one  mile  further  another,  near  which  was 
an  old  plantation,  and  the  road  forked,  we  going  to  the  left. 
A  quarter  of  a  mile  more  brought  us  to  the  road  leading  to 
the  left  up  the  hills  to  Warrik,  and  to  a  stone  house  of 
which  we  had  heard  and  where  we  expected  to  buy  provi 
sions,  but  we  could  get  little.  The  people  count  it  nine 
miles  from  here  to  Runoke.2  The  road  was  narrow  and  we 
often  did  not  see  how  we  were  to  get  through,  indeed  without 
our  axes  we  would  have  been  in  a  bad  fix.  We  also  had 
to  work  the  road  itself  so  that  we  could  pass.  We  met 
three  men  from  Warrik  who  had  been  to  Carolina  and  were 
returning  home.  They  said  the  road  was  very  bad,  and  we 
would  probably  not  be  able  to  buy  any  provisions  on  the 
way.  Br.  Nathanael  wrote  a  note  to  Br.  Christ.  Rauch, 
and  sent  it  by  these  men.  Two  miles  further  we  came  to  a 
little  creek,  and  in  two  miles  more  to  another  which  was 
full  of  stones,  and  we  had  much  difficulty  in  getting  up  the 
bank.  Another  mile  brought  us  to  a  large  Buffalo  Lick, 
where  formerly  many  buffalo  gathered  because  the  marsh 
was  rich  in  salt.  Not  far  from  there  we  came  to  a  planta 
tion  where  there  is  good  water.  We  went  about  half  a  mile 
further,  and  then  our  road,  —  a  rather  narrow  one,  —  turned 
to  the  left.  That  to  the  right  is  much  better  and  leads  to 
Grain  Brayer.3  We  stopped  for  noon  by  a  creek,  and  had 
to  drive  through  a  large  marsh.  Br.  Losch,  who  had  gone 

1  Certain    sects   in    Pennsylvania   held    these   tenets,    and   the 
Moravians  were  sometimes  confused  with  them.     A.  L.  F. 

2  Roanoke.  3  Greenbrier. 

344 


DIARY  OF  THE  MORAVIANS 

ahead  to  see  if  he  could  buy  some  corn,  rejoined  the  party. 
About  four  o'clock  we  reached  the  Runoke,  and  had  to 
wait  for  the  corn,  which  was  not  yet  shelled.  Several  of  the 
Brethren  went  to  the  nearest  plantation  to  help  the  people 
shell  the  corn,  and  two  of  them  thrashed  oats.  It  grew  so  late 
that  we  had  to  stay  here  all  night.  Mr.  Evens,  a  miller  who 
lives  across  the  river,  came  to  us  and  gave  advice  about  the 
care  of  our  sick  horses,  we  tried  his  plan  and  it  helped  them. 
We  thought  today  much  about  our  brethren  in  Heidelberg, 
and  wished  they  could  know  that  the  Saviour  had  brought 
us  well  and  content  so  far.  We  made  twelve  miles  today. 

Nov.  2.  WeTrose  early,  having  slept  little  because  the 
smoke  troubled  us  all  night.  At  day-break  we  crossed  the 
Runoke,  which  was  very  low,  and  not  quite  so  large  as  the 
Lecha,  but  full  of  slippery  stones ;  and  in  high  water  it 
runs  half  a  mile  over  the  banks.  We  had  much  difficulty 
in  getting  our  sick  horses  across.  A  quarter  of  a  mile  be 
yond  we  came  to  Evens'  mill,  where  our  road  turned  to  the 
left  and  became  very  narrow.  A  mile  further  we  came  to 
a  steep  hill,  and  the  road  sloped  badly.  We  soon  stuck  in 
a  ditch,  and  were  in  danger  of  breaking  our  axle.  In  another 
mile  a  rather  high  hill  rose  before  us,  and  we  had  to  unload 
half  our  things  and  carry  them  up  on  our  backs,  and  even 
then  we  could  hardly  get  the  wagon  up.  The  going  down 
was  also  steep,  we  locked  two  wheels,  hung  a  tree  on  behind, 
and  all  the  brethren  held  back  by  it;  and  so  we  crossed  this 
hill  safely.  Then  we  had  a  mile  and  a  half  of  good  road, 
and  stopped  for  lunch  by  a  creek.  It  looked  much  like  rain 
and  there  was  a  large  hill  before  us.  We  asked  a  man  that 
we  met  whether  we  could  get  across  the  hill  today  and  he 
said  "Yes,  some  one  lived  on  the  top,  and  we  could  spend 
the  night  there."  We  believed  him  and  drove  to  the  foot 
of  the  hill,  crossing  a  large  creek.  Then  we  tried  to  climb 
the  hill  but  it  was  impossible,  the  hill  beging  too  steep.  So 
we  decided  to  unload  and  carry  the  things  up  the  hill.  The 
Brn.  Lischer  and  Pfeil  stayed  with  the  wagon,  and  the  rest 
of  us  made  the  ascent.  Half  way  up  it  began  to  rain  and 
was  hard  on  us  and  our  horses,  but  we  hoped  on  the  top  to 

345 


TRAVELS  IN  THE  AMERICAN  COLONIES 

find  the  house  of  which  the  man  had  told  us.  The  time 
seemed  long  to  us  and  when  we  reached  the  summit  neither 
house  nor  water  was  to  be  found.  There  was  nothing  to  do 
but  go  on  down  the  mountain  in  the  darkness  and  heavy 
rain.  At  last  in  the  valley  we  found  a  little  creek,  having 
been  two  and  a  half  hours  in  crossing  the  hill.  There  we 
made  camp  as  best  we  might,  having  much  trouble  to  get  a 
fire,  for  it  was  raining  heavily  and  everything  was  wet.  We 
set  up  the  tent  and  lay  close  together  on  the  wet  bedding, 
and  rested  a  little.  Toward  morning  it  cleared  and  was 
very  cold. 

Nov.  3.  At  dawn  we  went  back  across  the  hill  to  get  the 
other  things  and  the  wagon.  The  Brn.  Gottlob,  Nathanael, 
and  Kalberlahn,  stayed  with  the  tent.  The  Brethren  who 
had  remained  in  the  wagon  had  also  had  a  cold  night,  and 
we  were  glad  to  see  each  other  again.  We  loaded  our  horses 
and  took  most  of  the  things  to  the  top  of  the  hill,  made  a 
fire,  and  Br.  Haberland  stayed  while  the  rest  went  back  for 
the  wagon.  Although  it  was  almost  empty  it  was  all  we 
could  do  to  push  and  pull  it  up,  but  in  half  an  hour  we  were 
at  the  top.  Loading  our  belongings  we  traveled  a  little  way 
upward  along  the  ridge ;  then  came  the  descent  and  we 
locked  the  wheels,  hung  a  tree  on  behind,  and  all  held  back 
by  it,  and  so  we  came  safely  down  to  our  tent,  and  rejoiced 
that  the  Saviour  had  so  helped  us.  Although  there  were  a 
couple  of  steep,  sloping  hills  before  us,  yet  we  crossed  them 
before  night,  and  set  up  our  tent  by  a  creek,  turning  our 
horses  into  the  woods.  We  were  all  very  tired  and  sleepy 
and  let  the  angels  be  our  guard  during  the  night. 

Nov.  4..  We  had  an  almost  untrodden  road,  and  had  to 
cut  a  number  of  trees  out  of  the  way.  Our  wagon  stuck 
fast  in  a  mud-hole,  and  it  took  two  hours  to  get  it  out.  The 
tackle  did  us  good  service.  One  mile  beyond  we  found  water, 
then  had  four  miles  of  good  road  to  a  creek,  where  we 
stopped  for  noon.  In  the  afternoon  we  crossed  Maggedi 
Creek,1  near  which  lives  Benjamin  Reh,  an  old  man  of 

1  Maggotty  Creek,  a  branch  of  Blackwater  River. 
346 


DIARY  OF  THE   MORAVIANS 

about  90  years,  and  his  wife  who  is  nearly  a  hundred. 
Both  are  quite  bright  and  active,  gave  us  milk  to  drink, 
and  were  very  friendly.  Near  this  house  is  a  deep  muddy 
place,  then  we  climbed  a  steep  hill  to  the  Warrik  Road, 
which  leads  in  a  western  direction  and  is  fairly  good.  At 
two  miles  we  crossed  a  small  creek,  and  three  miles  beyond 
set  up  our  tent  by  a  large  creek.  Here  we  had  to  guard 
our  horses  carefully  for  we  had  heard  that  there  were  people 
about  who  would  lead  them  off.  We  cooked  dumplings  this 
evening  and  they  tasted  good,  and  after  prayers  we  lay 
ourselves  peacefully  to  rest. 

Nov.  5.  We  rose  early  and  went  on  our  way.  Had 
several  miles  of  good  road  along  the  ridge.  When  we  had 
driven  five  miles  we  came  to  the  home  of  Mr.  Robert  Kohl, 
Justice  of  the  Peace,  from  whom  we  bought  some  corn. 
He  is  a  pleasant  man,  and  expressed  regrets  that  he  did  not 
know  we  were  coming,  for  he  would  gladly  have  met  us  and 
led  us  by  a  better  and  nearer  way  so  that  we  could  have 
escaped  the  hills  and  mountains.  The  road  was  indeed 
not  entirely  cleared,  but  there  were  so  many  of  us  that  we 
could  have  gotten  through  with  little  trouble.  He  said  he 
would  see  to  it  that  this  road  was  opened  at  once.  Two 
Brethren  stayed  here  to  help  shell  some  bushels  of  corn 
that  we  bought.  We  had  again  some  bad  places  to  drive 
up.  At  half  a  mile  was  a  small  creek,  and  another  half 
mile  brought  us  to  Black  Water,1  a  large  creek  with  very 
steep  banks.  In  one  mile  we  again  came  to  a  small  creek, 
and  in  two  miles  more  to  another  where  we  stopped  for 
the  noon  rest.  There  were  some  muddy  places  here  but 
we  got  through  safely.  Then  the  road  turned  to  the  left 
up  the  mountain  but  we  missed  it  and  came  more  to  the 
right  to  an  old  mill-race  at  Ringfros  Mill,  kept  to  the  left 
of  it  and  turned  up  the  mountain  again  and  regained  our 
proper  road.  At  one  mile  we  came  to  a  small  creek  and 
marshy  place ;  then  to  three  more  creeks  at  half  mile  inter 
vals.  One  mile  further  on  the  left  was  a  new  plantation, 

1  Blackwater  River,  a  fork  of  the  Roanoke. 
z  347 


TRAVELS  IN  THE  AMERICAN  COLONIES 

and  half  a  mile  beyond  we  had  to  drive  through  a  bad  swamp 
and  creek.  One  mile  further  we  reached  the  home  of  Robert 
Johnsen,  and  bought  some  hay  from  him.  He  went  half  a 
mile  with  us  to  show  us  the  way  across  the  creek,  and  a 
pleasant  place  in  which  to  pitch  our  tent.  Our  course 
today  was  west  and  south-west,  and  we  made  16  miles ;  the 
road  was  fairly  good  apart  from  the  marshy  places  and  the 
steep  banks  of  the  streams.  It  is  25  miles  from  here  to 
Smith's  River. 

Nov.  6.  We  took  up  our  journey ;  Br.  Hermanus  re 
mained  behind  to  thrash  oats  for  Mr.  Johnsen.  We  had  to 
drive  through  many  muddy  places  and  the  wagon  was  often 
in  danger  of  sticking  fast.  We  had  much  work  cutting  out 
the  road,  which  was  so  narrow  that  we  could  hardly  get 
through,  our  long  wagon  could  scarcely  turn  and  twist  along 
it,  and  we  often  had  to  use  the  tackle  to  get  the  wheels  out 
of  the  holes.  Two  miles  from  camp  we  passed  through  a 
fence,  had  a  great  deal  of  marshy  land,  and  drove  perhaps 
thirty  times  across  a  creek  that  wound  through  the  swamp. 
Br.  Hermanus  rejoined  us  bringing  several  bushels  of  oats 
which  he  had  thrashed.  Mr.  Johnsen,  a  Welshman,  had 
spoken  freely  with  Br.  Hermanus,  had  first  asked  him  how 
he  had  come  to  join  the  Moravians,  and  when  Br.  Hermanus 
had  told  him  he  began  to  relate  his  own  story  for  the  last 
few  years.  At  one  time  he  had  become  very  uneasy  and 
could  hardly  bear  the  distress  of  his  heart ;  then  he  had 
turned  with  all  his  misery  to  the  Saviour,  and  He  had  let 
him  feel  the  power  of  His  blood  and  that  had  given  him 
peace,  and  so  it  was  with  him  to  this  day.  And  if  at  any 
time  his  heart  was  not  quite  right  with  God  he  turned  again 
to  the  Saviour,  and  all  was  well.  It  was  the  same  with  his 
wife  and  eldest  son.  He  had  spoken  of  this  only  to  those 
in  whom  he  felt  and  saw  the  same  spirit,  for  the  World 
understands  as  little  of  such  things  as  a  horse,  and  therefore 
he  kept  silence.  For  nine  years  he  had  not  heard  a  sermon  ; 
and  he  begged  that  when  one  of  us  should  pass  this  way 
again  he  would  stop  with  him.  We  all  rejoiced  when  Br. 
Hermanus  told  us  this,  and  were  glad  that  also  in  this  dark 

348 


DIARY  OF  THE   MORAVIANS 

wilderness  the  Saviour  had  His  people,  who  loved  Him.  At 
night  we  set  up  our  tent  in  the  swamp ;  in  spite  of  all  our 
labor  and  toil  today  we  made  only  ten  miles.  Br.  Gottlob 
held  evening  prayers,  and  then  we  lay  down  to  rest. 

Nov.  7.  At  daybreak  we  started  again  and  soon  were 
out  of  the  swamp,  then  immediately  had  a  hill  to  climb  that 
went  down  very  steeply  on  the  farther  side.  At  the  foot 
we  crossed  a  medium-sized  creek,  then  came  another  hill, 
and  we  had  a  hard  time  getting  up  for  the  ground  was  so 
slippery  that  the  horses  cduld  not  keep  their  feet.  The 
road  was  good  for  one  mile,  then  it  led  again  into  a  swamp, 
several  times  crossing  a  creek.  Our  wagon  was  somewhat 
injured,  for  the  banks  of  one  creek  were  so  steep  and  high 
that  in  going  down  the  back  of  the  wagon  was  strained  and 
a  board  in  the  body  broke.  We  soon  mended  it,  and  spent 
the  noon  rest  by  this  creek.  Br.  Losch  went  ahead  to  look 
over  the  road.  We  came  at  once  to  a  very  steep  little  hill, 
and  then  there  was  a  long  ascent.  From  the  top  we  saw 
the  Pilot  Mountain  in  North  Carolina,  and  rejoiced  to  think 
that  we  would  soon  see  the  boundary  of  Carolina  and  set 
foot  in  our  own  dear  land.  We  drove  one  mile  along  the 
ridge,  then  there  was  a  very  steep  descent.  At  the  foot  we 
crossed  a  large  creek  with  very  steep  banks,  and  finally 
came  to  Smith's  River,  driving  a  mile  through  beautiful 
lowlands  where  there  were  many  grapes,  which  tasted  very 
good  to  us.  Br.  Gottlob  rode  ahead  to  spy  out  the  road. 
We  came  to  a  hill,  thought  we  could  cross  it  yet  this  even 
ing,  but  on  trying  found  it  impossible  for  the  ascent  was  too 
steep.  Br.  Gottlob  came  back  and  said  it  would  not  be 
possible  to  pull  the  wagon  up  fully  loaded ;  so  we  set  up 
our  tent  at  the  foot  of  the  hill  near  the  river.  Several  of 
the  Brethren  took  the  horses  half  a  mile  away  to  a  meadow, 
and  spent  the  night  there.  We  had  a  comfortable,  peaceful 
night. 

Nov.  8.  At  daybreak  we  prepared  again  for  our  journey, 
and  carried  half  our  goods  to  the  top  of  the  hill,  and  even 
then  had  much  toil  and  trouble  before  we  got  the  wagon  up, 
for  it  was  very  steep.  On  the  summit  we  reloaded  our 

349 


TRAVELS  IN  THE  AMERICAN   COLONIES 

goods  for  the  descent.  In  the  valley  we  crossed  a  small 
creek  and  were  scarcely  over  that  when  we  came  to  a  second 
hill  and  had  to  unload  again  and  carry  almost  everything 
to  the  top,  for  this  was  the  steepest  hill  we  had  yet  crossed. 
We  were  all  glad  when  we  were  over  it.  Going  down  we 
locked  two  wheels,  hung  a  tree  on  behind,  and  made  the 
descent  safely.  People  had  told  us  that  this  hill  was  most 
dangerous,  and  that  we  would  scarcely  be  able  to  cross  it, 
for  Margan  Bryand,  the  first  to  travel  this  way,  had  to 
take  the  wheels  off  his  wagon  and  carry  it  piecemeal  to  the 
top,  and  had  been  three  months  on  the  journey  from  the 
Shanidore  to  the  Etkin.1  At  the  foot  of  the  hill  we  crossed 
a  large  creek  with  high  banks ;  it  runs  into  Smith's  River 
close  by.  We  came  to  a  plantation,  and  the  people  were 
kind,  and  without  question  showed  us  the  right  road,  which 
one  mile  from  here  turns  to  the  left,  and  is  less  traveled  than 
the  one  going  straight  ahead.  One  mile  beyond  we  came  to 
a  rather  large  creek  with  such  high  banks  that  we  hardly 
knew  how  to  get  over  it,  but  with  labor  and  toil  we  accom 
plished  it  safely.  We  drove  two  miles  further  before  camp 
ing,  but  the  road  was  very  bad,  and  we  stuck  fast  several 
times.  We  set  up  our  tent  by  a  plantation ;  and  today  in 
spite  of  all  our  efforts  we  have  advanced  only  seven  miles. 
It  began  to  rain,  and  we  were  all  rather  damp  when  we  lay 
down. 

Nov.  9.  Most  of  the  Brethren  rose  very  early ;  they  could 
not  sleep  on  account  of  the  heavy  rain,  the  water  running 
under  us  so  that  we  lay  in  it  and  could  not  escape  it.  The 
river  had  risen  two  feet  during  the  night,  and  we  saw  that 
it  was  impossible  to  cross.  We  had  numerous  visits  from 
the  people  living  near,  who  were  greatly  surprised  at  our 
long  wagon,  and  that  so  many  unmarried  men  were  travel 
ing  together.  They  asked  about  our  Minister ;  and  on 
this  whole  journey  Br.  Gottlob  has  won  the  affection  of  the 
people,  who  would  gladly  have  had  him  baptise  their  chil 
dren.  Toward  noon  the  rain  stopped  and  we  hoped  for 

1  Yadkin  River. 


DIARY  OF  THE   MORAVIANS 

better  weather,  but  it  began  again  harder  than  ever,  and  we 
could  hardly  keep  a  little  fire  burning.  We  changed  the 
position  of  our  tent  and  dug  a  ditch  around  it  to  lead  off 
the  water,  but  the  rain  beat  through  the  tent  so  that  in  a 
short  time  everything  was  most  unpleasantly  wet,  and  we 
were  up  most  of  the  night. 

Nov.  10.  It  began  to  clear  a  little.  The  river,  however, 
was  still  higher,  and  we  spent  most  of  the  day  drying  our 
blankets,  mending,  and  darning  our  stockings.  We  also 
bought  some  bushels  of  corn  and  some  meat  from  our  neigh 
bors,  who  were  glad  that  we  had  to  stay  here  so  long,  and 
that  it  meant  money  for  them.  In  the  afternoon  we  held 
a  little  Lovefeast,  and  rested  our  souls  in  the  loving  sacrifice 
of  Jesus,  wishing  for  our  beloved  Brethren  in  Bethlehem 
that  they  and  we  might  live  ever  close  to  Him.  Br.  Na- 
thanael  conducted  evening  prayers,  and  then  we  lay  our 
selves  down  to  rest. 

Nov.  n.  Several  Brethren  went  early  to  the  river  to 
see  whether  we  could  cross  and  found  it  had  fallen  two  feet. 
We  had  a  man  show  us  the  ford,  and  one  of  us  rode  through 
on  our  gray  horse,  then  we  ventured  it,  and  crossed  safely. 
The  banks  were  fairly  easy  to  climb.  We  drove  through  a 
swamp,  stuck  quite  a  while  in  a  hole,  and  had  much  diffi 
culty  in  getting  out.  Mr.  Hikki,  who  lives  half  a  mile  from 
here  and  who  has  a  store,  came  to  meet  us  and  was  very 
friendly.  It  was  a  bad  bit  of  road  to  his  house  where  we 
bought  some  provisions.  (This  will  be  the  nearest  place 
where  we  can  buy  salt.)  A  couple  of  miles  from  there  we 
met  a  man  from  North  Carolina,  who  lives  near  our  land* 
He  told  us  that  it  is  generally  known  that  we  will  soon 
arrive,  that  he  had  heard  that  we  had  two  Ministers  with 
us,  which  was  a  good  thing,  for  the  people  lived  like  wild 
men,  never  hearing  of  God  or  His  Word.  He  was  also  glad 
that  we  had  a  Doctor  in  the  company.  Two  and  a  half 
miles  beyond  Hikki's  we  stopped  for  noon  at  a  creek,  where 
there  is  good  pasturage,  the  road  thither  being  fairly  good. 
Then  again  it  led  through  marshy  places  and  over  steep 
hills,  with  water  every  half  or  quarter  mile,  often  accom- 

351 


TRAVELS  IN  THE  AMERICAN  COLONIES 

panied  by  deep  mud.  We  set  up  our  tent  by  a  creek,  and 
made  only  eight  miles  today,  although  we  huiried  all  we 
could.  We  were  glad  for  the  pleasantly  warm  weather. 
For  supper  we  cooked  Virginia  potatoes,1  which  tasted  good. 
Br.  Nathanael  held  evening  prayers,  and  then  we  went 
peacefully  to  rest. 

Nov.  12.  We  rose  very  early,  and  about  3  A.M.  ate  our 
pumpkin  broth.  Then  the  road  led  on  through  thick  and 
thin,  and  often  up  steep  hills  where  we  had  to  push  with 
all  our  strength.  A  boggy  place,  fully  100  paces  long,  we 
avoided  by  cutting  a  new  road  on  the  left  across  the  hill, 
which  was  a  great  help.  We  came  to  a  creek  called  Horse 
Pasture  which  is  about  as  large  as  the  Manakis ;  it  had 
been  very  high  within  the  last  few  days,  but  had  fallen 
again.  Here  we  had  one  of  the  worst  banks  we  had  seen, 
and  people  had  told  us  some  way  back  that  we  would  hardly 
be  able  to  cross ;  but  our  grubbing  hoes  and  shovels  did  us 
good  service  and  we  made  it  safely.  Near  this  creek  is  a 
new  plantation,  and  they  call  it  fully  twelve  miles  from 
here  to  Smith's  River.  We  went  on  four  miles,  and  stopped 
for  noon  at  Adam  Loving's  plantation,  where  we  bought 
ten  bushels  of  corn,  and  the  people  were  very  friendly. 
The  men  showed  us  the  ford  through  the  first  branch  of  the 
Meho  2  River,  which  is  not  much  wider  than  the  Manakis 
at  Bethlehem,  but  has  such  steep  banks  that  it  took  us  two 
hours  to  cross.  It  is  a  great  blessing  that  the  water  has 
fallen  since  the  last  rain,  for  otherwise  we  might  have  been 
detained  a  long  time.  Three  miles  beyond  we  reached  the 
main  branch  of  the  Meho,  which  is  about  as  large  as  the 
Lecha  at  Gnadenhutten.  The  approach  was  fairly  easy 
but  the  other  side  much  worse,  and  we  worked  into  the 
night  before  we  could  make  the  bank  passable,  and  even 
then  we  had  trouble  enough  to  get  out.  We  spent  the  night 
there,  and  as  we  had  little  wood  we  all  gathered  around 
one  fire,  sleeping  for  the  last  time  on  Virginian  soil.  We 
made  13  miles  today.  A  man  who  lives  not  far  from  here 

1  Sweet  potatoes.  2  Mayo. 

352 


DIARY  OF  THE   MORAVIANS 

came  to  us,  asking  about  Valentin  Fuhrer,  and  whether  he 
still  lives  in  Bethlehem;  he  knew  him  well,  for  15  years  ago 
he  lived  near  Fuhrer's  father  on  North  River. 

Nov.  13.  We  rose  at  three  o'clock,  for  it  began  to  rain, 
and  we  hastened  on  our  journey,  but  lost  our  way,  going  too 
far  to  the  right.  At  dawn  we  crossed  the  boundary  of  North 
Carolina,  where  the  road  crosses  a  creek  two  miles  from  our 
last  camp.  Br.  Haberland  lost  his  hat  trying  to  cross  on  a 
tree  that  lay  across  the  stream,  but  he  found  it  again  when 
it  grew  lighter.  The  road  was  fair,  apart  from  some  steep 
hills,  and  we  had  water  every  mile  or  two.  We  stopped  for 
noon  on  a  little  mountain  seven  miles  from  the  Meho ; 
near  by  runs  a  creek  with  a  high  fall.  In  the  afternoon  we 
had  some  hills  so  steep  that  we  could  hardly  climb  them ; 
also  bad  banks  to  some  of  the  creeks.  Toward  evening  it 
began  to  rain  and  we  hurried  as  fast  as  we  could  to  reach 
Ten  River  l ;  but  it  grew  so  dark  that  we  had  to  stop  three 
miles  from  it  at  a  creek.  We  made  a  fire  and  cooked  a 
little  food ;  then  it  began  to  clear  with  the  north-west  wind. 
At  midnight  we  started  again,  in  order  to  cross  Ten  River. 
One  Brother  went  ahead  of  the  wagon  with  a  torch  of  pine- 
wood  to  light  the  way,  and  at  2  A.M.  we  reached  Ten  River, 
and  as  it  had  not  rained  any  more  we  thought  it  would  not 
rise  and  we  might  spend  the  rest  of  the  night  on  its  bank 
before  crossing.  It  was  cold  and  we  had  little  wood  to 
burn.  We  were  all  very  tired,  having  come  25  miles  today 
from  the  Meho  River.  Our  hearts  today  have  been  with 
our  Brethren,  and  each  of  us  in  spirit  has  drawn  near  the 
nail-torn  hands  and  pierced  heart  of  our  "  Chief  Elder."  2 

Nov.  14.  We  went  very  early  to  see  whether  we  could 
cross  the  river,  but  it  had  risen  two  feet,  and  was  running 
rapidly.  So  we  had  to  wait,  and  meanwhile  worked  on  the 
approach  which  was  very  steep.  Some  Brethren  went  hunt 
ing,  but  came  back  empty-handed.  The  man  who  lives 
near  the  river  came  and  invited  the  Brn.  Gottlob  and 

1  Dan  River. 

2  On  Nov.    13   the  Moravian  Church  makes   special   acknowl 
edgment  of  Jesus  Christ  as  its  "Chief  Elder."     A.  L.  F. 

353 


TRAVELS  IN  THE  AMERICAN  COLONIES 

Nathanael  to  his  house  and  they  accepted.  He  insisted 
that  Br.  Gottlob  should  baptise  his  child,  but  Br.  Nathanael 
asked  that  he  be  excused,  as  he  spoke  little  English,  and 
could  not  do  it  at  any  rate.  The  man  was  not  satisfied, 
and  said  he  did  not  care  how  it  was  baptised,  just  so  it  was 
done  now.  Br.  Jacob  Losch  crossed  the  river  in  the  canoe, 
and  went  on  eleven  miles  to  Mr.  Altem  to  order  provi 
sions. 

Nov.  75.  Several  Brethren  went  hunting,  but  secured 
nothing.  The  Brn.  Gottlob  and  Nathanael  crossed  the 
river  in  the  canoe  with  the  Brn.  Haberland  and  Hermanus 
Losch,  swimming  their  horses  across  with  them.  They  plan 
to  go  today  to  Mr.  Altem,  who  is  well  acquainted  with  our 
land,  and  have  him  go  with  them  tomorrow  to  look  over 
the  property,  and  find  a  place  where  we  can  stay  until  we 
select  the  best  place  for  our  settlement.  Br.  Grube  stayed 
with  the  other  brethren  by  the  river  which  was  still  too 
high.  In  the  evening  we  were  visited  by  a  German  lad, 
who  lived  on  the  Etkin,  and  had  been  to  Smith's  River  for 
ii  quarts  of  salt,  for  which  he  had  paid  50  cents.  Br. 
Grube  held  evening  prayers. 

Nov.  16.  We  rose  early  to  ford  the  river.  The  bank 
was  so  steep  that  we  hung  a  tree  behind  the  wagon,  fasten 
ing  it  in  such  a  way  that  we  could  quickly  release  it  when 
the  wagon  reached  the  water.  The  current  was  very  swift, 
and  the  lead  horses  were  carried  down  a  bit  with  it.  The 
water  just  missed  running  into  the  wagon,  but  we  came 
safely  to  the  other  bank,  which  however  we  could  not  climb, 
but  had  to  take  half  the  things  out  of  the  wagon,  and  tie 
ropes  to  the  axle  on  which  we  could  pull,  helping  our  horses, 
which  were  quite  stiff,  and  so  we  brought  our  ark  again  to 
dry  land.  Half  a  mile  beyond  we  drove  through  a  wide 
swamp,  then  up  a  long  hill.  We  stopped  at  noon  by  a  creek 
near  a  plantation.  At  four  o'clock  we  reached  Mr.  Altem's, 
ten  miles  from  our  last  night's  camp,  having  had  just  about 
the  worst  road  of  our  whole  journey.  We  rejoiced  that  the 
Lord  had  helped  us  so  far.  Toward  evening  the  Brethren 
Gottlob,  Nathanael,  Losch,  etc.  rejoined  us,  having  looked 

354 


DIARY  OF  THE  MORAVIANS 

about  a  little ;  six  miles  from  the  edge  of  our  land  they 
found  a  little  house,  which  a  German  1  built  last  year  and 
then  abandoned.  We  set  up  our  tent  by  Mr.  Altem's 
house.  Br.  Gottlob,  Br.  Nathanael,  and  the  others  who 
were  on  the  trip  through  our  land  today  took  supper  with 
Mr.  Altem.  We  retired  early,  being  quite  worn  out. 

Nov.  77.  We  rose  early  having  had  a  cold  night ;  it 
looked  much  like  snow.  Some  of  the  Brethren  went  ahead 
with  axes  and  grubbing  hoes  to  clear  the  road  and  cut  down 
the  steep  banks  of  the  creeks.  One  mile  from  Altem's  we 
crossed  Down  Forck  2  Creek,  and  came  to  the  new  road 
leading  across  our  land  to  the  Etkin.  On  the  right  hand 
side  of  the  creek  is  a  plantation,  and  the  people  gave  us  two 
sacks  of  pumpkins  and  offered  us  a  wagon-full  more  free  of 
charge.  Two  miles  from  our  land  we  crossed  BufHer  Creek. 
One  mile  from  our  land  we  stopped  for  the  noon  rest.  The 
Brn.  Gottlob  and  Nathanael  had  gone  ahead  to  the  next 
plantation,  which  adjoins  our  land,  and  the  people  pre 
sented  them  with  a  couple  of  bushels  of  turnips.  At 
last,  at  half  past  twelve,  we  reached  the  boundary  of  our 
land,  whereat  we  all  rejoiced ;  and  there  we  were  met  and 
tenderly  welcomed  by  Br.  Gottlob  and  Br.  Nathanael.  It 
touched  us,  and  we  thanked  our  Saviour  that  He  had  so 
graciously  led  us  hither,  and  had  helped  us  through  all  the 
hard  places,  for  no  matter  how  dangerous  it  looked,  nor 
how  little  we  saw  how  we  could  win  through,  everything 
always  went  better  than  seemed  possible.  We  wished  that 
the  dear  ones  in  Bethlehem,  now  gathered  in  the  Sabbath 
Lovefeast,3  could  know  that  we,  in  less  than  six  weeks,  had 
safely  reached  our  land.  We  drove  three  miles  further  on 
the  new  road,  then  turned  to  the  left  and  cut  a  way  for  two 
and  a  half  miles  to  the  little  house  that  -the  Brethren  found 
yesterday.  We  reached  it  in  the  evening  and  at  once  took 
possession  of  it,  finding  it  large  enough  that  we  could  all  lie 

1  Hans  Wagner.  2  Town  Fork. 

3  The  Moravians  of  that  day  often  set  apart  Saturday  afternoon 
as  a  preparation  for  Sunday,  —  hence  "Sabbath"  and  the  Love- 
feast.  A.  L.  F. 

.   355 


TRAVELS  IN  THE  AMERICAN   COLONIES 

down  around  the  walls.1  We  at  once  made  preparation 
for  a  little  Lovefeast,  and  rejoiced  heartily  with  one  another. 
Br.  Gottlob  began  the  singing  with  the  little  verse ;  — 

We  hold  arrival  Lovefeast  here, 

In  Carolina  land, 
A  company  of  Brethren  true, 

A  little  Pilgrim-Band, 
Called  by  the  Lord  to  be  of  those 

Who  through  the  whole  world  go, 
To  bear  Him  witness  everywhere, 

And  nought  but  Jesus  know. 

The  texts  for  the  day  were  strikingly  appropriate;  —  "I 
know  where  thou  dwellest,"  —  even  in  a  desert  place. 
"Be  ye  of  the  same  mind  one  with  another."  While  we 
held  our  Lovefeast  the  wolves  howled  loudly,  but  all  was 
well  with  us,  and  our  hearts  were  full  of  thanksgiving  to 
the  Saviour  Who  had  so  graciously  guided  and  led  us. 
Then  we  laid  ourselves  down  to  rest,  and  Br.  Gottlob  hung 
his  hammock  above  our  heads. 

1  On  the  site  of  this  house,  in  Bethabara,  or  Old  Town,  a  monu 
ment  was  erected  in  1806  bearing  the  inscription:  Wachovia 
settlement,  begun  the  ifth  November,  1753. 


356 


MINUTES  OF  MR.  HAMBURGH'S  JOURNAL,  1763 


INTRODUCTION 

To  attempt  to  introduce  the  Minutes  of  Mr.  Hamburgh's 
Journal  is  like  attempting  to  introduce  a  stranger,  for  the 
Minutes  are  shrouded  in  obscurity.  Who  was  Mr.  Ham 
burgh  ?  Where  is  the  journal  of  his  travels  from  Detroit 
to  Chicago  and  the  Mississippi  River  by  way  of  Lakes  Huron 
and  Michigan  and  the  Illinois  River,  in  the  year  in  which 
Pontiac  directed  the  Indian  uprising  against  the  English  ? 
Who  wrote  these  Minutes  from  his  journal  ?  These  are 
questions  to  which  neither  contemporary  nor  later  records 
seem  to  have  an  answer.  A  copy  of  the  Minutes  has  been 
preserved  for  years  in  the  Library  of  Congress,  but  there  is 
no  record  of  its  acquisition. 

Was  the  man  in  question  a  trader  ?  and  was  his  name 
Hambough  instead  of  Hamburgh  ?  Parkman,  in  his  Con 
spiracy  of  Pontiac,  quotes  from  a  letter  of  June  19,  1763,  by 
Richard  Winston,  a  trader  at  Saint  Joseph's,  to  his  fellow- 
traders  at  Detroit,  which  reads  in  part  as  follows  :  "  I  have 
only  to  inform  you  that  by  the  blessings  of  God  and  the  help 
of  M.  Louison  Chevalie,  I  escaped  being  killed  when  the 
unfortunate  garrison  was  massacred,  Mr.  Hambough  and 
me  being  hid  in  the  house  of  the  said  Chevalie  for  4  days 
and  nights.  Mr.  Hambough  is  brought  by  the  Savages  to 
the  Illinois,  likewise  Mr.  Chim.  -Unfortunate  me  remains 
here  Captive  with  the  Savages." 


359 


MINUTES  OF  MR.  HAMBURGH'S  JOURNAL,  1763 

Minutes  of  Mr.  Hamburgh's  Journal  who  travilled  this  Contry 
in  the  year  1763 

DETROIT  so  called  by  the  French  Signifying  a  Strait  [is] 
Situated  on  the  River  whereby  Lake  Huron  Emptieth  it  Self 
into  Lake  Erie.  From  Detroit  up  the  River  to  Lake  St. 
Clair  is  nine  miles,  a  Small  Lake  not  above  15  Leagues  in 
Circumference.  From  this  Lake  it  is  60  miles  up  the  River 
Huron  l  to  Lake  Huron.  Several  of  Chiproy  2  Nations  Are 
Settled  on  this  River.  The  Country  is  Low  and  Rich  Soil 
there.  Hunting  Ground  is  none  of  the  best.  From  the 
Entrance  of  Lake  Huron  the  french  call  it  300  miles  to 
Mishlymackena  3  and  it  is  Recorded  a  Good  Passage  to  goe 
it  with  Battoes  in  10  or  12  days.  About  half  way  is  an 
Indian  Town  they  Call  them  the  Sequena  4  Indians  —  on 
Account  of  the  bay  of  that  name  on  which  their  town  is 
Situated.  They  are  chiefly  of  the  Ottowa  Tribe.  The  Bay 
of  Saquena  Is  about  24  or  thirty  miles  in  Length  and  they 
generally  Cross  it  in  Canooes  or  Battoes  from  point  to  point 
about  12  Miles  without  Seeing  the  Indian  Town.  You  have 
good  landing  place[s]  for  Battoes  all  a  Long  the  South  side  of 
this  Lake.5  Mishlymackana  So  Called  By  the  Indians 
from  Lake  Mishymack  Or  Great  Lake,  Lies  on  the  Entrance 
of  this  Lake.  .  .  .  Sepera ted  from  Lake  Huron  no  Otherwise  but 
by  some  Islands  And  the  Oposite  Point  which  forms  [a] 
Strait  about  9  miles  across.  The  Country  about  Mishyly- 
mackana  is  Sandy  Pine  Wood,  and  Hunting  [is]  Very  Scarce. 
The  Indians  who  Live  here  are  of  the  Ottowa  Tribe.  The'r 

1  Saint  Clair  River.  2  Chippewa.  3  Michilimackinac. 

4  Saginaw.  5  Lake  Huron. 

360 


MINUTES  OF  HAMBURGH'S  JOURNAL 

Town  is  about  30  miles  from  the  fort  and  is  Called  By  the 
french  Arbre-de-Chroche.1  In  Summer  Time  they  Live 
Partly  upon  fish  which  are  very  Good  and  Plenty  at  this 
Place  and  in  the  Winter  their  chief  Hunting  Place  is  about 
the  great  River  and  Tiakanamasso,  Large  River,  which  falls 
in  the  south  side  of  Lake  Mishlymacana  about  50  or  60 
Leagues  from  their  town.  This  place  is  Likewise  Remarc- 
able  for  making  the  best  and  Largest  Birch  Canooes,  one  of 
which  Will  Carry  about  6000  Weight.  From  this  place  the 
french  Call  it  300  miles  To  the  River  St.  Joseph.  You  have 
good  Landing  Places  and  Rivers  for  Battoes  to  goe  in  from 
13  to  15  Leagues  Distance,  Hunting  is  Scarce  all  along  here 
About.  .  . 

To  goe  from  Misshlymackana  to  the  Green  bay  you 
cross  from  the  fort 2  to  the  Opposite  Point  As  mentioned 
Before.  You  Proceed  on  the  north  side  Mishlymakana,  a  very 
Dangerous  Shore  Being  full  of  Banks  which  Extend  them 
selves  at  Some  Places  for  2  or  3  miles  into  the  Lake.  There 
is  scarcely  any  Rivers  to  goe  in  with  Battoes  and  the  shore  [is] 
very  straight,  you  Pass  numbers  of  Islands  on  one  of  which 
are  some  Indian  Cabbins  of  the  Oottnottmy  3  Tribe.  The 
bay  is  30  miles  in  length  And  the  fort  Lies  on  the  further  End 
of  the  Lake.  They  have  Great  Plenty  of  all  kinds  of  wild 
foul  here.  The  distance  is  60  Leagues  from  Mishlymackana 
-  from  the  green  bay  the  french  Call  it  300  miles  to  St. 
Joseph  River,  the  shore  is  Very  dangerous  all  along  this  side 
the  Lake,  few  rivers  that  will  aford  you  a  Harbour  in  Bad 
Weather  so  that  you  are  oblige[d]  to  Hall  up  your  Boat  upon 
the  Beach  —  About  halfe  way  is  Mishlymackana4  River, 
[there]  is  a  sand  Running  along  the  Entrance  of  it  which 
makes  it  difficult  To  Enter  In  Bad  Weather  —  The  Breakers 
Being  very  high.  There  is  an  Indian  town  at  about  one 
mile  from  the  Entrance.  On  it  is  inhabited  By  Part  of  the 

1  Arbre  Croche,  on  Little  Traverse  Bay,  at  the  site  of  the  pres 
ent  Harbor  Springs.     The  Jesuits  established  a  mission  here  in 
1741. 

2  Fort  Michilimackinac  or  Mackinac. 

3  Pottawatomie.  4  Milwaukee. 

361 


TRAVELS  IN  THE  AMERICAN  COLONIES 

Sackys  l  And  some  mixture  Of  Battowamys,2  and  Ottowas. 
The  next  remarkable  River  is  Chycacoo,3  here  is  an  Indian 
town  Called  by  the  name  of  the  River  Chose.  At  the  En 
trance  of  it  [it  is]  inhabited  By  the  same  nations  as  Milly- 
maky.4  Here  the  Country  Begins  Again  to  Be  very  Pleasant, 
good  soil,  and  Hunting  very  Plenty  :  Such  as  Buffiloes,  Deer, 
Bears,  and  it  is  30  Leagues  to  the  River  St.  Joseph,  Good 
Shore  all  along  and  rivers  for  shelters  from  storms.  9  miles 
up  this  River,  the  Chykocoo,  the  french  used  to  make  a 
Carrying  Place  into  an  other  River  for  about  3  miles  which 
falls  into  the  river  Illinois  and  is  deep  Enough  for  Large 
Battoes  to  goe  or  up  or  down.  From  the  Entrance  of  St. 
Josephs  River  it  is  20  Leagues  up  to  the  fort,  the  River  is 
Crooked  And  in  summer  time  it  is  shallow  in  some  places. 
Fort  St.  Joseph  Lies  on  the  East  Side  of  the  river  and  On 
Indian  on  the  oposite  Side  shore  the  Chief  of  the  Pottowany 
tribe  Resides.  The  Country  in  Levil,  good  Soil,  And 
Hunting  Exceeding  Plenty :  Such  as  Elks,  Deer,  Bears, 
Raccoons,  Bevers,  Otters,  Turkeys,  and  other  kind  of  wild 
fouls  in  great  Plenty.  .  .  .  from  Detroit  the  french  cal'd  300 
miles  to  St.  Joseph  by  Land,  the  first  30  Miles  are  very 
swampy  and  Exceeding  bad  Traveling,  But  the  Rest  of  the 
Road  is  Very  Pleasant,  the  Country  is  Quite  Levil,  Inter 
mixed  with  several  Rivers  and  Creeks  which  in  Summer  time 
You  may  all  Pass  on  horse  Back,  in  Freshets  you  must  make 
Rafts  ;  You  Pass  three  Small  Indian  Towns  all  of  the  Potto- 
wamy  tribe  —  Severall  small  Lakes  and  Pleasant  Hunting 
all  the  Way  —  Fort  St.  Joseph  Lies  on  the  River  of  the  same 
name  at  20  Leagues  Distant  from  where  it  Enters  into  Lake 
Mishacony.  6  miles  above  the  fort  is  a  carrying  Place 
aBout  four  Miles  long  into  the  Kykaggy  River  Which  is 
But  Very  small  in  its  Beginning  Like  Wood  Creek ;  Running 
Exceeding  Crooked  for  a  Bout  30  Miles  When  it  inlarges 
and  Deepens.  About  120  Miles  Down  this  River  Lies  an 
Indian  town  Consisting  of  about  20  Families  of  the  Masco- 

1  Sac  Indians.  2  Pottawatomie  Indians. 

3  Chicago  River.  4  Milwaukee. 

362 


MINUTES  OF  HAMBURGH'S  JOURNAL 

tain  1  Tribe  and  about  60  Miles  further  falls  In  the  Chykacoo 
River  and  is  Called  afterwards  Ilinois  River.  The  Chief 
Hunting  ground  of  the  Battowaymes  is  along  this  River 
for  about  200  Miles  Down  to  a  Place  Called  Le  Rocher  — 
The  greatest  Plenty  they  have  here  is  Racoons,  Otters, 
Some  Bever,  Elks  and  Dear,  and  Buffilows  in  ABundance ; 
about  300  Miles  from  St.  Joseph  is  a  french  fort  of  Very 
Little  Importance.  There  was  an  Officer  And  5  men  Sta 
tioned  there  when  i  Past  it  In  the  year  1763 — from  this  fort 
or  Port  Called  Epec  ;  it  is  300  [miles]  down  the  River  Where 
it  falls  Into  the  Missisippi  And  would  be  Navagable  for  Large 
Sloops  to  Come  up  this  far.  All  a  Long  Down  this  River  the 
Country  is  Exceeding  Pleasant  And  Levil  and  for  the  most 
Part  Consisting  of  Large  Plains  Which  Extend  themselves 
as  the  french  Informed  me  for  several  Hundreds  of  Miles, 
the  Plains  are  Well  stocked  With  Buffelows  And  Deer 
Especially  Along  the  River  as  they  Run  through  it.  The 
Country  all  Along  Down  Produces  Plenty  of  mulberry  Trees 
and  the  Nut  Called  Bacane2  —  There  is  Several  Rivers  falls 
into  it  where  off  I  know  no  name.  One  of  them  Runs 
Through  the  Saacks  Country  towards  the  Green  Bay.  This 
River  Ilinois  Enlarges  Greatly  Below  this  fort,  And  is  nigh 
as  Large  at  the  Mouth  as  the  Missippi  —  Receive  it  at  60 
Miles  above  the  First  french  settlement  Called  the  Canos 
there  is  A  small  fort  and  about  70  or  80  Families ;  it  Lies 
upon  a  small  River  at  about  One  mile  Distant  from  the 
Missippi.  From  here  it  is  45  miles  To  Fort  Chartre,3  A 
stone  fort  Neatly  Built  And  fortified  for  small  Arms  With 
good  Barracks  for  Officers  and  Soldiers,  Sufficient  for  500 
[men].  It  is  Situated  not  400  Yards  from  the  Missippi  with  a 
Dry  Ditch  About;  there  is  about  100  french  families  Living 
near  it.  Here  Resideth  the  Commandeth  Of  all  the  Ilenois 
Settlement,  Who  Receives  His  orders  from  the  Governor  Of 
New  Orleans.  There  is  Two  Indian  [villages]  Not  Halfe  A 
mile  from  it  Close  upon  the  Missippi,  Called  Beory  4  and 

1  Mascouten.  2  Pecan. 

3  Fort  Chartres,   on  the  east  bank  of  the  Mississippi,   about 
twenty  miles  above  the  mouth  of  the  Kaskaskia.  4  Peoria. 

2  A  363 


TRAVELS  IN  THE  AMERICAN  COLONIES 

The  other  Metschy  *  Containing  Both  of  them  ABout  300 
Warriors.  From  this  Place  to  the  next  Settlement  is 
ABout  1 8  Miles  —  There  is  a  small  fort  and  about  150 
families  Liveing  By  it.  The  Town  is  called  Aveas.  The 
Indians  who  Live  Heare  Calls  themselves  Cascaskys.2 
It  is  situated  Upon  a  Small  river.  At  9  miles  Distant  from 
the  Missippi  there  is  two  small  french  towns,  Besides  those 
Mentioned  Above,  Of  about  20  families  Each,  this  is  all  the 
french  have  on  the  East  Side  the  Missippi.  They  have  an 
other  Village  on  the  other  side  opposite  Aveas  Called  Misere, 
Consisting  of  about  50  families  which  is  all  which  Remaineth 
to  the  french  after  the  Last  treaty  of  Peace.  The  Hole 
Settlement  is  Called  the  Ilenois  On  Account  of  the  Indians 
who  Have  Settled  themselves  Heare  after  they  Had  Been 
Driven  away  from  the  River  Illenois  By  other  nations,  so 
you  must  not  confound  this  Settlement  which  Lies  on  the 
East  side  of  Missippi  with  the  River  Illenois.  This  settle 
ment  produces  Plenty  of  Wheat  Barley,  Tobacco  and  some 
Cotton,  and  it  Has  Extensive  Indian  trade ;  it  Produces 
Some  fruit :  Applies,  Pears,  Quinses,  and  Peaches.  The 
land  is  low  And  the  Missippi  Gennerally  over  flows  in  June; 
the  Excessive  Heat  that  followeth  afterwards  occasioneth  the 
fevers  to  Be  Very  frequent.  In  August  and  September 
they  Have  great  Plenty  of  Wild  fowl  in  the  Swamps. 

1  Matchinkoa.  *  Kaskaskias. 


364 


JOURNAL  OF  AN  OFFICER  WHO  TRAVELLED  IN 
AMERICA  AND  THE  WEST  INDIES  IN  1764 
AND  1765 


INTRODUCTION 

THE  author  of  this  journal  was  an  officer  of  the  Sixty- 
sixth  Regiment  of  Foot  which  was  stationed  in  the  West 
Indies.  Lord  Adam  Gordon,  son  of  Alexander,  second 
Duke  of  Gordon,  was  Colonel  of  that  regiment  in  1763- 
1775.  The  Officer  left  Charleston  the  middle  of  March  and 
proceeded  northward  through  North  Carolina.  He  says  : 
"Mr.  Dobbs,  the  Governor  of  North  Carolina,  died  whilst 
I  was  there,  and  is  succeeded  by  Colonel  Wm.  Tryon." 
On  April  i,  1765,  Tryon  wrote  the  Board  of  Trade:  "I 
seize  this  opportunity  ...  to  acquaint  your  Lordships, 
Governor  Dobbs  died  at  Brunswick  the  28th  of  last  month. 
I  was  escorting  Lord  Adam  Gordon  thro'  part  of  this  Prov 
ince,  when  the  news  of  this  event  reached  me."  1  Again, 
on  the  26th  of  May,  1765,  Tryon  wrote  the  Secretary  at 
War  recommending  the  appointment  of  one  Robert  Howe  as 
commander  of  Fort  Johnston  and  added:  "Lord  Adam 
Gordon,  who  did  me  the  honour  of  passing  a  few  days  with 
me  in  his  tour  thro'  America,  will  speak  to  the  character  of 
this  gentleman."  2  The  Officer  left  Montreal  for  Quebec 
"about  the  end  of  July  1765."  The  Newport  Mercury  of 
September  2, 1765,  printed  a  news  item  from  Quebec  (July  25, 
1765),  announcing  the  arrival  there  of  "the  right  hon.  Lord 
Adam  Gordon,  Col.  of  the  66th  regiment  of  foot,  and  member 
of  parliament  for  Aberdeen,  accompanied  by  Commodore 
Loring;"  and  the  Massachusetts  Gazette  of  September  19, 
1765,  printed  a  news  item  from  Quebec  telling  of  Lord  Adam 
Gordon's  departure  the  2d  of  August.  Sir  William  Johnson, 
to  whom  the  Officer  paid  a  visit  on  his  way  from  Albany  to 
Niagara  Falls  and  another  on  his  return  from  Canada,  wrote 
the  Board  of  Trade  the  28th  of  September,  1765  :  "My  son 
now  accompanys  Lord  Adam  Gordon  to  see  England.  .  .  . 
Lord  Adam  has  made  an  extensive  Tour  thro'  this  Country, 

1  Colonial  Records  of  North  Carolina,  Vol.  VI,  p.  1320. 

2  Ibid.  Vol.  VII,  p.  40. 

367 


TRAVELS  IN  THE  AMERICAN  COLONIES 

and  has  made  many  remarks  and  observations  worthy 
attention."1  From  his  second  visit  to  Sir  William  the 
Officer  proceeded  to  Boston,  and  the  Massachusetts  Gazette 
of  September  19,  1765,  contains  an  account  of  the  reception 
of  Lord  Adam  Gordon,  "a  Member  of  the  British  Parlia 
ment,  now  making  the  Tour  of  America  "  by  the  Selectmen  of 
Boston  during  which  they  requested  him  to  use  his  influence 
in  favor  of  Massachusetts  in  the  Stamp  Act  controversy. 
The  Officer  embarked  at  New  York  for  England  the  I4th  of 
October,  while  the  Stamp  Act  Congress  was  in  session.  The 
New  York  Mercuryoi  October  7, 1765,  contains  this  announce 
ment :  "On  Monday  last  came  to  Town,  the  Hon.  Lord 
Adam  Gordon,  after  a  Tour  thro'  his  Majesty's  American 
Islands,  and  Colonies  on  the  Continent;  and  we  hear 
intends  to  go  for  England  by  the  next  Packet.  Anderson, 
in  his  Scottish  Nation,  states  that  Colonel  Adam  Gordon  re 
turned  to  England  in  1765  "and  having  been  intrusted  by 
the  heads  of  the  colonies  with  a  statement  of  their  grievances, 
on  the  2Oth  of  November  of  that  year  he  had  a  long  confer 
ence  with  the  secretaries  of  state  on  the  subject."  The 
Pennsylvania  Gazette  of  February  13,  1766,  contains  a  Lon 
don  news  item  announcing  the  arrival  of  Lord  Adam  Gordon 
and  stating  that  on  the  zoth  of  November,  1765  he  had  "a 
conference  with  His  Majesty's  Secretaries  of  state,  when  it 
is  said  his  Lordship  informed  them  of  the  present  state  of 
North  America,  and  of  the  uneasiness  of  the  people  on  ac 
count  of  the  new  stamp  act."  The  identification  with  our 
anonymous  journalist  seems  fairly  complete. 

Lord  Adam  Gordon  was  the  fourth  son  of  the  second  Duke 
of  Gordon,  and  was  born  about  1726.  He  was  M.P.  for 
Aberdeenshire  from  1754  to  1768,  and  for  Kincardineshire 
from  1774  to  1788,  was  commander  of  the  forces  in  Scotland 
from  1782  to  1798,  and  died  in  1801.  A  copy  of  the  Journal  — 
in  other  than  the  author's  hand  —  has  been  preserved  among 
the  King's  Manuscripts  in  the  British  Museum  213,  fT.  1-69. 
The  Library  of  Congress  has  a  transcript  of  this  copy. 

1  Documents  Relative  to  the  Colonial  History  of  the  State  of  New 
York,  edited  by  E.  B.  O'Callaghan,  Vol.  VII,  p.  766. 

368 


JOURNAL  OF  AN  OFFICER  WHO  TRAVELLED  IN 
AMERICA  AND  THE  WEST  INDIES  IN  1764 
AND  1765 

Journal  of  an  Officer  in  the  West  Indies  who  travelled  over  a 
'part  of  the  West  Indies,  and  of  North  America,  in  the 
Course  of  1764  and  1765 

WE  left  London  on  Tuesday  the  loth  of  April  1764.,  and 
arrived  the  same  night  at  Portsmouth,  without  meeting 
with  any  thing  extraordinary,  unless  it  was,  that  we  remarked 
that  neither  the  Attendance  or  accommodation  was  near  so 
good  as  it  is  either  on  the  great  North  Road  or  on  the  Road 
to  Bath,  or  many  other  Roads  in  England.  The  Fountain 
Inn,  the  best  at  Portsmouth,  is  both  extravagant  and  dirty  — 
and  if  you  except  the  Publick  Docks,  Stores  etca.,  etca. 
which  belong  to  the  Naval  Department  there,  and  the 
Fortifications  which  are  accounted  the  best  in  England,  there 
is  nothing  else  worth  a  Travellers  notice.  The  Country  for 
some  Miles  round  the  Town,  is  flat  and  Morassy,  and  not 
at  all  pleasant  —  nor  is  it  reckoned  a  healthy  Situation. 
Near  it,  at  Gosport,  is  a  new  Hospital  for  Sailors,  worth 
visiting.  —  On  Thursday  the  I2th  of  April  we  Embarked  in  a 
small  Boat  for  Cowes,  in  the  Isle  of  Wight,  but  it  falling  little 
Wind,  we  put  in  at  Ryde,  a  very  pretty  little  Village  on  the 
opposite  Shore,  and  proceeded  to  Newport,  the  principal 
Town  of  the  Island,  where  we  found  ourselves  much  better 
than  at  Portsmouth.  It  is  a  very  agreeable  little  Town, 
almost  in  the  Center  of  one  of  the  best  peopled,  and  best 
wooded  Countries  you  could  wish  to  see.  The  ancient  Castle 
of  Carrisbrook,  stands  within  a  Mile  of  Newport :  there  is 
in  it  a  very  remarkable  deep  Well,  and  in  Carrisbrook  street, 
a  small  Spring,  from  whence  you  may  have  Water,  as  good 

369 


TRAVELS  IN  THE  AMERICAN  COLONIES 

as  at  Bristol,  to  Carry  to  Sea.  I  have  now  some  of  it  in  my 
possession  since  1758,  which  was  thrice  on  the  Coast  of 
France  that  Summer,  and  is  at  this  hour  as  good,  and  as 
Sweet  as  at  first,  owing  to  its  being  put  into  New  Bottles. 

On  Sunday  the  i$th  the  Weather  came  moderate,  and  the 
Wind  fair  to  carry  us  out.  About  Noon  we  went  on  Horse 
back  to  Cowes,  embark'd,  passed  the  Needles,  and  came  to 
an  Anchor  off  Yarmouth,  and  next  day,  about  Noon,  took 
our  leave  of  the  Needles.  In  the  Channel  we  found  it  very 
Squally,  and  the  wind  variable  'till  the  3Oth,  when  it  came 
fair,  we  then  took  our  Departure  from  the  Lizard.  The 
Weather  proving  much  milder  we  left  off  Fires  in  the  Cabbin, 
and  proceeded  very  agreeably  along  the  Coasts  of  Spain, 
Portugal  and  Africa,  'till  the  2Qth  at  noon  when  we  made 
Porto  Santo,  an  Island  twelve  Leagues  short  of  Madeira ; 
the  $oth  at  night,  we  anchored  in  the  Road  of  Funchal,  at 
about  half  a  Miles  distance,  and  landed  there  next  morning 
early,  the  Weather  continuing  to  grow  warmer,  and  the  Air 
more  serene.  Whether  it  proceeded  from  the  Squalls  we 
had  met  in  the  Channel,  or  that  things  appear  worse  at  a 
distance  than  when  present,  I  could  not  perceive  any  mate 
rial  disagreeable  difference  in  crossing  the  Bay  of  Biscay,  from 
what  I  had  felt  at  Sea  in  other  places  —  but  had  it  been  other- 
ways,  the  pleasure  we  felt  in  our  approach  to  the  Island  of 
Madeira  (which  increased  beyond  description  as  we  ad 
vanced  and  could  distinguish  the  uncommonly  beautifull 
Landscapes  with  accuracy)  would  have  more  than  com 
pensated  for  the  fatigues  of  our  Voyage. 

Perhaps  some  short  account  of  an  Island,  so  happily 
situated,  may  not  be  altogether  disagreeable.  —  It  is  sup 
posed  to  be  in  circumference  Miles,1  and  to  contain 
from  one  hundred  to  one  Hundred  and  twenty  Thousand 
Souls,  of  which  they  reckon  upwards  of  Thirty  Thousand 
Men  fit  to  bear  Arms.  The  Port  and  Town  of  Funchal  is  the 
best,  and  Capital  Town  of  the  Island.  —  here  is  fixed  the 
Seat  of  Government,  Civil,  Military,  and  Ecclesiastical,  and 

1  Madeira  has  a  coast  line  of  about  eighty-five  miles. 


JOURNAL  OF  LORD  ADAM   GORDON 

from  this  Port  alone  20,000  pipes  of  Madeira  Wine  are 
exported  at  an  average  annually,  and  as  the  demand  in 
creases,  so  does  the  Cultivation  of  the  Grape,  which  in  some 
extraordinary  years  amounts  to  30,000  pipes.  The  Island 
lies  in  the  Latitude  32  deg.  31  Min.,  Longitude  [west  from] 
Greenwich  nearly  I  hour  and  6  Min  :  variation  Com[p]ass 
and  is  commonly  computed  to  be  in  length  about  18 
Leagues,  and  in  breadth  about  8  Leagues.1  —  The  whole  is 
one  Immense  Mountain,  the  Sides  and  hollow  places  of 
which  are  cultivated  in  Vineyards,  as  is  the  Coast  in  most 
parts  round  the  Island  for  a  League  up  from  High  Water 
mark. 

With  regard  to  the  merit  of  this  Climate,  by  observations 
from  Farenheits'  Barometer,  the  Mercury  has  not,  for  many 
years  been  lower  than  Fifty  six,  nor  higher  than  Seventy 
eight,  except  with  a  Levant  wind,  and  from  what  I  saw  and 
could  hear,  it  would  appear  that  there  is  no  Tree,  Shrub, 
or  Plant,  that  is  yet  discovered  in  the  habitable  Globe,  but 
would  be  easily  propagated  there. 

The  fertility  and  goodness  of  the  Soil  is  very  uncommon ; 
It  produces  everything  almost  Spontaneously,  for  the 
Inhabitants  there  can  scarce  be  said  to  use  art.  —  Grapes  are 
the  only  Staple  and  it  is  supposed  at  this  day  in  1764,  there 
is  not  above  one  tenth  part  of  the  whole  Island  Cultivated. 

The  Situation  of  Funchal  is  extremely  agreeable  and 
Romantick,  —  it  is  built  along  a  curv'd  Beech,  at  the  ex 
tremity  of  which  are  two  indifferent  Forts,  two  advanced 
Bastions  in  the  length,  and  a  bad  Wall  connecting  the 
whole.  It  is  singular  that  so  high  a  Surf  runs  there  that  no 
Quay  or  landing  place  has  ever  been  attempted,  and  it  is 
very  doubtful  if  any  such  could  be  made  effectual,  altho 
there  is  reason  to  believe  that  for  about  the  Sum  of  one 
hundred  thousand  pounds  Sterling  well  managed,  a  Work 
might  be  made  to  join  the  Loo  Rock  at  the  Westernmost 
end  of  the  Beech  to  another  Rock  on  Shore,  which  would 
constitute  a  Safe  Port  and  Retreat  for  Shiping  in  most  Winds. 

1  Madeira  is  only  thirty-two  miles  long  and  twelve  miles  broad. 

37i 


TRAVELS  IN  THE  AMERICAN  COLONIES 

Something  of  this  Sort  is  extremely  wanted,  because  when 
the  Wind  is  high,  either  from  the  No[rth]  or  Sojuth]  it  is 
not  possible  for  Ships  to  ride  it  out.  The  Water  is  deep  close 
in  Shore,  and  a  very  large  Vessel  may  come  too  within  fifty 
yards  of  high  Water  mark,  which  seldom  rises  above  seven 
feet. — The  Town  itself  is  ill  laid  out,  and  not  well  built, 
neither  is  it  so  well  kept  as  it  might  be,  when  one  considers 
that  from  the  rising  grounds  which  surround  it,  they  might 
have  every  Street  overflow'd  once  or  twice  a  Day. 

The  principal  Buildings  are  the  great  Church,  the  Castle 
where  the  Governour  resides,  which  (besides  a  Strong  Wall 
towards  the  Land  side,  has  a  tolerable  platform  and  Battery 
to  the  Sea)  the  Bishops  house,  and  the  Custom  house,  ad 
joining  to  which  is  the  Exchange.  Some  of  the  Natives 
and  some  of  the  British  Merchants  residing  here,  have  very 
convenient  houses  which  are  roomy  and  cool,  but  it  appears 
uncommon  to  us  that  they  have  few  sash  Windows,  and  never 
live  in  the  lower  Story,  which  is  generally  made  use  of  as 
Storehouses.  Their  best  appartments  are  up  one  pair  of 
Stairs,  and  over  those,  in  many  of  their  houses,  is  their 
dinning  Parlour  and  Kitchen,  which  is  in  general  the  only 
Fireplace.  Each  house  however  has  a  kind  of  Balcony, 
open  on  one  or  more  Sides,  to  which  in  warm  weather  The[y] 
retire,  —  some  of  them  are  very  high,  and  they  give  them 
the  name  of  Mirandas.  The  very  Gardens  in  Town  are 
full  of  Grapes,  and  the  best  of  them  have  Walks  covered  with 
Vines,  and  some  of  them  with  the  Alexandrian  laurel,  and 
other  Shrubs,  which  shade  you,  and  render  the  air  cool  and 
pleasant,  to  those  who  either  walk,  or  Sit  under  them. 
Almost  every  Man  of  any  fortune,  has  a  Villa  at  some 
little  distance,  and  many  of  them  in  sight,  these  they  call 
Quintas  and  the  appearance  they  make,  being  all  Whitened 
and  interspersed  with  Vineyards,  Figtrees,  and  Groves  of 
sweet  Chesnuts,  much  used  by  the  Peasants,  is  perfectly 
Romantick  and  Chinese. 

The  ground  on  which  the  Town  Stands,  rises  to  the  land 
side  all  round,  so  that  the  Streets  and  Lanes,  which  are  ill 
pav'd,  and  Steep,  render  walking  disagreeable  to  Strangers, 

372 


JOURNAL  OF  LORD   ADAM  GORDON 

the  Roads  are  everywhere  bad  and  rocky,  and  on  every  hand 
impassable  almost  for  any  thing  but  a  Horse  or  Mule,  which 
they  use  to  bring  in  their  Wine,  each  carrying  two  little 
Barrels  slung  across,  eight  of  which  go  to  a  Hogshead  and 
Sixteen  to  a  Ton. 

The  people  in  general  are  middlesized,  Strong,  and  well 
made,  mostly  black  hair,  black  eyes,  and  fine  teeth  !  the 
Men  are  proud,  and  Ceremonious  to  a  degree  extremely 
forbidding  to  us. —  the  Women  of  the  best  sort,  come  seldom 
abroad,  have  little  or  no  education,  and  in  general  seem  more 
to  resemble  the  first  or  upper  Servant  than  the  Mistress  of 
the  Family. — They  live  much  in  distinct  and  distant  appart- 
ments,  and  by  Report,  if  a  Lady  and  Gentleman,  can  fall 
on  a  way  to  meet,  it  is  the  fault  of  the  Gentleman  if  he  is  not 
happy,  since  it  is  a  maxim  with  the  Ladies  there,  that  an 
opportunity  is  never  to  be  lost. 

The  British  and  Natives  do  not  mix  much  together,  but 
it  would  be  highly  unjust  to  omit  acknowleding  the  atten 
tion,  politeness  and  good  breeding,  which  the  present 
Governour  and  Captain  General  Don  Jos  :  de  Saa,  shew  to 
every  British  Subject,  a  Country  he  much  esteems,  and 
honours. 

About  the  distance  of  three  Miles  towards  the  higher  part 
of  the  Mountain  stands  a  Chapel  and  an  adjoining  building, 
which  they  call  the  Church  of  our  Lady  of  the  Mountain.  — 
It  stands  fifteen  hundred  feet  higher  than  the  Surface  of  the 
Sea,  of  perpendicular  height,  and  commands  an  extensive 
view  of  the  Town,  the  Bay,  and  the  Country  towards  the 
East  and  West  Side,  and  behind  it  you  see  the  Mountains 
rising  still  more  Sharp  and  sudden ;  in  short  it  is  worth  a 
Travellers  notice,  but  I  would  advise  him  if  not  very  fond 
of  Walking  to  use  a  Mule. 

The  Church  itself  is  nothing  very  extraordinary,  nor  are 
the  Churches  in  general  in  Madeira,  either  singular  in  their 
outward  or  inward  Ornaments.  —  The  Jesuits  is  the  hand 
somest  I  saw,  and  their  Convent  is  capable  of  containing 
many  brethren,  it  is  at  present  empty,  and  the  Garden  quite 
neglected,  the  finest  trees  of  various  kinds,  I  saw  on  the 

373 


TRAVELS  IN  THE  AMERICAN   COLONIES 

Island,  were  in  it,  and  it  is  capable  of  much  improvement.  — 
Upon  the  whole  did  this  charming  Island  belong  in  property, 
either  to  the  British  or  the  Dutch,  I  Should  suppose  it  in  a 
few  years  to  become  the  most  envied  Spot  in  the  World, 
since  with  art  and  little  Industry,  it  is  capable  of  every 
improvement. 

I  discerned  during  a  Weeks  stay,  about  eight,  or  more 
sorts,  of  very  valuable  and  large  growing  Timber  trees 
totally  unknown  in  Britain,  the  wood  of  them  varying  much 
from  each  other,  and  many  of  them  evergreens,  and  as  they 
grow  best  towards  the  highest,  and  hilly  part  of  the  Island, 
I  am  in  hopes  they  may  be  introduced  into  Britain. 

Doctor  Thomas  Hebberden,  a  Gentleman  not  more  famous 
for  his  Skill  in  Physick,  Mathematicks  and  Botany,  than  for 
the  pleasure  he  takes  in  communicating  to  others  his  knowl 
edge,  and  the  love  he  has  in  doing  good  to  the  whole  and  to 
every  individual,  has  been  kind  enough  to  promise  to  send 
me  seeds,  plants,  and  Specimens  of  all  the  indigenous  timber 
trees  growing  on  this  Island,  which  I  am  hopefull  may  prove 
useful  to  our  Country  Men,  lovers  of  improvement  and 
exotick  knowledge  in  times  to  come. 

We  left  Madeira  with  regret,  after  passing  a  Week  there 
most  agreeably,  and  in  less  than  four  and  twenty  hours  fell 
in  with  a  fine  fair  Breeze  which  wafted  us  pleasantly  thro* 
the  Ocean. 

Water  all  over  the  Island  is  excellent,  and  in  great  abun 
dance,  besides  Grapes,  they  have  Oranges,  Lemons,  Ananas,1 
Peaches,  Nectarines,  Apricoks,2  Plumbs,  Pomegranates,, 
Mulberrys,  Pears,  Apples,  and  many  other  Fruits,  and  all 
the  Kitchen  stuff  we  ate,  had  a  remarkable  rich  flavor.  — 
Their  chief  Commerce  is  with  Britain,  and  the  British  Colo 
nies  :  they  also  send  a  few  Vessels  yearly  to  the  Brazils,  but  I 
leave  you  to  Judge  of  their  industry,  by  mentioning  one  cir 
cumstance,  which  much  surprised  me,  —  they  bring  most  of 
the  Lime  they  use  in  this  Island  from  Lisbon,  and  some  from 
England,  altho  the  Island  of  Porto  Santo,  within  twelve. 

1  Bananas.  2  Apricots. 

374 


JOURNAL  OF  LORD  ADAM  GORDON 

Leagues  of  Madeira,  produces  good  Lime  Stone  in  abun 
dance.  --They  grow  some  Wheat,  and  other  grain,  but  are 
mostly  supplyed  from  Britain,  and  North  America  with 
Flower,  particularly  when  the  Crop  of  Chesnuts  fail,  which 
the  poorer  sort,  gather  and  dry  in  a  manner  to  preserve  them 
good  for  many  months,  and  use  as  the  Irish  do  Potatoes, 
instead  of  Bread. 

On  Monday  the  fth  of  May  we  went  on  board  the  Polly, 
and  Sailed  that  evening  with  the  Land  Breeze,  but  it  coming 
calm  in  the  night,  we  did  not  lose  sight  of  Madeira  all  Tues 
day,  on  Wednesday  the  pth  we  fell  in  with  the  Trade  Winds, 
which  blows  at  that  season  of  the  year  from  N.  E.  to  S.  E. 
and  having  fine  moderate  weather,  proceeded  on  our  Course 
without  meeting  with  any  occurrence  worth  mentioning  'till 
the  loth  of  May,  when  we  made  the  Island  of  Antigua. 

On  the  3ist  in  the  Afternoon,  we  came  to  an  Anchor  in 
Parham  Bay,  and  came  on  Shore  that  evening,  at  Parham 
Town,  from  whence  we  walked  up  to  a  Seat  of  Valentine 
Morris  Esqr.  called  Crabbs,  about  half  a  Mile  from  the  Town. 

The  Island  of  Antigua,  appeared  green  and  pleasant,  the 
coast  on  that  side  much  varied  and  broke  by  the  Islands 
and  Capes  running  into  the  Sea.  —  Long  Island  on  the  Left 
as  you  enter  Parham  Harbour  is  very  beautiful  and  well 
cultivated,  having  two  or  more  Sugar  Works,  and  Wind 
Mills  upon  it. 

As  much  of  Antigua  as  I  saw,  is  pleasant,  the  want  of 
Springs  and  Rivers,  is  in  some  degree  compensated  by,  the 
pains  they  have  taken  in  making  for  each  House,  one  or 
more  large  Cisterns  (or  Tancks)  which  are  Terrassed  over, 
and  catch  all  the  rain  Water  that  falls  on  the  Houses,  by 
Conduits  and  Pipes  well  adapted  for  that  end.  But  the 
want  of  Water  to  cool  the  Stills  used  in  the  making  of  Rum, 
is  much  felt  by  the  poor  Negroes,  who  carry  it  on  their  heads, 
in  large  Vessells  and  sometimes  from  a  considerable  distance. 

Almost  all  the  people  of  fashion  live  on  their  Estates  in 
the  Country,  and  are  all  more  or  less  engaged  in  making  of 
Sugar  and  Rum.  —  There  are  several  large  properties  in 
the  hands  of  Familys  residing  in  Britain,  who  let  them  out 

375 


TRAVELS  IN  THE  AMERICAN  COLONIES 

to  Managers,  that  pay  them  a  certain  agreed  annual  rent 
on  the  Exchange,  and  these  Gentlemen  generally  make 
themselves  great  fortunes. 

St.  Johns  is  the  principal  Town,  and  the  Seat  of  Govern 
ment.  It  is  regularly  laid  out,  and  well  calculated  to  receive 
all  the  cool  Breezes  both  from  the  Sea  and  Land.  The 
Court  House,  Council  room,  and  Assembly  room,  are  grand 
and  well  contrived,  over  against  them  is  a  good  Guard 
house  and  a  Magazine  well  supplied  with  small  Arms,  and 
some  Cannon.  The  New  Barracks  are  spacious,  well  situ 
ated  and  well  contrived,  the[y]  stand  Airy,  have  a  large 
Garden,  two  noble  Cisterns,  a  handsome  Area  before  them, 
and  every  conveniency  one  would  wish,  unless  that  they  are 
not  sufficiently  inclosed.  They  contain  one  Compeat 1 
Regimt  and  are  said  to  have  cost  the  Island  in  all,  near  Ten 
Thousand  pounds  Sterling. 

The  present  Governour  Mr.  Thomas,2  is  a  very  well  bred 
sensible  man,  and  lives  very  genteely  at  his  own  house  in  the 
Country. 

Upon  the  whole  it  is  a  very  happy  Island,  the  Society  is 
good,  and  they  have  no  disputes,  but  live  all  well  together, 
in  good  harmony.  I  never  met  with  more  Civilities,  during 
a  Weeks  stay,  or  left  a  place  with  more  regret. 

Besides  the  Governour,  there  are  on  the  Island,  Warners, 
Brebners,  Hallydays,  Maxwells,  Grants,  and  many  other  of 
Note  —  all  good  people. 

We  hired  a  little  Sloop  for  Twelve  pounds  Currency,  and 
Sailed  for  St.  Christophers,  on  Tuesday  evening  the  $th  June, 
after  having  passed  the  King's  Birthday  at  St.  Johns,  very 
joyously,  with  much  Company  and  the  Officers  of  the  38th 
and  68th  Regiments  —  and  on  Thursday  the  ?th,  I  met  with 
the  Cornwal,  Captain  Me  Kenzie,3  who  had  the  66th  (my 
Regiment)  on  board. 

The  Island  of  St.  Kitts  is  well  watered,  and  has  a  much 
richer  Soil  than  Antigua  ;  It  is  also  well  wooded  and  has 

1  Complete. 

2  George  Thomas,  governor  of  Antigua  from  1753  to  1766. 

3  Alexander  McKenzie. 

376 


JOURNAL  OF  LORD  ADAM   GORDON 

also  three  good  roads  for  Ships.  —  Basseterre,  Old  Road,  and 
Sandy  Point.  —  At  Old  Road,  all  the  Men  of  War  touch  and 
Water.  —  Mr.  and  Mrs.  Walter  Pringle,  and  the  Baillies, 
and  Mr.  Smith  (of  Eton)  live  there,  and  are  very  hospitable 
and  agreeable  people. 

We  Sailed  from  Old  Road  on  Saturday,  after  taking  in 
some  water,  and  coasted  pleasantly  by  St.  Eustatia,1  Porto 
Rico,  and  Domingo,2  making  the  rock  of  Alta  Vella,  and  so 
on,  due  West  or  a  little  to  the  Southward  of  West,  'till  we 
arrived  in  sight  of  Jamaica,  which  happened  on  the  i$th 
June  1764. 

On  Monday  the  i8th  day  of  June  early  in  the  forenoon,  we 
came  to  an  Anchor  in  Port  Royal  road,  where  we  found  Rear 
Admiral  Sir  Wm.  Burnabys  Flag  flying,  and  several  of  His 
Majesty's  Ships  of  War. 

It  is  the  Rendezvous  of  the  Fleet,  and  at  Port  Royal  is  a 
Store  house,  Magazine,  Hospital  etca.,  etca.  for  the  Navy, 
much  frequented  in  all  times.  In  coming  into  Port  Royal 
Harbour,  you  Sail  close  under  the  Grand  Battery,  and  very 
near  where  the  old  Town  stood,  before  the  great  Earthquake, 
Hurricane,  and  Fire,  which  happened  there  in  the  years 
1692,  and  1701,  after  which  the  remaining  Inhabitants  re 
moved  to  Kingston  across  the  Bay  some  Miles,  which  is  now 
the  most  trading,  and  only  very  considerable  Town  in  the 
Island.  It  is  large  and  very  well  Inhabited,  the  Streets 
spacious,  and  regularly  laid  out,  cutting  one  another  at 
right  Angles,  —  And  in  the  upper  part  of  the  Town,  called 
the  Savannah,  are  many  Sumptuous  houses,  with  Gardens, 
and  Offices  in  proportion.  It  would  [be]  very  warm  here, 
but  for  the  Sea  Breezes,  which  commonly  set  in  about  10,  — 
A.M.  — and  last  'till  near  4  oClock  P.M. 

From  Kingston  to  Spanish  Town,  where  the  Governour  in 
Chief  resides,  and  their  Council,  and  Assembly  meet,  is 
Seventeen  Miles  by  Land,  Turnpike  road  all  the  way, 
thro'  a  Sandy  Country.  —  About  half  way,  you  pass  a  little 
River,  at  a  Bridge,  near  Mr.  Wallins,  a  pretty  place. 

The  Governours  House  is  large  and  roomy,  and  [on]  one  side 

1  Saint  Eustatius.  2  Santo  Domingo. 

377 


TRAVELS  IN  THE  AMERICAN  COLONIES 

of  the  Square  or  grand  place  —  facing  it  stands  the  Court  and 
Assembly  house,  with  a  Guard  room  near  it.  --  The  whole  of 
this  is  a  confused  poor  Town,  Situated  on  the  Rio  Cobre  and 
supported  alone  by  the  concourse  of  people,  whom  business 
with  the  Government  brings  to  it.  Here  is  no  Sea  Breeze, 
but  towards  the  evening  the  Land  Breeze  makes  the  Air 
Cooler.  The  afternoons  and  Nights  here  are  more  intoler 
ably  warm,  than  I  felt  them  in  any  other  part  of  Jamaica.  - 
I  lived  with  Governour  Littelton  1  and  his  Lady  and  Family, 
than  whom  nobody  could  be  more  polite,  friendly  or  agree 
able.  —  I  attended  him  also  to  his  Farm,  (Penn)  and  to  his 
Mountain,  which  is  cool  and  pleasant,  the  Road  to  it  all 
along  the  River  is  most  enchantingly  Romantick,  and  the 
three  last  Miles,  which  are  thro'  the  Mountains,  and  a  Horse 
road  only,  is  very  much  out  of  the  Common  run,  and  [un]like 
anything  I  ever  saw  in  Britain,  being  entirely  covered  with  a 
variety  of  Wood  and  Underwood  not  known  in  Europe. 

From  Kingston  I  had  occasion  to  visit  the  Quarters  of  my 
Regiment,  for  which  end  I  went  on  Horseback  over  Wag 
Water  (acqua  alta)  Mountains,  to  St.  Georges  Parish  at 
Anotta  Bay,  a  handsome  and  very  commodious  Barrack, 
on  the  North  side  of  the  Island,  where  it  is  most  narrow ;  — - 
from  that  I  visited  St.  Anns,  St.  James's,  Westmorland,  Han 
over,  St.  Elizabeths,  Vere,  Clarendon,  and  St.  Dorothys, 
returning  to  Spanish  town  (St.  Jagode  la  Vega)  and  Kingston, 
from  whence  I  made  the  Windward  Tour,  taking  in  St. 
Davids,  St.  Thomas  in  the  East,  and  Portland  Parishes, 
which  almost  compleated  the  Tour  of  the  Island,  the  middle 
part  of  which  is  very  Mountainous,  tho'  Interspersed  with 
many  fine  Vallies,  and  feeding  and  breeding  grounds  —  the 
Sugar  Plantations  are  more  frequent  in  the  Lands  that 
occupy  seven  or  ten  Miles  of  the  Coast,  and  are  extremely 
rich,  altho'  the  expence  of  Stock,  and  of  Wear  and  Tear,  is 
much  greater  than  what  attends  any  other  kind  of  Estate, 
particularly  when  Negroes  are  at  a  high  price. 

1  William  Henry  Lyttelton,  governor  of  Jamaica  1 762-1 766* 
previously  governor  of  South  Carolina,  and  afterward  Lord 
Lyttelton. 

378 


JOURNAL  OF  LORD  ADAM   GORDON 

With  regard  to  the  Country  it  is  not  easily  described,  as  it 
is  so  much  varied,  and  the  greater  part  of  the  high  grounds 
remain  still  uncleared.  —  It  is  well  watered  by  Rivers,  and 
has  more  fine  Harbours  than  almost  any  other  Island  of  its 
Size  in  the  World.  —  Of  these  Port  Royal,  Port  Antonio, 
Lucea,  and  Morant  Bay  are  the  best.  —  Men  of  War  also 
come  frequently  too  at  Savannah  La  Mar  and  Bluefield 
Bay,  at  which  last  place  they  generally  water,  and  frequently 
Rendezvous  in  time  of  War. 

The  Forts  of  which,  the  Chief  are,  Fort  Charles  at  Port 
Royal,  Fort  Augusta  at  Mosquito  point,  Rock  Fort,  Fort 
George  at  Port  Antonio,  a  Fort  at  Savannah  La  Mar,  and 
one  at  Lucea,  are  in  general  bad,  and  much  out  of  repair,  with 
scarce  any  good  Artillery. --The  Barracks  in  general  in 
sufficient,  and  ill  contrived,  tho  mostly  in  good  Situations ; 
the  Country  from  a  variety  of  causes,  is  not  enough  attentive 
to  these  matters ;  altho'  it  appears  they  have  already  over 
built  themselves,  as  they  wished  and  calculated  as  if  they 
should  always  have  two  compleat  Corps,  on  the  Old  high 
Establishment  of  1000  Men  each,  and  indeed  that  Number 
seems  not  more  than  sufficient  to  secure  them  from  Intestine 
rebellions  and  Insurrections  of  their  Negroes,  who  are  daily 
increasing  beyond  the  proportion  of  white  people,  the  last 
being  supposed  not  to  exceed  in  all  25,00x3  Souls,  and  the 
Slaves  and  Mulattoes  not  under  160,000.  — 

The  Gentlemen  of  property  residing  on  the  Island,  are 
in  general  extremely  civil  and  remarkably  hospitable  to 
Strangers  —  I  have  reason  to  know  it,  as  I  was  at  so  many 
of  their  houses  in  the  Country  and  in  Town,  where  they  live 
elegantly  and  well,  and  are  able  to  entertain  their  Guests 
in  every  respect  better  than  people  of  the  same  property  can 
do  in  Europe,  particularly  where  one  stays  all  night.  - 

There  are  few  Horses  or  Carriages  to  be  hired,  and  the 
Inns  in  general  are  poor  places,  and  of  bad  Entertainment, 
owing  entirely  to  that  hospitality  which  takes  universally 
-  in  so  much  that  every  Gentleman  you  visit,  offers  you 
his  Carriage  or  Horses,  to  convey  you,  wherever  you  please 
to  go.  —  The  Horses  are  generally  small  and  are  best  when 

2B  379 


TRAVELS  IN  THE  AMERICAN   COLONIES 

bred    from,   a    Spanish  or    English    Stallion   and   a    Creole 
Mare. 

N.B.  They  seldom  put  any  Shoes  on  such,  but  almost  all 
the  New  England  Horses,  which  are  here  in  much  Vogue, 
on  account  of  their  easy  Gait,  are  Shod  as  in  Britain. 

I  cannot  say  I  much  admire  the  Creole  Women,  either 
for  beauty  or  Conversation.  —  amongst  the  Blacks  and 
Mulattoes,  I  have  seen  some  wonderfully  well  made,  and 
with  very  agreeable  features,  tho'  often  attended  with  one 
Circumstance,  very  disgusting  to  new  Comers. 

At  the  Bath,  in  the  Parish  of  St.  Thomas  in  the  East  is  a 
very  remarkable  hot  Spring — It  seems  warmer  than  the 
Water  at  Bristol,  and  I  was  obliged  to  let  it  stand  some  time 
in  the  glass,  before  I  was  able  to  drink  it,  —  it  is  good  in 
many  disorders,  particularly  Rheumatick  Complaints.  - 
At  same  place  is  a  Bath  tolerably  well  frequented,  the  dis 
tance  from  the  Village  to  the  Spaw  is  about  two  good  meas 
ured  Miles,  a  good  Horse  road,  and  at  every  Quarter  of  a 
Mile,  is  a  Shed  or  covering  of  the  Palmeto  leaf,  for  Shelter  to 
Invalids  against  rain,  which  in  Jamaica,  and  particularly  in 
that  neighbourhood,  is  frequent  and  very  heavy,  resembling 
Water  poured  from  a  Bucket  more  than  any  European 
Shower  I  ever  was  in.  — 

This  Island  produces  many  of  the  Conveniencies  and  more 
of  the  Luxuries  of  Life  —  but  the  generality  of  its  Inhabitants 
look  upon  themselves  there  as  passengers  only,  for  which 
reason,  all  their  attention  is  bestowed  on  their  Plantations  of 
Canes,  from  whence  Sugar,  Rum  and  Molasses  are  produced 
—  these  are  the  Staple  Commodities,  to  this  may  be  added 
Coffee,  Pimento  (allspice)  some  Ginger  and  some  Cotton. 

Their  Mutton  is  tolerably  good,  Beef  is  rare  and  dear, 
Poultry  dear,  and  Pork  excellent.  —  Wild  Pidgeons  good, 
Fish  a  variety,  but  particularly  Turtle,  seldom  more  than 
a  Bitt  (sixpence)  a  pound,  —  besides  these,  their  land 
Turtle  and  black  Crabs,  are  delicious.  —  Upon  the  whole,  I 
found  every  thing  in  Jamaica  much  misrepresented,  as  well 
in  regard  to  the  Climate  and  Country  as  to  the  Inhabitants. 

Of  all  their  fruits   I   prefer  the   Shaddock  and  Orange. 

380 


JOURNAL  OF  LORD  ADAM   GORDON 

Citrons  and  Limes  grow  in  every  Hedge  ;  nothing  can  exceed 
the  beauty  and  variety  of  their  Woods,  but  there  is  scarce 
any  thing  deserving  the  name  of  Garden  in  the  Island.  - 
At  Mr.  John  Ripleys  near  Kingston,  I  saw  eight  Acres  of 
land  under  Pine  Apple,  which  he  sells  there  at  a  Bitt  apiece, 
or  three  for  two  Bitts.  —  He  has  also  a  great  quantity  of 
Bees,  some,  which  he  calls  Spanish  Bees,  have  no  Stings. 
He  is  making  a  tryal  of  Madeira  Grapes,  but  I  much  doubt 
his  Success. 

Some  years  ago,  during  the  Administration  of  Admiral 
Knowles  as  Governour,1  there  was  an  attempt  made  to  alter 
the  chief  Seat  of  Government,  and  all  the  Judicatories  from 
Spanish-Town  to  Kingston  —  this  set  the  whole  by  the  ears, 
and  since  that  time  there  have  always  subsisted  disputes 
and  Factions  in  their  Assembly,  in  which  will  always  be  a 
few  aspiring  and  Hot  headed  Men,  desirous  of  Conducting.  - 
At  present  Mr.  Lyttelton  by  his  prudence  in  siding  with  no 
party,  and  Governing  by  no  faction,  has  almost  got  over  the 
opposition  he  met  with  in  carrying  on  the  King's  business, 
which  no  Man  can  have  more  at  heart. 

On  Sunday  evening  the  $th  of  August  I  embarked  .on 
board  the  Tartar,  Sir  John  Lindesay  Commander,  in  Port 
Royal  road.  —  We  Set  Sail  early  on  Monday,  and  after 
making  the  great  Kaymana  and  the  Capes  of  Corientees 
and  Cape  Antonio,  on  the  West  end  of  Cuba,  we  kept 
aCross  the  Gulphof  Florida  falling  in  with  the  Tortuga  Bank, 
and  the  Bay  of  Apalachy.  — On  this  Bank  we  catched  much 
good  Fish  of  sorts  not  known  in  Europe,  and  some  Dolphins. 
-  On  Sunday  evening  the  iQth  of  August,  we  took  in  a  Pilot, 
and  came  to  an  Anchor  within  the  Points,  and  beyond  the 
Castle  on  Rosa  Island,  and  on  Monday  afternoon  came  to  an 
Anchor  about  two  Miles  off  of  Pensacola  Fort  and  Village, 
in  five  fathom  Water.  - 

The  Fort  is  an  Oblong  Square  with  a  double  Stockade  and 
a  very  narrow  Ditch  dug  in  the  Sand.     Four  Bastions  are  in- 

1  Sir  Charles  Knowles  was  Governor  of  Jamaica  in  1752-1756. 

381 


TRAVELS  IN  THE  AMERICAN  COLONIES 

tended.  — The  Governour's  is  the  only  tolerable  House  in  the 
place.  —  It  is  covered  with  Shingles,  and  has  a  Balcony  both 
ways  up  one  pair  of  Stairs.  —  All  the  other  Houses  are  on  the 
ground,  and  covered  with  Palmeto  Leaves.  —  It  is  a  very  poor 
place,  the  Soil  a  deep  white  Sand  for  many  Miles  round. 

The  Garrison  is  supplied  with  very  good  and  Wholesome 
water,  from  a  little  River  which  surrounds  the  place  at  some 
distance. --The  Space  between  the  Town  and  River  is 
mostly  cleared  of  Wood,  but  no  farther.  - 

The  Pitch  Pine  grows  all  round  in  great  quantities,  but 
not  very  near  each  other,  at  every  here  and  there  one  finds  a 
Cedar  Swamp,  and  under  the  large  trees  is  much  Brush  of 
Candleberry,  Myrtle,  and  Shrub  Oak. 

The  Harbour  of  Pensacola,  or  rather  the  Bay  is  magnifi 
cent,  and  might  contain  any  Fleet,  was  it  not  for  want  of 
Water  at  the  Bar,  at  present  nothing  beyond  a  Fifty  Gun 
Ship  would  get  over,  but  was  a  Squadron  for  North  America 
ever  to  be  built,  flatter  and  more  after  the  Dutch  Model,  it 
might  obviate  this  difficulty.  —  At  present  there  appears 
scarce  a  probability  of  improving  such  desert  Sands,  yet 
it  is  difficult  to  Say  how  the  Spanish  Trade  may  operate, 
since  it  will  be  more  commodiously  carried  on  here,  than  at 
any  Port  belonging  to  Great  Britain,  particularly  after  that 
the  Crown  of  Spain  shall  be  in  possession  of  all  the  East  of 
Missisipi  and  New  Orleans. --To  the  Westward  of  the 
Harbour  lies  English  point,  Point  Pedro,  and  beyond  that  a 
fine  River,  navigable  for  small  Craft  many  Miles  —  on  the 
Coast  of  this,  I  perceived  a  greater  variety  of  trees  and 
Shrubs,  amongst  which  I  found  both  the  Magnolias,  a  Sweet 
Bay,  two  kinds  of  Mapples,  two  kinds  of  Cedars,  and  an 
infinity  of  Candleberry  Myrtle,  with  some  other  sorts  re 
sembling  our  Oaks,  Beeches  and  Cedars.  --The  Ibex  here  is 
not  large,  but  like  Underwood,  the  Pines  however  are  the 
principal  produce  of  the  whole,  and  next  to  them  the  Cedar 
is  in  the  greatest  plenty.  Holly  is  very  scarce.  —  I  have  seen 
but  one  Plant. 

An  Island  called  Santa  Rosa  forms  the  Mouth  of  the  Har 
bour,  and  on  it  stands  a  trifling  little  Fort,  where  is  commonly 

382 


JOURNAL  OF  LORD  ADAM  GORDON 

a  Serjeants  Guard  with  a  Flag  Staff,  to  give  notice  to  the  Fort 
of  Pensacola,  when  any  Vessel  is  coming  in,  it  is  customary 
for  him  to  fire  one  Gun,  and  hoist  his  Colours. 

This  Island  has  no  Springs,  and  in  bad  Weather  the  little 
Garrison  in  it,  has  been  distressed  both  for  fresh  Water  and 
provisions. 

Pensacola  is  by  all  accounts  a  most  healthy  Situation, 
scarce  any  have  died  there  since  our  having  it,  but  some  who 
came  ill  from  the  Havannah. 

A[t]JVlobile  at  this  Season,  everybody  is  ill,  several  have 
died,  and  in  the  Regiment  Quarter'd  there,  they  have  but 
one  Officer  able  to  do  Duty. 

It  may  not  be  improper  in  this  place  to  take  notice  of  a 
great  neglect  at  home. 

In  East  Florida  and  the  Illinois  are  supposed  to  be  fifteen 
hundred  Men,  consisting  of  three  Battalions,  at  present  the 
22d,  34th  and  35th,  and  yet  they  are  so  incomplete,  that  I 
am  certain  in  the  three,  it  would  not  be  possible  at  this  time 
to  collect  more  than  five  hundred  Men  for  Service.  Some 
of  the  Regiments  are  Commanded  by  a  Captain,  and  in  all 
of  them  the  proportion  of  Absent  Officers  is  too  great,  in  a 
Country  as  yet  so  little  reconciled  to  our  Constitution  and 
Government. 

At  Pensacola  they  have  no  fresh  Meat,  but  what  is  brought 
from  the  Country  about  Mobile  and  the  Missisipi,  and  it 
would  be  of  the  greatest  consequence  to  Florida,  that  a 
Land  communication  between  these  two  Forts  should  be 
compleated,  which  would  not  be  very  expensive  or  difficult, 
the  whole  distance  not  exceeding  Seventy  Miles,  thro'  a 
Country  not  very  thick  of  underwood,  or  a  great  many  rivers 
intervening.  One  or  two  small  Posts  will  be  needfull,  if  this 
Plan  should  be  followed,  near  the  Rivers  of  greatest  Note, 
which  may  be  Garrisoned  one  from  Pensacola  and  another 
from  Mobile.  I  Should  suppose  a  strong  house  to  contain 
one  Company  of  Men,  and  its  Officers,  at  each  of  the  two 
Posts,  would  be  a  sufficient  force,  and  they  might  be  relieved 
every  five  or  Six  Weeks. 

It  may  be  worth  considering  in  some  time  hence,  how  far 

383 


TRAVELS  IN  THE  AMERICAN   COLONIES 

the  Rivers  running  into  Pensacola  Bay,  may  or  may  not 
have  a  communication  with  those  which  run  at  the  back  of 
West  Florida  and  Georgia,  by  which  means  a  safe  com 
munication  for  Goods  and  Passengers  might  be  not  improp 
erly  established,  between  Pensacola,  Augustine,  Savannah, 
and  East  Florida. 

The  heat  here  is  much  less  intense  than  at  Jamaica  or  the 
Leeward  Islands,  for  there  comes  almost  a  daily  breeze  from 
the  Sea,  and  the  Nights  (even  in  the  Dog-day  season)  are 
very  pleasant.  --  The  Officers  complain  much  of  Cold  in  the 
Winter  Months,  and  Easterly  Winds  which  are  very  cutting. 
The  Houses  too  are  all  framed  of  Wood,  and  covered  with 
Palmeto  leaves,  the  Sides  either  plaster  or  bark  of  trees,  and 
Scarce  a  Chimney  to  be  seen,  so  it  is  no  wonder  they  are  cold. 

Fish  I  never  saw  in  more  abundance,  or  better,  indeed  it  is 
the  Chief  sustenance  of  the  Garrison ;  they  have  got  some 
Hogs,  Goats,  and  Poultry,  but  nothing  can  be  trusted  out  of 
the  Stockade,  since  the  Indians,  who  come  frequently  to 
them,  make  a  custom  of  stealing  every  thing  that  will  eat, 
or  be  usefull.  A  propos  —  these  all  ride,  and  generally 
bring  down  more  Horses  than  they  require,  those  they 
barter  for  Rum  in  different  quantities,  and  as  the  Horses 
are  all  Stolen  from  the  back  lands  and  Traders  in  Georgia 
and  Carolina,  they  sell  them  cheap,  that  is  from  two  to  four 
Gallons,  of  Rum  a  piece.  —  but  Caveat  Emptor !  for  if  you 
do  not  keep  him  in  the  Fort,  or  a  close  house,  'till  they  are 
gone  away  with  their  presents  and  purchases,  you  will  lose 
him  the  night  after  you  buy  him,  and  the  Indian  will  sell 
him  again  to  the  first  bidder  he  meets.  They  bring  down  a 
few  Deer  and  other  Skins,  but  not  in  quantities,  and  now 
and  then  they  bring  in  some  Venison,  which  is  seldom  good. 

In  the  Winter  Months  the  Deer  come  down  nearer  the 
Coasts,  at  which  time  the  Bears,  Wolves,  and  Foxes  are  also 
in  great  Numbers  and  often  troublesome.  —  Allegators 
here  are  very  numerous  ;  I  saw  several,  and  was  present  at 
the  killing  a  large  one,  which  lay  with  its  head  out  of  cover  on 
the  Beach  —  we  all  passed  it  at  first,  and  thought  it  was  dead, 
but  one  of  the  Company  touching  it  on  the  head,  it  yawned, 

384 


JOURNAL  OF  LORD   ADAM   GORDON 

and  just  then  it  received  several  Shot  and  bullets  before  it 
died,  It  might  measure  twelve  feet  or  more. 

During  my  stay  at  Pensacola,  there  came  many  Indians, 
in  particular  the  Wolf  King,  two  other  Kings,  and  several 
Head  men  of  Tribes. --The  Wolf  seemed  a  Sensible  Old 
Man,  said  he  might  be  a  hundred  years  old,  and  that  the 
fatigues  he  had  undergone  in  going  down  to  the  Colonies  in 
Georgia  and  Carolina,  had  effected  him  and  made  him  look 
as  old  as  he  did. 

He  professed  great  friendship  for  the  British,  and  kept  a 
Strict  rein  over  the  Indians  in  his  Company,  they  were  called 
about  300,  and  encamped  or  lay  in  the  Bushes  in  a  Wood  by 
a  Brook,  within  less  than  half  a  Mile  of  the  Fort.  — They 
are  a  hardy  well  made  Set  of  people,  calculated  seemingly 
to  bear  fatigue,  their  features  are  manly  and  expressive,  and 
with  the  advantages  of  European  Education  and  Address, 
would  equal  them  in  many  particulars. -- They  early  rub 
themselves  over  with  grease  and  some  juice  of  an  Herb, 
which  renders  their  faces  and  bodies  of  a  dunn  copper  tint  — 
they  pluck  all  the  hair  off  their  beards,  and  value  high  fore 
heads,  —  what  hair  remains  they  plait  or  braid  behind  wear 
ing  a  variety  of  things  mixt  with  it,  such  as  Strings,  Shells, 
and  feathers  ;  some  wear  pieces  of  Metal  and  Shells  to  their 
Ears,  which  are  almost  always  cut  or  Slit  in  uncommon 
Shapes,  others  have  rings  in  the  gristle  of  the  Nose,  and  others 
large  broad  Bracelets  round  their  Arms  and  Wrists.  --The 
young  Children  that  attend  them  down  go  naked,  their 
Squaws  and  themselves  are  fond  of  having  their  faces 
painted  with  vermillion  and  black,  in  strange  manners  — 
when  they  come  down  it  is  always  on  Horse  back,  and  when 
they  return  they  carry  their  Kegs  of  Rum,  which  they  call 
Taffy,  upon  their  own  backs,  on  Horse-back,  as  well  as  much 
of  the  other  presents,  the  most  usual  of  which  are  as  follows. 
Rum,  Fire  Arms,  Flints,  Powder  and  ball,  Knives,  Razors, 
Blankets,  Shirts  of  all  sorts,  Beads,  looking-glasses,  and  many 
other  trifles  ;  for  these  and  such  like  they  barter  Skins  — 
mostly  Deer  Skins. 

George  Johnstone  Esqr.  was  Governour  when  I  was  at 

385 


TRAVELS  IN  THE  AMERICAN  COLONIES 

Pensacola  in  1764.  —  Salary  £1200  Ster'g  and  £300  more 
for  purchasing  and  maintaining  a  Schooner  for  the  uses  of  the 
Province. 

On  the  I2th  of  October  1764,  I  left  the  Tartar  at  anchor 
near  Rose  Island  and  Sailed  in  a  small  Schooner,  along  with 
Mr.  John  Steward1  (Superintendant  for  His  Majesty's 
Indian  affairs)  to  the  Southward  for  Mobile,  and  came  to  an 
Anchor  off  of  the  point  that  Evening  within  the  Bar  —  next 
day  we  made  Sail  up  the  Bay,  the  River  Poisson  being  to 
Starboard,  and  the  Isle  Dauphine,  or  Massacre,  being  on  our 
Larboard  Quarter,  rather  a  Stern.  We  had  a  good  Pilot, 
one  Jerome  Matulicht,  a  Sclavonian,  who  resides  between 
Mobile  and  Orleans,  and  is  a  very  sensible  fellow.  On  that 
part  of  the  Bar  of  Mobile  which  we  traversed,  were  all 
breakers,  and  not  more  than  eight  feet  water,  but  on  the 
best  passage  you  have  fourteen  feet  water.  After  you  have 
crossed  the  Bar,  which  is  not  to  be  risked  without  a  Pilot, 
you  may  carry  up  with  you  Sixteen  feet  water,  keeping  the 
middle  of  the  Channel,  until  you  come  within  two,  or  two 
and  half  Leagues  of  the  Town.  —  Round  the  Point  Mobile 
there  is  good  holding  ground  for  small  Craft,  and  if  you 
follow  that  up,  you  enter  into  a  Bay  called  St.  Andrew's  Bay, 
leading  up  the  River  Poisson,  which  ends  in  a  Swamp,  lying 
in  the  Road  between  Pensacola  and  Mobile.  —  On  passing 
over  St.  Andrew's  Bay  and  River,  you  come  to  point  of 
Land  called  Mallet  point,  from  which  place,  quite  up  there 
occurs  nothing  very  remarkable,  'till  you  meet  the  great 
Alibama  River,  which  in  its  course  divides  the  Creek,  and 
Chactaw  Nations.  On  the  Western  Shore  of  the  Bay  of 
Mobile  you  meet  first  the  River  au  Pouilles,  then  the  River 
au  Chevreuils,  and  lastly  the  River  au  Chiens,  two  Leagues 
below  the  Town.  The  Fort,  formerly  Fort  Conde,  stands 
on  the  Western  bank  of  Tombecby  2  River,  which  is  called 
Mobile  River,  for  the  space  of  twelve  Leagues  upwards,  and 
all  the  Land  which  lies  between  the  said  River,  and  the 
Alibama  is  held  common,  between  the  Creeks  and  Chactaws, 

1  Captain  John  Stuart.  2Tombigbee. 

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JOURNAL  OF  LORD   ADAM   GORDON 

altho'  the  last  pretend,  that  the  Creeks  should  not  pass  the 
Alibama  river. 

When  you  get  within  two,  or  two  and  a  half  Leagues  of 
Mobile,  the  Water  becomes  shallow,  unless  you  keep  up  on 
the  East  or  Alibama  Side,  where  you  may  ascend  above  the 
Town,  round  a  Swamp,  and  then  come  down  to  Mobile,  by  a 
Channel,  called  the  Spanish  Channel. 

The  Fort  is  on  an  Unwholesome  Situation,  altho'  it  stands 
rather  higher  than  the  Town.  —  It  is  a  Quarre  of  Brick, 
having  a  bad  dry  Ditch,  a  covered  way  Stockaded,  and  an 
unfinished  Glacis.  It  is  Casemated  and  has  bad  Barracks 
on  three  Sides,  which  may  contain  about  three  hundred  Men. 
Upon  the  whole,  it  is  Strong  enough  to  resist  all  Indian 
Attacks.  The  Town  consists  mostly  of  Straggling  houses, 
built  of  Wood,  or  Wood  and  Brick ;  the  Streets  are  well  laid 
out,  but  in  the  Summer  and  Autumn,  almost  everybody  is 
ill  of  Fevers,  Fluxes  and  Agues  ;  Bark  is  much  Administered 
and  Seldom  fails.  The  Water  in  and  near  the  Town  is  bad 
and  often  brackish  the  Natives  who  remain,  fetch  what  water 
they  drink,  at  three  Miles  distance,  and  in  general  stand  out 
better,  than  the  Garrison,  and  New  Settlers.  —  I  have 
reason  to  believe  that  such  Situations,  as  are  either  totally 
on  the  Salt  water,  or  totally  on  the  fresh  water,  are  the  most 
healthy,  and  that  such  as  are  between  both,  are  seldom  free 
from  Diseases,  particularly  in  the  fall. 

The  Land  round  Mobile,  tho'  light,  is  certainly  better 
than  about  Pensacola,  and  from  what  I  have  seen  in  South 
Carolina,  I  should  think  it  very  proper  for  the  growth  of 
Indigo ;  at  present  it  will  produce  most  of  the  American  and 
many  European  fruits  and  roots.  I  ate  here  some  excellent 
white  Figgs,  and  Saw  Vines  and  Mulberry  trees  in  abun 
dance.  The  Pines  are  the  Same  as  about  Pensacola,  but 
better  grown,  in  their  Rivers  too,  they  have  Mullet  and  other 
fish  in  plenty,  but  all  the  Channels  at  hand,  are  so  full  of 
Logs,  Stumps,  and  trees,  that  it  is  not  possible  to  hawl  a 
Seine,  and  if  you  catch  fish  on  the  Alibama  Side,  in  warm 
weather,  they  will  Stink  before  you  can  bring  them  to  Mar 
ket.  I  was  told  the  land  on  the  East  of  the  Bay,  exceeds 

387 


TRAVELS  IN  THE  AMERICAN  COLONIES 

the  other,  and  is  very  tolerably  planted,  and  Inhabited  by 
French.  In  October  1764,  when  I  was  at  Mobile,  the  Garri 
son  which  consisted  of  two  Regiments,  was  so  ill,  and  Weak, 
as  scarce  to  be  able  between  them  to  furnish  a  Subalterns 
Guard.  Few  Guns  were  mounted,  and  those  that  were,  were 
Iron  Ship  Guns.  AD  the  Platforms,  Casemates,  and  Mens 
Barracks,  wanted  repair,  and  there  were  within  the  Fort  no 
Appartments  for  Officers,  or  place  for  Stores. 

In  returning  from  Mobile  to  Pensacola,  you  Steer  down 
the  Bay,  to  the  point  of  Mobile,  eleven  Leagues  due  South, 
from  that  to  point  Lagune,  four  Leagues  East  and  by  North, 
thence  to  Point  la  Croix,  East  and  North,  Northerly,  three 
Leagues,  then  to  Point  Perdido,  sam[e]  Course  three  Leagues, 
and  from  that  to  the  Flag  Staff  on  St.  Rosa  Island,  four 
Leagues  East  and  by  North.  The  Bar  at  the  Mouth  of  the 
River  Perdido,  has  not  more  than  four  and  a  half  feet  water 
on  it,  at  low  water,  and  having  a  prodigious  Surff,  cannot  be 
attempted  but  by  very  small  Craft  —  indeed.  —  As  the 
Wind  may  be,  there  is  very  good  Anchoring  for  small  Vessels, 
either  within  or  without  the  Point  of  Mobile,  and  when  the 
Wind  is  from  the  Northward,  small  Vessels,  may  lay  safe, 
close  in,  under  the  East  end  of  Isle  Dauphin  ;  from  the  Point 
cross  the  Bay  to  said  Island  is  about  three  Leagues,  in  some 
parts  of  which  you  have  no  more  than  Six  feet  Water,  and 
the  Island  bears  from  Point  Mobile  almost  due  West. 

The  Soil  of  this  Island  is  a  Sand,  but  produces  Wild  Indigo, 
and  China  Oranges  ;  I  found  on  it  both  the  Magniolas,  the 
Persimoin  Plumb,  a  variety  of  Oaks,  Pines,  Cedars,  Plantanes 
and  Maple,  —  Fish  and  water  Fowl  in  plenty,  in  due  season, 
but  no  Deer.  I  returned  to  Pensacola  the  26th  of  October, 
and  Embarked  on  board  the  Packet-boat,  Lesslie  Groves 
Esqr.  Commander,  on  the  ist  Novr.  for  Augustine.  - 

N.B.  Was  Saluted  at  leaving'  Mobile  and  Pensacola,  by 
the  Forts  and  Ships  with  15  Guns,  and  Convoy'd  over  the 
Bar  by  Sir  John  Lindsey,  and  Captain  Lockyer  of  His 
Majesty's  Ships  Tartar  and  Nautilus. 

On  the  $th  and  6th  Novr.  we  had  hazy  weather  and  heavy 
Squals  on  Shore,  in  so  much,  that  we  with  great  Risk  and 

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JOURNAL  OF  LORD   ADAM   GORDON 

difficulty  were  able  to  weather  the  Banks,  running  off  from 
Cape  St.  Blaize.1--!  never  Saw  a  greater  Sea.  —  On  the 
jik  the  weather  mended,  and  we  kept  on  our  Course,  Steer 
ing  South  and  by  East  for  the  Tortuga  Island,  and  on  ike 
gth  about  noon  we  made  it,  it  bearing  then  from  us  East,  or 
East  and  by  South,  about  four  Miles  distance,  fourteen 
fathom  Water.  We  then  Steered  for  the  other  Tortuga, 
laid  down  in  some  Charts,  but  said  not  to  exist  in  others ; 
We  never  made  it,  but  on  the  following  day,  discovered  some 
high  lands  in  Cuba,  which  then  bore  from  us  South  East, 
about  eight  Leagues  distance,  we  kept  off  in  the  Night,  and 
stood  in  Shore  by  daylight  —  It  appeared  much  wooded, 
and  the  Inland  very  high.  —  On  the  Tortuga  Bank,  we 
caught  abundance  of  excellent  Red  rock  Cod,  and  Several 
Dolphins,  with  bait  of  the  Sucking  Fish.  —  On  Sunday  the 
nth  Cuba  bore  right  ahead,  five  Leagues.  We  Stood  in 
and  found  ourselves  off  of  a  Creek  Called  Aruca,  about  eight 
Leagues  to  the  Eastward  of  the  Havannah ;  Stood  in  and 
off  Shore,  Steering  due  West,  and  on  that  evening,  about  Six, 
came  to  an  Anchor  off  of  the  Moro2 ;  about  a  hundred  yards 
off  it  bore  E.  S.  E.  --  We  sent  our  Letters  on  Shore,  but  were 
not  Suffered  to  Land. 

Monsr.  Le  Conde  de  Ricla,  the  Spanish  Governour,  wrote 
me  a  very  polite  Letter,  excusing  the  necessity  he  was  under, 
to  conform  himself  to  the  repeated  Orders  of  his  Court,  and 
sent  me  some  Wine  etca.  —  But  Monsr.  O'Reilly,  and  Father 
Butler  of  Ireland  were  not  so  Civil.  All  the  part  of  Cuba  I 
saw,  to  the  Eastward  of  the  Havannah,  is  high,  and  much 
wooded,  the  Harbour  seems  capacious,  and  the  Town  and 
Works  round  it,  seem  all  to  be  commanded  by  the  Moro- 
Castle,  which  appears  extremely  inaccessible,  by  reason 
of  its  great  height  above  the  Water  to  any  attacks  of  Ship 
ping  ;  I  saw  many  people  at  Work,  and  was  told,  they  were 
employed,  in  repairing  the  Old,  and  constructing  the  New 
Works  of  the  Moro,  four  or  five  thousand  people  daily.  — 
After  taking  on  board  some  Water  etca.  we  Weighed  about 
five  Monday  evening  the  I2th,  Steering  for  the  high  land, 

1  San  Bias.  2  Morro  Castle. 

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TRAVELS  IN  THE  AMERICAN  COLONIES 

called  the  Matanzas,  from  which  all  Ships,  going  thro'  the 
Bahama  Streights,  chuse  (if  possible)  to  take  their  departure, 
in  order,  to  get  well  into  the  Gulph  Stream,  and  to  avoid 
falling  in  with  Cape  Florida,  or  the  Shoals  and  Rocks,  which 
lie  off  of  it,  and  are  called  the  Martyres.  To  a  person  who 
has  not  seen  it,  it  is  scarce  possible  to  conceive  an  Idea,  of  the 
Strength  and  velocity  of  the  Current,  you  meet  here,  which 
runs  ever  to  the  Northward,  and  in  that  degree,  that  altho' 
the  Wind  should  be  right  ahead,  the  Stream  will  nevertheless 
hurry  you  thro',  in  a  most  amazing  Manner. 

From  the  Matanzas  you  hold  a  Northerly  Course,  and 
you  can  scarce  go  amiss,  when  once  you  get  into  mid-channel. 
In  22  Deg's  20  Mins  N.  Latitude,  off  the  Florida  Coast  lies  a 
dangerous  Shoal,  which  runs  out  some  Leagues  from  the 
Main  land ;  It  is  called  Cape  Canaverall,  —  there  is  a  small 
Channel  for  Coasting  Vessels,  between  the  Main  and  it,  and 
I  am  told  the  Spanish  Coasters  used  it,  as  well  as  a  Channel 
between  the  Keys  and  the  Cape  of  Florida.  —  But  neither 
of  these  passes  are  to  be  risked  in  a  Vessel  of  any  draught  of 
Water,  or  without  a  Pilot.  In  Latitude  28  deg.  and  30  Min. 
lies  the  North  end  of  the  great  Bahama  Bank,  and  beyond 
that  Latitude  the  Current  will  hustle  you  both  to  the  East 
ward  and  Northward,  Surprizingly.  In  Latitude  30  you 
will  have  Soundings  many  Leagues  off  Shore,  but  will  not  be 
able  to  make  the  land  clear,  'till  you  get  into  eight  or  nine 
fathom  Water.  It  will  then  be  distant  from  you  some  two 
Leagues,  or  two  and  a  half,  and  you  will  be  easily  sensible  of 
the  Change  of  colour  in  the  water,  which  on  this  Coast  be 
comes  ever  whiter  and  more  muddy  as  you  approach  the 
Land.  —  All  the  Coast,  at,  and  about  Augustine,  appears 
flat,  and  White  sand,  much  the  same  as  in  West  Florida. 
Trees  are  seen  Inland,  and  little  worth  notice  besides  occurs. 

Our  passage  was  a  disagreeable  one,  owing  to  a  very  short 
high  Sea  ;  however  as  we  got  to  the  Northward,  we  had  better 
weather,  and  on  the  iQth  of  Novemr  we  made  the  Land  right 
ahead  and  Stood  in.  —  By  an  observation  at  noon,  we  found 
ourselves  in  30  Deg.  6  Min.  North  Latitude,  consequently 
to  the  Northward  of  our  Port,  which  by  the  most  accurate 

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JOURNAL  OF  LORD  ADAM  GORDON 

observations  hitherto  made,  lies  in  29  deg.  53  Min.  North 
Latitude. 

About  noon  we  came  to  an  Anchor  off  [St.]  Augustine  Bar, 
in  about  five  fathom  Water :  the  Island  on  which  the  Town 
stands,  as  well  as  the  Island  on  which  the  Light  house  is 
built,  being  then  in  sight :  the  Pilot  boat,  and  a  very  ill 
calculated,  insufficient  boat  she  is,  came  off,  and  carried  us 
in  over  the  Bar  and  Breakers.  I[n]  this  short  passage,  I 
apprehend,  we  ran  more  risk  of  being  lost,  than  in  any  former 
part  of  our  Voyage  —  Many  boats  and  lives  have  been  lost 
there,  and  I  never  intend  passing  it  again,  unless  upon  actual 
Service.  There  is  another  passage  called  the  Swatch,  almost 
as  dangerous  as  over  the  Bar. 

Augustine  has  all  the  appearance  of  a  place  that  will 
thrive,  altho'  the  Bar  is  an  insurmountable  obstacle  to  its 
being  a  place  of  Exportation :  for  at  the  best  of  Tide,  you 
can  bring  with  you  but  twelve  feet  of  water,  yet,  when  once 
in  the  Harbour,  you  are  safe,  and  have  deep  water.  —  But 
large  Ships  lying  at  Anchor,  off  the  Bar,  or  plying  off  and  on, 
run  risk  of  being  blown  on  Shore,  or  on  the  Breakers  which 
are  terrible,  and  what  is  worst,  it  shall  happen  in  blowing 
weather,  that  for  days,  and  Weeks,  no  boat  or  small  Vessel, 
can  venture,  either  to  go  out  or  in  over  the  Bar.  As  soon  as 
the  projected  road  from  the  Province  of  Georgia  to  Augustine 
is  compleated,  most  people  will  come  that  way,  to  Augustine 
from  Savannah,  Charlestown,  and  all  the  Northern  Provinces. 

It  may  not  be  improper  here  to  take  notice,  that  the  River 
St.  Mary's  which  divides  Georgia  from  East  Florida,  may  in 
time  became  a  usefull  Port  to  both  Provinces.  — 

The  mouth  of  this  river  by  a  very  exact  observation,  lies 
in  30  deg.  47  Min.  N.  Latitude,  and  has  at  the  deepest  seven 
fathom  water  at  entering  :  but  you  may  carry  into  the  river's 
mouth  four  fathom  and  three  fathom  water,  for  fifty  Miles 
up  at  high  water. 

The  distance  between  the  South  point  of  Cumberland 
Island,  and  the  North  point  of  Emilia,1  which  forms  the 

1  Amelia  Island. 


TRAVELS  IN  THE  AMERICAN   COLONIES 

Entrance,  is  about  one  Mile.  Upon  the  whole,  this  River, 
tho'  little  known  and  less  frequented,  may  justly  be  esteemed 
one  of  the  safest  Bars,  and  Entrances  on  all  the  Coast,  from 
Cape  Florida,  to  the  Capes  of  Virginia. 

The  Land  on  both  Banks  of  this  very  remarkable  river,  is 
mostly  Pine-Barren,  with  here  and  there  some  trifling 
Swamps,  and  several  fine  Bluffs  ;  particularly  on  the  Florida 
Shore  of  it;  which  remarks  when  duly  considered  and 
weighed,  may  some  future  day,  deserve  a  more  narrow  and 
closer  view  and  attention,  and  will  therefore  plead  my  excuse 
for  saying  so  much  on  the  Subject.  On  the  opposite  side  of 
East  Florida,  and  about  half  distance  from  St.  Mark's,  to 
the  Cape  of  Florida,  lies  the  Bay  of  Tampa,  which  is  some 
times  called  Bahia  del  Spiritu  Santo  :  It  is  supposed  to  have 
Water  to  carry  in  any  Ship  in  the  World,  and  safe  space 
within  to  contain  any  Fleet.  —  but  as  an  exact  Survey  of  it  is 
now  actually  taking,  by  orders  from  home,  I  will  say  no 
more  of  it,  only  to  remark,  the  Utility  it  may  prove  to  be  of, 
in  any  future  War  with  Spain  —  in  cutting  oft  all  communi 
cation  between  La  Vera  Crux,1  and  Cuba,  as  from  the  nature 
of  the  Trade  Winds  in  the  Gulph  of  Mexico,  all  Ships  on  that 
passage,  must  come  almost  within  sight  of  said  Harbour,  or 
Bay,  as  it  is  more  properly  called. 

The  Land  for  thirty  Miles  round  this  Bay,  is  claimed  by 
John  Gordon  Esqr.,  as  a  Spanish  purchase  :  two  considerable 
Rivers  empty  themselves  into  it,  the  heads  of  which  (some 
imagine)  actually  [connect]  with  the  Rivers  that  fall  into  the 
Sea,  near  Augustine,  but  most  people  allow,  that  with  a  very 
moderate  expence,  a  water  communication,  could  be  made 
so,  as  to  have  inland  Navigation  across  that  part  of  East 
Florida,  lying  in  a  Line  from  Augustine  to  the  Bay  of  Apa- 
lachy,  or  near  it. 

The  Fort  at  Augustine  is  a  Quarre,  smaller  but  better 
finished  than  the  Fort  at  Mobile  :  It  is  built  of  Stone,  which 
soft  at  first  Quarrying,  grows  hard  in  the  weather  and  is 
extremely  white.  It  is  Casemated  all  round  the  four  sides, 
and  can  Mount  from  Seventy  to  Eighty  pieces  of  Cannon. 

1  Vera  Cruz,  Mexico. 
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JOURNAL  OF  LORD   ADAM   GORDON 

At  present  no  more  than  Twenty  are  Mounted,  it  is  neatly 
executed,  but  on  too  small  a  Scale,  tho'  Strong  on  account 
of  the  great  difficulty  of  approaching  it,  owing  to  the  Swampy 
land  and  very  Shoal  water,  that  almost  Surrounds  it. 

Governour  Grant 1  has  fitted  up  the  House  and  formed  his 
Establishment,  his  Council  and  Courts.  Many  Gentlemen 
of  worth  and  Substance,  from  Carolina  and  Georgia,  are  in 
terms  to  Settle  in  this  Province,  and  intend  to  plant  Indigo, 
Rice  and  Cotton,  all  which,  it  is  presumed  must  answer  well. 
Towards  the  Cape,  and  on  the  South  Keys,  grow  abundance 
of  Mahogony,  live  Oak,  and  other  Timber,  valuable  in 
Ship-building,  and  other  uses  ;  the  Rivers,  Bays,  and  Coasts 
abound  in  Fish,  more  and  in  greater  variety  than  in  Europe, 
the  Inhabitants  of  Providence  2  catch  Turtle  there  every  year, 
and  Supply  themselves,  and  the  adjacent  Continent  with 
it,  as  they  do  Europe  with  Mahogony,  cut  on  the  above 
named  Keys.  Two  hundred  Bermudians  have  intentions  to 
Settle  themselves  towards  the  Cape  next  fall  and  more  of 
them  will  follow,  since  they  are  assisted,  and  enabled,  by  a 
generous  and  publick  Spirited  donation,  of  five  pounds 
Ster'g  to  each  Settler,  Woman  and  Child,  by. John  Savage 
Esqr.  of  Charlestown,  who  means  to  lay  out  for  this  purpose, 
not  less  than  five  thousand  pounds  Sterling. 

The  Soil,  in  and  near  Augustine  is  light,  and  Sandy,  yet  it 
produces  every  species  of  Garden  Stuff  known  in  Britain, 
when  sown  in  due  season.  —  When  I  was  there  in  November, 
we  had  Pease,  Beans,  Sallad,  Oranges,  Limes,  Critons  and 
Lemons,  the  Gardens  of  every  house  in  Town  are  full  of 
them,  and  also  produce  Grapes,  Figs  (two  Crops)  Peaches 
and  Pomgranates.  I  am  assured  the  Avocada  Pear,  the 
Plantane,  and  other  West  India  fruits,  have  come  to  perfec 
tion  there  :  from  whence  one  may  suppose  it  not  impracti 
cable  (particularly  towards  the  Cape,  where  there  is  richer 
land  and  more  Sun)  to  raise  Sugar,  Coffee,  Pimento,  and  all 
the  West  India  productions. 

1  James  Grant  was  governor  of  East  Florida  in  1763-1771. 

2  I.e.,  of  New  Providence  (or  Nassau)  in  the  Bahamas. 

393 


TRAVELS  IN  THE  AMERICAN  COLONIES 

The  Town  of  Augustine  has  several  good  houses  in  it,  the 
Streets  are  not  ill  laid  out,  but  too  narrow  (a  Spanish  Mode). 
It  is  remarkably  healthy,  perhaps  the  most  so  of  any  Town 
in  America ;  the  Climate  in  Winter  is  pleasant,  beyond  the 
Idea  of  any  man  who  has  never  been  out  of  Europe;  the 
Spaniards  lived  in  it  to  a  remarkable  old  age,  healthy  and 
chearful ;  our  Sick  Soldiers  from  the  Havannah,  almost  all 
did  well,  and  continue  to  look  well  in  Augustine,  and  altho' 
surrounded  with  water,  meadow  and  Marsh,  fevers  and 
Agues  are  scarce  known.  It  is  enclosed  by  a  bad  line,  and  a 
sort  of  Ditch,  the  line  was  planted  with  the  Palmeto  Royal, 
but  its  best  defence  is  the  great  difficulty  to  bring  up  any 
Artillery  against  it,  for  the  reasons  already  given.  After 
all,  from  what  I  have  seen  of  it,  and  heard  of  it,  was  I  ever 
to  apply  for  any  land  in  America,  it  should  be  in  this  Prov 
ince,  which  has  many  of  the  advantages,  and  none  of  the 
disagreeable  Circumstances,  that  too  visibly  must  occur,  in 
planting  and  Settling  the  adjacent  Province  of  West  Florida. 

On  Thursday  the  28th  of  November,  I  crossed  the  Swatch, 
and  got  on  board  the  Packet,  and  on  the  2d  of  Decemr  after 
rather  a  tedious  passage  we  came  into  Tiby  1  road,  which  is 
the  Entrance  into  Savannah  River,  passed  three  Miles  higher 
up,  and  came  to  an  Anchor  off  of  Cockspur  Fort,  on  the  right 
hand  going  up. 

The  Province  of  Georgia,  extends  from  St.  Mary's  to  the 
East  bank  of  the  Savannah  river,  the  Northern  Stream  of 
which  divides  it  from  South  Carolina.  It  was  Settled  orig 
inally  by  Oglethorpe  in  I738,2  and  was  vested  in  the  hands 
of  several  t[r]ustees,  however  that  plan  failed,  and  for  a  little 
more  than  twelve  years,  it  has  been  a  Royal  Government, 
since  which  alteration,  it  has  annually  increased,  and  in  a 
great  proportion  too,  —  so  late  as  the  year  1761,  the  Rice 
exported  from  this  Province,  did  not  exceed  five  thousand 
Barrels,  in  1763  it  amounted  to  12000,  and  is  annually 
increasing,  —  in  this  same  year  they  exported,  commodities 
to  the  amount  of  £50.000  Sterling. 

1  Tybee.  *  *733- 

394 


JOURNAL  OF  LORD  ADAM   GORDON 

The  Capital  Town  called  Savannah,  is  extremely  well 
laid  out,  and  the  buildings  in  it  are  increasing  in  Number,  and 
Size.  —  It  stands  on  a  bluff  fifty  feet  above  the  Surface  of  the 
River,  about  fifteen  Miles  from  the  Mouth  at  Tiby  Light 
house,  about  Miles  l  below  Purisburg  2  and  near  three 
hundred  Miles,  below  Augusta,  to  which  place  Savannah 
river  is  Navigable  for  large  Boats.  —  By  Land  the  distance 
is  near  half  as  much. 

Within  twelve  miles  of  Savannah,  the  Governour  3  carried 
me  to  visit  the  Orphan  house,4  which  is  a  large  Substantial 
commodious  Building,  erected  by  Contributions  collected 
from  the  charitable  and  benevolent,  by  the  Revd.Mr.  George 
Whitfield,  and  supported  to  this  period  in  the  same  manner. 
Several  Orphans  have  been  reared  and  educated  here,  and 
put  out  to  different  Masters. — Upwards  of  £12.000  Sterg  has 
by  the  Books,  been  collected,  expended,  and  most  exactly 
accounted  for,  by  the  said  Revd.  Gentleman,  who  has  con 
tributed  a  Sum,  little  short  of  £3.000,  of  his  own  towards  it, 
and  is  now  about  conveying  and  punctually  vesting  it  (to 
gether  with  all  the  land,  Negroes,  Stock  etca.  amounting 
to  an  annual  fund  of  near  £500,  a  year  Sterg)  in  the  hands  of 
Trustees,  to  be  named  by  Royal  Charter,  for  a  College  to 
educate  youth,  which  disinterested  plan,  is  justly  much 
applauded,  by  the  Governour,  and  Province  of  Georgia,  as 
tending  very  much  to  the  advantage  of  that  Province, 
and  all  other  His  Majesty's  Southern  Dominions,  where  no 
place  for  Education  of  that  kind  has  yet  been  attempted. 

The  produce  of  Silk  does  well  here,  but  will  still  stand  in 
need  of  the  aiding  hand  of  Parliament — the  annual  quantity, 
at  an  average  of  three  years  past,  made  and  sent  to  Britain, 
has  been  about  1000  pounds  weight,  and  is  likely  rather  to 
increase  than  diminish.  Mulberry  trees  grow  in  great 
perfection,  as  well  as  other  European  productions,  except 
Apples.  —  I  saw  a  Cabbage  from  one  root,  which  produced 
many  heads,  and  spread  over  a  Circumference  of  thirty 

1  Twenty-two  miles.  2  Purrysburg,  South  Carolina. 

3  James  Wright  was  governor  of  Georgia  in  1760-1782. 

4  Bethesda,  on  a  bluff  near  the  seashore. 

2C  395 


TRAVELS  IN  THE  AMERICAN   COLONIES 

feet.  —  It  has  stood  and  Seeded  three  years.  The  same 
Garden  produced  a  Potatoe,  which  weighed  ten  pounds  and 
three  Quarters. 

The  Governour  and  Council  live  all  in  love  and  unanimity 
and  there  is  all  the  probability  in  the  world,  to  judge  from 
the  face  of  the  land,  the  multitude  and  depth,  as  well  as  the 
long  course  of  their  Rivers,  their  inShore  Navigation,  and 
the  Security  derived  to  them  from  the  addition  of  the  two 
new  Southern  Provinces,1  as  well  as  their  own  Industry  and 
Application,  that  Georgia  will  become  one  of  the  richest,  and 
most  considerable  Provinces  in  British  America,  and  that  in 
a  very  few  years,  provided  peace  continues.  The  Soil 
about  Savannah  is  light  and  Sandy,  which  is  troublesome  in 
windy  weather,  the  Tide  land  on  both  sides  the  river,  is 
mostly  Cypress  Swamp,  and  the  fittest  for  Rice,  and  all 
other  productions  that  can  exist,  since,  when  properly  banked 
in,  and  drained,  you  need  have  no  dependance  on  Seasons, 
but  either  overflow  or  keep  dry  your  fields,  just  as  you  please. 

N.B.  Some  land  of  this  nature  in  South  Carolina  has 
produced  Rice  for  forty  years  successively,  and  has  improved 
every  year  as  well  in  the  quality  as  quantity  of  the  grain, 
without  any  manure. 

On  the  Carolina  side  of  Savannah  River,  in  one  Stretch 
there  lies  near  40.000  Acres  of  such  Swamp  land,  as  yet 
mostly  to  clear,  and  on  the  Georgia  side,  a  large  proportion 
of  the  same  land,  tho'  not  quite  so  much. --The  Exports 
from  Georgia  are,  Rice,  Indigo,  Pitch,  Tar,  Turpentine, 
Hides,  Deer  Skins,  Lumber,  Timber  of  most  kinds,  and  for 
most  purposes,  and  raw  Silk.  I  am  told  Sunbury  is  a  thriv 
ing  place,  and  a  tolerable  Harbour  and  Bar,  a  forty  Gun 
Ship  can  come  up  above  Tiby  and  lie  Safe. 

James  Wright  Esqr.  was  Governour  of  Georgia  in  February 
1765  when  I  was  there,  a  very  worthy  Gentleman  and  much 
respected  by  the  Province,  and  by  every  body  who  has  the 
happyness  of  knowing  him. 

The  Currency  of  both  Floridas,  and  Georgia  is  Sterling 
money. 

1  The  Floridas. 
396 


JOURNAL  OF  LORD  ADAM   GORDON 

I  arrived  at  Charlestown,  the  Metropolis  of  South  Caro 
lina,  on  the  8th  Decemr.  1764,  having  landed  at  Beaufort 
in  Port  Royal  Island,  some  days  before  from  Savannah 
river,  which  divides  it  from  Georgia,  as  an  imaginary  Line 
does  this  Province  from  North  Carolina. 

It  is  of  all  the  Southern  Provinces  the  most  considerable, 
on  account  of  the  Number  of  Inhabitants,  the  quantity  and 
the  variety  of  its  productions  and  Exports,  and  the  good  con 
dition  of  its  Inhabitants.  There  seems  in  general  to  be  but  two 
Classes  of  people  —  the  planters  who  are  the  proprietors, 
and  the  Merchants  who  purchase  and  Ship  the  produce. 

Rice  and  Indigo  are  the  two  grand  Staples  of  this  Province, 
of  which  very  great  quantities  are  annually  made  and  Ex 
ported  to  Europe  and  elsewhere.  —  It  has  been  augmenting 
annually  in  Numbers,  wealth  and  Industry,  since  the  Crown 
purchas'd  out  the  Lords  proprietors,  and  as  none  of  its  Ex 
ports  or  productions,  interfere  with  those  of  the  Mother 
Country,  it  will  be  prudent  in  her  to  give  this  Province  all 
possible  encouragement. 

Almost  every  family  of  Note  have  a  Town  residence,  to 
which  they  repair  on  publick  occasions,  and  generally  for 
the  three  Sickly  months  in  the  fall,  it  being  a  certainty,  that 
the  Town  of  Charles  Town,  is  'at  present  the  most  healt[h]y 
spot  in  the  Province  ;  fevers  and  other  disorders  are  both  less 
frequent  in  it,  and  less  virulent  in  their  Symptoms ;  this  is 
attributed  to  the  Air  being  mended  by  the  Number  of  Fires 
in  Town,  as  much  as  to  its  cool  Situation,  on  a  point,  at  the 
junction  of  the  two  navigable  Streams,  called  Ashley  and 
Cowper  l  Rivers. 

The  Inhabitants  are  courteous,  polite  and  affable,  the 
most  hospitable  and  attentive  to  Strangers,  of  any  I  have 
yet  seen  in  America,  very  clever  in  business,  and  almost  all 
of  them,  first  or  last,  have  made  a  trip  to  the  Mother- 
Country.  It  is  the  fashion  indeed  to  Send  home  all  their 
Children  for  education,  and  if  it  was  not  owing  to  the  nature 
of  their  Estates  in  this  Province,  which  they  keep  all  in  their 


1  Cooper. 
397 


TRAVELS  IN  THE  AMERICAN  COLONIES 

own  hands,  and  require  the  immediate  overlooking  of  the 
Proprietor,  I  am  of  opinion  the  most  opulent  planters,  would 
prefer  a  home  life.  It  is  in  general  believed,  that  they  are 
more  attached  to  the  Mother  Country,  than  those  Provinces 
which  lie  more  to  the  Northward,  and  which  having  hardly 
any  Staple  Commodities  of  their  own  growth,  except  Lum 
ber,  Stock  and  Horses,  depend  mostly  on  Smuggling  Molasses 
and  other  Contraband  Commodities. 

The  Town  of  Charlestown  is  very  pleasantly  Seated,  at  the 
conflux  of  two  pretty  rivers,  from  which  all  the  Country 
product  is  brought  down,  and  in  return  all  imported  goods 
are  sent  up  the  Country.  —  The  Streets  are  Straight,  broad 
and  Airy,  the  Churches  are  handsome ;  The  other  places  of 
Worship  are  commodious,  and  many  of  the  houses  belonging 
to  Individuals,  are  large  and  handsome,  having  all  the  con- 
veniencies  one  sees  at  home. --There  is  a  Law  against 
building  houses  of  Wood,  which  like  other  Laws  in  other 
Countries  no  body  observes,  however,  the  most  considerable 
buildings  are  of  Brick,  the  others  of  Cypress  and  yellow  Pine. 
The  houses  now  are  about  fifteen  hundred,  but  increase 
annually  in  a  very  surprizing  manner. 

Their  Bar,  which  is  very  intricate,  seems  their  only  defence, 
for  tho'  they  have  a  Fort  below  the  Town,  and  a  kind  of 
earthen  Rampart,  with  some  Tabby  works,  round  particular 
parts  of  Charlestown,  yet  it  would  not  be  tenible,  against 
attacks  of  Shipping,  or  from  the  land,  and  therefore  must 
fall  a  prey  to  any  Enemy,  the  moment  we  lose  our  Superi 
ority  at  Sea.  —  A  Forty  Gun  Ship  has  been  in,  but  small 
Frigates  and  Sloops  are  generally  employed  on  that  Station. 

The  Town  of  Beaufort,  Situated  on  Port  Royal  Island  and 
Sound,  has  more  depth  of  water  on  its  Bar,  but  being  on  an 
Island  there  is  a  difficulty  of  bringing  down  the  exportable 
Commodities,  which  will  for  ever  prevent  its  Rivalling 
Charlestown,  in  wealth  or  grandeur. 

On  the  Northern  part  of  South  Carolina,  Stands  George- 
Town,  a  pretty  little  Town  near  Wynyaw  river,1  and  not  far 

1  Georgetown  is  at  the  head  of  Winyah  Bay. 
398 


JOURNAL  OF  LORD  ADAM   GORDON 

from  Pedee,  Black  river  and  Wakama,1  which  river,  I  should 
think,  would  make  a  more  Sure  and  Commodious  bound 
ary,  between  the  two  Carolinas,  than  any  limits  they  now 
have. 

The  back  Country  towards  the  Cherokee  Mounts  and 
Nation,  is  all  healthy  and  fertile  land,  producing  large  Oak, 
and  other  deciduous  timber,  and  is  finely  watered,  without 
much  Sand  or  Pine-barren,  but  is  not  yet  fully  peopled ;  — 
In  general  what  part  of  South  Carolina  is  planted,  is  counted 
unhealthy,  owing  to  the  Rice-dams  and  Swamps,  which  as 
they  occasion  a  great  quantity  of  Stagnated  water  in  Sum 
mer,  never  fails  to  increase  the  Number  of  Insects,  and  to 
produce  fall  fevers  and  Agues,  dry  gripes  and  other  dis 
orders,  which  are  often  fatal  to  the  lower  set  of  people,  as 
well  White  as  Black.  — 

Within  these  two  or  three  last  years,  a  pretty  considerable 
quantity  of  Flax  and  Hemp,  has  been  raised  by  the  Germans 
and  other  back  Settlers,  which,  as  well  as  the  produce  of  a 
considerable  part  of  North  Carolina,  comes  down  to  Charles- 
town  in  Waggons,  drawn  with  four  Horses,  two  abreast  - 
perhaps  at  the  distance  of  three  hundred  Miles  —  this 
would  appear  extraordinary  at  home,  but  it  must  be  remem- 
ber'd  that  they  live  at  no  more  expence  when  travelling 
than  they  would  at  home,  since  the[y]  lie  in  the  woods  all 
night,  make  a  good  fire  to  dress  their  Bacon,  and  turn  their 
Horses  loose  near  them,  'till  day  light,  after  which  they  pro 
ceed  on  their  Journey,  and  carry  back  in  Return  what 
goods  they  stand  in  need  of  themselves,  or  for  their  neigh 
bours  in  the  back  Settlements. 

It  is  pretty  singular  to  remark,  that  the  Number  of  White 
Inhabitants,  fit  to  bear  Arms  in  one  of  their  back  Counties, 
called  Craven  County,  —  does,  —  at  present  exceed  what 
was  the  Number  of  fighting  Men,  in  all  the  Province  Seven 
years  ago,  —  from  this  —  I  conclude  that  the  farther  you  go 
back  from  the  Sea  Board  in  America,  the  more  fertile  the  land 
is,  and  the  more  healthy  the  Climate,  for  there  the  people 

1  Waccamaw. 
399 


TRAVELS  IN  THE  AMERICAN   COLONIES 

increase  and  breed,  and  rear  up  more  Children  than  towards 
the  Pine  barren  and  Sandy  Shores. 

The  Tide  Swamp  land  in  these  Southern  Provinces  is  by 
much  the  most  valuable,  since,  when  they  are  properly 
banked  in,  and  your  trunks  and  dams  in  perfect  good  order,  by 
a  judicious  use  of  these  advantages,  it  is  alternately  equally 
capable  and  fit  to  produce  the  two  great  Staple  Commodities 
-  Vizt  Rice  and  Indigo,  the  first  requiring  an  uncommon 
degree  of  moisture  or  Water,  and  the  last,  dry  and  rich  land, 
altho'  the  light  land  very  near  the  Shore,  will  fetch  very  Sur 
prizing  Crops  of  Indigo,  for  two  or  three  years,  but  it  must 
then  be  thrown  out,  and  left  to  time  to  recover  its  fertility. 

Poultry  and  Pork,  particularly  Hams  are  excellent  here.  — 
Beef  and  Mutton  middling,  and  Fish  very  rare  and  dear ; 
the  general  drink  of  the  better  people  is  Punch  and  Madeira 
Wine,  and  many  prefer  Grog  and  Toddy.  —  All  the  poor, 
and  many  of  the  Rich,  eat  Rice  for  Bread,  and  give  it  even  a 
preference  ;  they  use  it  in  their  Cakes,  called  Journey  Cakes 
and  boiled,  or  else  boiled  Indian  corn,  which  they  call 
Hominy,  and  of  this  they  have  two  sorts,  the  great  and 
small  —  the  last  I  think  the  best. 

Upon  the  whole,  this  is  undoubtedly  one  of  the  most 
opulent,  and  most  increasing  Colonies  in  America,  and  bids 
fair  to  exceed  all  the  others,  if  it  advances  in  the  like  pro 
portion  as  it  has  done  for  forty  years  past.  - 

The  unhappy  differences  which  have  Subsisted  for  some 
years  past,  between  the  Governour  and  the  Commons  — 
House  of  Assembly,  and  are  not  yet  set  to  rights,  have  been 
the  means  of  this  Country  not  standing  so  well  at  home,  as 
otherways  they  would  have  done,  and  as  they  really  deserve 
to  do. 

The  Country  from  Pedee  river  to  Brunswick  in  North 
Carolina,  is  altogether  a  Pine-barren,  as  indeed  is  most  of 
that  Province  that  lies  on  the  Sea  Board,  but  up  Cape  Fear 
River,  after  it  divides  into  the  North  East  and  North  West 
Rivers,  the  land  grows  better,  and  when  properly  cleared  and 
Cultivated,  will  produce  all  manner  of  Grain  in  plenty  and 
perfection. 

400 


JOURNAL  OF  LORD   ADAM   GORDON 

About  twelve  miles  below  Brunswick  lies  Fort  Johnston,  a 
tolerable  little  Quarre,  built  of  Tabby,  and  mounting  about 
thirty  pieces  of  Cannon  18  and  9  pounders,  —  the  best  of  the 
Water  lies  near  this  Fort,  tho'  there  is  another  Channel  for 
small  Vessels. --The  Bar  is  not  a  bad  one,  and  has  on  it 
about  19  feet,  or  better  at  high  water. 

About  fifteen  Miles  above  Brunswick,  on  the  forks  of  the 
River  lies  the  Town  of  Wilmington,  a  very  pretty  Situation, 
but  the  Land  about  is  very  poor  —  near  it  is  a  good  Saw-Mill, 
and  a  very  commodious  Creek.  -  -  The  Country  from  Wil 
mington  to  New-Bern  is  very  indifferent,  but  about  New 
Bern,  on  the  conflux  of  the  Nuse  and  the  Trent,  the  land  is 
better,  and  if  the  Seat  of  Government  Should  ever  happen  to 
be  established  there,  as  it  probably  may,  from  its  being  nearly 
Central,  it  will  become  a  place  of  Note  very  soon,  and  will 
outvie  any  other  Town  in  North  Carolina. 

From  that  to  Tar  River,  Ronoak  River  and  Halifax,  the 
Country  mends,  as  one  goes  back,  near  the  last  place  at 
Occaneechy  neck  there  is  an  excellent  tract  of  land,  on  it  is 
the  Seatof  Mr.  Jones,1  a  good  House,  and  a  pretty  place,  from 
that  you  have  but  a  few  miles  to  the  Virginia  Line. 

The  Province  of  North  Carolina  abounds  in  White  Inhabit 
ants,  they  are  said  to  be  upwards  of  42.000  Men  fit  to  bear 
Arms,  and  live  mostly  in  the  back  Country.  They  grow 
but  very  little  Rice  or  Indigo,  raise  a  good  deal  of  Wheat  and 
other  grain,  and  export  more  Naval  Stores,  Pitch  and  Tar 
than  any  other  Province,  also  some  Deer  Skins,  and  other 
Furs,  but  they  are  much  divided  among  themselves. 

Mr.  Dobbs  2  their  Governour  died  whilst  I  was  there,  and 
is  Succeeded  by  Colonel  Wm.  Tryon,  a  very  worthy  Gentle 
man,  very  agreeable  to  the  Province,  and  equal  in  every 
respect  to  the  Charge  His  Majesty  has  reposed  on  him. 

I  left  Charlestown  the  Middle  of  March  176$,  and  pro 
ceeded  on  to  North  Carolina,  thro'  a  very  bad  Country, 
from  Wakama  River  to  Brunswick,  full  of  Pine-barren  and 
Sand,  the  back  called  long  Bay  is  pleasant  enough,  to  a 

1  Willie  Jones,  a  political  leader  in  the  American  Revolution. 

2  Arthur  Dobbs  was  Governor  of  North  Carolina  in  1754-1765. 

401 


TRAVELS  IN  THE  AMERICAN   COLONIES 

Stranger,  the  Accommodation  for  Travellers  is  but  very 
middling,  and  for  Horses  very  bad,  'till  you  reach  Cape  Fear 
River. 

Brunswick  does  not  seem  very  thriving,  altho'  the  late 
and  the  present  Governour,  have  mostly  made  it  their 
residence. 

Wilmington  is  a  larger  and  more  populous  Town  than 
Brunswick,  it  lies  up  the  same  River  15  Miles,  which,  close 
to  it,  forks,  and  runs  in  both  divisions,  for  two  hundred 
Miles  up  and  more — On  these  Branches  I  saw  some  good 
provision  Land,  and  Some  Swamp,  which  if  well  managed, 
would  bring  Rice,  but  the  Rice  produced  in  that  Province 
falls  Short  of  that  in  South  Carolina,  being  less  heavy  in 
equal  quantities  ;  hetherto  1  the  Settlers  have  gone  more  upon 
Naval  Stores  than  raising  Crops,  and  in  that  and  cutting 
Lumber  and  Staves,  consist  most  of  there  sure  Trade.  Here, 
in  the  back-lands,  they  raise  Hemp,  Flax,  Wheat,  Corn 
and  Pease,  and  are  extremely  Populous  in  Whites,  who 
come  out  poor  and  earn  with  hard  labour,  their  bread  and 
Clothing. 

It  is  far  behind  the  neighbouring  Provinces  in  Industry 
and  application.  —  My  Lord  Granville  is  proprietor,  of 
more  than  one  half  of  the  best  of  the  Province,  and  tho'  it  is 
but  an  unprofitable  Estate  to  his  Lordship,  it  affects  the 
whole,  and  is  the  means  of  Differences  and  Disputes,  which 
hurt  the  whole.2 

Mr.  Dobbs  and  the  Assembly  could  not  agree  for  some 
years  past,  but  I  [have]  reason  to  believe  that  Mr.  Tryon  the 
present  Lieutenant  Governour,  by  his  prudence  and  coolness, 
and  by  siding  with  no  party,  but  doing  the  King's  business, 
and  consulting  the  good  of  the  Whole,  and  moving  the  Assem 
bly  to  Newburn,  the  most  Central  Town,  will  greatly  recon- 

1  Hitherto. 

2  Richard,  Earl  Granville,  great-great-grandson  of  Sir  George 
Carteret,  who  was  one  of  the  original  proprietors  of  Carolina. 
When  the  other  proprietors  sold  their  shares  to  the  Crown  in 
1729,  Granville's  father  refused  to  do  so  and  was  subsequently 
given  his  share  in  land. 

402 


JOURNAL  OF  LORD  ADAM  GORDON 

cile  the  heats  and  Animosities,  which  have  long  subsisted, 
between  the  Northern  and  Southern  Interests  of  this  Prov 
ince. 

The  Land  from  Newburn  to  Halifax  is  better,  and  you 
cross  Tar  River,  and  Several  Creeks  before  you  come  to 
Ronoak  on  which  is  Halifax,  a  pretty  neat  small  place  and 
was  thriving  before  Tobacco  fell,  but  is  now  falling  off. 

After  you  cross  James  River  the  land  mends,  and  is  good 
all  the  way  to  Williamsburgh,  which  is  the  Seat  of  Govern 
ment,1  and  much  resembles  a  good  Country  Town  in  England  : 
here  is  a  very  handsome  Statehouse,  commodious  for  all  the 
Courts,  and  both  the  Houses  of  Council  and  Assembly  —  a 
very  large  and  handsome  College 2  —  probably  Eighty 
Students,  a  foundation  of  Mr.  Boyle's  for  the  education  of 
Six  Indian  boys.3  —  One  Mr.  Horrox  4  is  President,  and  there 
are  two  other  Masters. 

There  are  many  good  Houses  in  Town,  where  the  Courts 
meet  twice  a  year,  in  April  and  October,  and  continue  for 
24  days  together,  except  Sundays. --The  Governour  and 
Council  are  Judges  in  all  Causes. 

The  people  are  well  bred,  polite,  and  extremely  civil  to 
Strangers. -- The  Governour's  House  is  handsome  and 
commodious,  and  he  himself  very  happy,  and  the  people  so 
in  him.5 

There  are  two  other  Courts-  of  Oyer  and  Terminer,  at 
which  the  Council  also  attend,  there6  powers  are  greater  than 
those  of  any  other  Province,  and  they  have  no  Chief  Justice. 

The  principal  Rivers  of  this  Province,  beginning  to  the 
Southward,  are  James, York,  Rappahanock,  and  Potomack, 
which  divides  from  Maryland. — These  fork,  and  form  several 
large  and  Navigable  rivers,  which  go  up  the  Country,  some 

1  Of  Virginia. 

2  The  College  of  William  and  Mary. 

3  The  Indian  School,  a  branch  of  the  College,  was  founded  by 
Robert  Boyle. 

4  Rev.  James  Horrocks  was  president  of  William  and  Mary  in 
1764-1772. 

5  Francis  Fauquier,   lieutenant-governor  of  Virginia   in    1758- 
1768.  6  Their. 

403 


TRAVELS  IN  THE  AMERICAN   COLONIES 

of  them  two  hundred,  and  some  of  them  more  [than  two 
hundred]  Miles. 

I  am  well  assured  by  Gentlemen,  whose  veracity  I  can 
depend  upon,  that  the  back  Country  of  Virginia,  particu 
larly  towards  Lord  Fairfax's  l  property,  is  as  fine,  and  rich 
land,  as  any  in  the  world,  producing  all  kinds  of  grain  and 
grass  in  perfection,  and  great  abundance,  being  also  ex 
tremely  temperate  as  to  Climate,  and  having  scarce  any 
Musquitos,  or  other  troublesome  Insects. 

The  Soil  of  the  lower  part  of  Virginia  is  light,  tho'  often  a 
whitish  clay  at  bottom,  producing  the  best  Tobacco  in  the 
World,  and  many  other  useful  Crops.  —  From  the  high 
Duty  on  that  Commodity,  its  value  is  fallen,  and  many  people 
are  going  upon  Hemp,  which  it  is  hoped  may  succeed,  if  the 
Bounty  is  continued. 

This  Province  was  the  first  Settled  of  any  on  the  Continent, 
it  has  always  been  a  Loyal  one. --The  first  Settlers  were 
many  of  them  younger  Brothers  of  good  Families,  in  Eng 
land,  who  for  different  motives  chose  to  quit  home  in  search 
of  better  fortune,  their  descendants,  who  possess  the  greatest 
land  properties  in  the  Province,  have  intermarried,  and  have 
had  always  a  much  greater  connection  with,  and  dependance 
on  the  Mother  Country,  than  any  other  Province,  the  nature 
of  their  Situation  being  such  from  the  commodiousness  and 
Number  of  Navigable  rivers  and  Creeks,  that  they  may 
Export  to,  and  import  from,  home  everything  they  raise  or 
want,  from  within  a  few  miles  of  their  own  houses,  and 
cheaper  than  any  neighbouring  province  could  supply  them. 
They  have  almost  always  lived  in  good  harmony  with  their 
Governours,  and  with  one  another ;  they  each  live  at  their 
own  Seats,  and  are  seldom  at  Williamsburgh,  but  when  the 
publick  business  requires  their  attendance,  or  that  their 
own  private  affairs  call  them  there,  scarce  any  of  the  topping 
people  have  [a]  house  there  of  their  own,  but  in  the  Country 
they  live  on  their  Estates  handsomely,  and  plentifully, 

1  Thomas  Fairfax,  whose  estate,  comprising  nearly  one  fourth 
of  Virginia,  lay  for  the  most  part  between  the  Rappahannock 
and  the  Potomac. 

404 


JOURNAL  OF  LORD  ADAM   GORDON 

raising  all  they  require,  and  depending  for  nothing  on  the 
Market. 

Money  is  at  present  a  scarce  Commodity,  all  goes  to 
England,  and  I  am  much  at  a  loss  to  find  out  how  they  will 
find  Specie,  to  pay  the  Duties  last  imposed  on  them  by  the 
Parliament.1  I  have  had  an  opportunity  to  see  a  good  deal 
of  the  Country,  and  many  of  the  first  people  in  the  Province 
and  I  must  Say  they  far  exceed  in  good  sense,  affability,  and 
ease,  any  set  of  men  I  have  yet  fallen  in  with,  either  in  the 
West  Indies,  or  on  the  Continent,  this  in  some  degree  may 
be  owing  to  there  being  most  of  them  educated  at  home,  but 
cannot  be  altogether  the  cause,  since  there  are  amongst 
them  many  Gentlemen,  and  almost  all  the  Ladies,  who  have 
never  been  out  of  their  own  Province,  and  yet  are  as  sensible, 
conver[s]able  and  accomplished  people,  as  one  would  wish  to 
meet  with. 

Upon  the  whole,  was  [it]  the  case  to  live  in  America,  this 
Province,  in  point  of  Company  and  Climate,  would  be  my 
choice  in  preference  to  any,  I  have  yet  seen  ;  the  Country  in 
general  is  more  cleared  of  wood,  the  houses  are  larger,  better 
and  more  commodious  than  those  to  the  Southward,  their 
Breed  of  Horses  extremely  good,  and  in  particular  those  they 
run  in  their  Carriages,  which  are  mostly  from  thorough  bred 
Horses  and  country  Mares,  —  they  all  drive  Six  horses,  and 
travel  generally  from  8  to  9  Miles  an  hour  —  going  frequently 
Sixty  Miles  to  dinner  —  you  may  conclude  from  this  their 
Roads  are  extremely  good  —  they  live  in  such  good  agree 
ment,  that  the  Ferries,  which  would  retard  in  another  Coun 
try,  rather  accelerate  their  meeting  here,  for  they  assist  one 
another,  and  all  Strangers  with  their  Equipages  in  so  easy 
and  kind  a  manner,  as  must  deeply  touch  a  person  of  any 
feeling  and  convince  them  that  in  this  Country,  Hospitality 
is  every  where  practised. 

Their  provisions  of  every  kind  is  good,  their  Rivers  supply 
them  with  a  variety  of  Fish,  particularly  Crabs  and  Oysters, 
-  their  pastures  afford  them  excellent  Beef  and  Mutton, 
and  their  Woods  are  Stocked  with  Venison,  Game  and  Hogs. 
1  The  Stamp  Act  is  here  referred  to. 
405 


TRAVELS  IN  THE  AMERICAN   COLONIES 

Poultry  is  as  good  as  in  South  Carolina,  and  their  Madeira 
Wine  excellent,  almost  in  every  house ;  Punch  and  small 
Beer  brewed  from  Molasses  is  also  in  use,  but  their  Cyder  far 
exceeds  any  Cyder  I  ever  tasted  at  home  —  It  is  genuine 
and  unadulterated,  and  will  keep  good  to  the  age  of  twelve 
years  and  more.  - 

The  Women  make  excellent  Wives,  and  are  in  general 
great  Breeders.  —  It  is  much  the  fashion  to  Marry  young 
and  what  is  remarkable  in  a  Stay  I  have  made  of  near  a 
Month  in  the  Province  —  I  have  not  heard  of  one  unhappy 
couple. 

The  Numbers  of  Inhabitants  in  Virginia,  are  supposed 
to  be  not  fewer  than  444.000  —  of  near  equal  proportions  of 
Whites  and  Blacks,  the  Mulatoes  are  much  less  frequently 
met  with  here,  than  in  the  more  Southern  Latitudes,  and 
their  Slaves  in  general  are  more  handsome,  and  better 
Clothed  than  any  I  [have]  seen  elsewhere ;  —  the  generality 
of  those  born  in  the  Province,  are  brought  young  to  Church 
and  Christen'd,  and  most  Parishes  have  one,  two  or  three 
very  decent  Churches  in  them,  built  of  Brick  and  Sashed, 
in  which,  established  Clergymen  of  the  Church  of  England, 
officiate  alternately. 

Norfolk  is  the  Port  of  most  traffick  in  Virginia,  it  contains 
above  four  hundred  houses,  has  depth  of  Water  for  a  Forty 
Gun  Ship,  or  more,  and  conveniencies  of  every  kind  for 
heaving  down,  and  fitting  out  large  Vessels,  also  a  very  fine 
Rope-Walk.  There  is  a  passage  Boat  from  Hampton  to 
Norfolk,  but  the  pleasantest  Situation  [on]  one  of  them  I 
ever  saw,  was  York,  on  the  beautiful  River  of  that  name, 
which  commands  a  full  view  of  the  River  down  towards 
the  Bay  of  Chesepeak,  and  a  pretty  land  view  across  to 
Glo[u]cester  Town  and  County,  which  contains  some  of  the 
best  lowlands  in  the  Province.  The  timber  resembles  that 
in  the  Southern  Provinces,  but  I  apprehend  there  are  none  of 
the  great  Magniolas,1  northwards  of  Carolina. 

Tulip  trees  are  in  great  quantities,  some  I  [have]  seen 
[are]  not  less  than  twenty  feet  round,  and  Ninety  high,  the 

1  Magnolias. 
406 


JOURNAL  OF  LORD  ADAM  GORDON 

Dogwood  flourishes  here,  and  is  covered  with  beautiful  white 
flowers  in  April,  the  Woods  are  full  of  a  more  beautiful  kind 
of  Honey  Suckle  than  ours,  but  not  near  so  fragrant.  —  In 
the  back  Country  there  are  Mines  of  Lead  and  Iron,  which  if 
properly  wrought,  and  duly  encouraged  from  home,  would 
turn  out  well.  —  All  manner  of  European  fruits,  roots  and 
Garden  Stuff  do  well  here,  and  many  of  the  productions  of 
warmer  Countries. — Altho'  Oranges  cannot  stand  the 
Nipping  frosts,  and  cold  land  Winds,  that  blow  during  the 
Winter  Months,  their  Springs  are  incertain,  and  weather  very 
changeable,  which  produces  in  Spring  and  fall,  fevers  and 
Agues,  which  the  Natives  themselves  are  very  liable  to :  — 
In  general,  I  think  it  a  more  healthy  Country  than  South 
Carolina,  and  in  every  respect  a  more  pleasant  one.  - 

Mr.  Fauquier  was  Lieutenant  Governour  in  1765,  when  I 
was  there,  and  Sir  Jeffery  Amherst  Governour,1  the  Salary 
from  home  2oco£  Sterling,  and  the  perquisites  not  much 
less  —  perhaps  — I5oo£.  —  N.B.  a  very  good  House  and 
Garden  in  Williamsburgh. 

The  quantity  of  Tobacco,  exported  at  an  Average,  of  Ten 
Years  past  from  Virginia,  is  supposed  to  be  from  Fifty 
to  Sixty  thousand  Hogsheads  annually,  at  about  a  thousand 
neat  pounds  per  Hogshead. 

About  the  beginning  of  May  I  crossed  Potomack  from 
Colonel  Philip  Lees  2  to  Cedar  point,  —  about  forty  Miles 
from  its  entrance  into  the  Bay  of  Chesepeak.  --This  River 
divides  Maryland  from  Virginia,  and  is  one  of  the  largest 
and  most  considerable  in  these  parts,  being  Navigable  for 
Frigates  as  far  up  as  Alexandria,  a  place  noted  in  this  Coun 
try,  by  being  that,  where  General  Braddock  disembarked  his 
unfortunate  little  Army ;  —  The  land  on  both  Banks  of  this 
River,  is  in  general  good  and  Strong,  producing  Tobacco  and 
most  sorts  of  European  grain, —  I  observed  scarce  any  Pines 

1  Sir  Jeffrey  Amherst,  governor  in  1763-1768,  never  visited  the 
province. 

2  Philip  Lu dwell  Lee  (1727-1775)  of  Stratford  in  Westmoreland 
County,   eldest  brother  of  Richard  Henry  and  Arthur  Lee.     He 
was  at  this  time  a  member  of  the  Council  of  Virginia. 

407 


TRAVELS  IN  THE  AMERICAN   COLONIES 

on  it,  and  the  timber  I  did  see,  began  to  decrease  both  in 
Size  and  Number,  owing  to  the  more  ancient  occupancy  of 
Virginia  and  Maryland.  The  Country  from  Potowmack  to 
Annapolis,  the  Capital  of  Maryland,  is  extremely  pleasant 
and  very  open  for  America,  it  is  a  light  black  mould,  which 
with  good  Husbandry  would  last  for  ever.  It  is  as  uneven 
as  many  Counties  in  England,  and  better  wooded  than  most 
of  them,  tolerably  watered,  but  not  so  much  so,  as  Virginia, 
nor  are  the  people  in  general  so  opulent,  altho'  the  publick 
are  in  better  circumstances,  their  paper  Credit  being  all 
Sunk,  and  a  Balance  at  home  in  their  favour. 

Lord  Baltimore  l  is  proprietor  of  all  this  very  delightful 
Province,  but  has  never  visited  it.  —  the  Roman  Catholick 
Religion  is  tolerated  here,  and  its  professor[s]  are  very 
Numerous,  and  some  of  them  very  easy  in  Circumstances.  - 

Annapolis  is  charmingly  Situated,  on  a  Peninsula  falling 
different  ways  to  the  Water,  which  nearly  surrounds  it. 
The  Town  is  built  in  an  irregular  form,  the  Streets  generally 
running  diagonally,  and  ending  on  the  Town-house,  others 
on  a  house  which  was  built  for  a  Governour,  in  Governour 
Bladen's  time,  but  never  was  finished,  --the  plan  of  this, 
was  an  excellent  one,  and  the  Situation  of  it  most  Elegant, 
Standing  on  an  agreeable  rising  ground,  in  a  beautiful  Lawn, 
commanding  the  view  of  the  Town,  the  River  Severn,  the 
Bay,  and  all  the  Creeks  running  into  it,  —  nothing  could  be 
better  chose,  nor  better  executed  as  far  as  they  went,  but 
upon  some  unhappy  difference  between  the  Governour  and 
Province,  the  whole  was  Stopped  —  the  timbers  and  Roof, 
tho'  ready,  never  closed  in  or  Shingled  —  and  from  the 
Weather  and  Moisture,  is  now  become  so  much  damaged, 
as  never  again  to  be  in  a  condition,  to  be  repaired  or  finished.2 

The  State  House,  and  House  of  Council  and  Assembly, 
stands  also  on  a  little  hill  in  the  Town,  but  it,  as  well  as  the 
Church,  the  Publick  School,  and  their  other  publick  Works, 
are  going  fast  to  decay.  The  present  Governour  Horatio 

1  Frederick  Calvert,  sixth  Lord  Baltimore,  proprietor  1751-1773. 

2  Thomas  Bladen  was  governor  in  1742-1748.     The  house  was 
subsequently  completed  for  the  college  hall  of  St.  John's  College. 

408 


JOURNAL  OF  LORD  ADAM  GORDON 

Sharpe  Esqr.  has  a  house  in  town,  but  resides  much  at  a  little 
place  he  is  now  building,  at  about  6  or  7  Miles  up  Severn 
River,  which  here  falls  into  Annapolis  Bay,  forming  the 
Peninsula  on  which  the  Town  stands.  —  The  views  all 
round  this  place  are  agreeable  and  uncommonly  Romantick 
—  the  Banks  all  Bluff,  and  such  intersections  and  doublings 
of  wood  and  Water,  as  form  the  most  pleasant  and  variegated 
Landscape.  Kent  Island  is  seen  about  12  Miles  distant, 
which  is  the  common  passage  over  the  Bay  to  the  North 
ward,  from  this  you  have  another  Short  Ferry,  which  brings 
you  on  the  Mainland,  which  is  here  called  the  Eastern  Shore, 
others  go  up  this  Side,  and  cross  two  narrow  Ferries  above, 
going  along  the  Western  Shore,  and  most  people  when  the 
Wind  serves,  embark  at  Annapolis  and  Sail  up  to  Rock-hall, 
leaving  Kent  Island  to  the  Left,  which  is  a  Navigation  of 
25  Miles,  but  cuts  off  more  than  30  Miles  of  your  land  road 
to  Philadelphia. 

Mr.  Middleton  keeps  a  good  House,  and  is  provided  with 
good  Boats,  for  Men,  Horses  and  Carriages. 

The  principal  Staple  of  Maryland  is  Tobacco  and  Indian 
Corn,  —  they  are  beginning  to  have  Meadows  and  Hay, 
their  Number  of  Whites  are  wonderfully  encreased,  and  said 
to  be  towards  60.000.  The  Country  in  general  is  more 
healthy  than  those  to  the  Southward,  and  the  Gentlemen 
of  fortune  are  polite  and  hospitable  and  their  Women  counted 
handsome ;  they  are  inclosed  by  Virginia,  which  makes 
them  backward  in  contributing  anything  to  the  publick 
exigencies  in  times  of  danger  and  difficulty.  I  cannot  but 
lament  the  Government's  being  Proprietary,  seeing  such 
great  and  insurmountable  difficultys  do  daily  result  from  it. 

Marlboro  l  is  a  pretty  little  Country  Village,  Situated  on  a 
Creek,  and  having  a  great  deal  of  open  land  round  it,  capable 
of  much  improvement.  London  Town  stands  on  the  West 
side  of  South  river,  is  also  a  pleasant  Village,  about  four  miles 
short 2  of  Annapolis  ;  I  am  told  the  back  Country  is  still  more 
pleasant  and  fruitful,  but  time  did  not  admit  of  my  Seeing 

1  Upper  Marlboro.  2  Southwest. 

409 


TRAVELS  IN  THE  AMERICAN  COLONIES 

it.  -  -  The  face  of  the  Country  much  resembles  Europe  in 
general. 

From  Annapolis  you  cross  Chesepeak  Bay  to  Kent-Island, 
about  12  Miles,  this  Island  is  flat  and  fruitful,  as  is  the  re 
maining  part  of  Maryland  we  traversed. --The  Channel 
between  Kent  Island  and  the  Main,  to  the  Eastward  of  it, 
is  narrow,  and  the  Country  is  very  pleasant  all  the  way  to 
Chester,  or  Newtown  1  on  Chester,  which,  tho'  small  is  well 
Inhabited,  —  about  half  way  or  rather  more  from  Chester  to 
Newcastle  on  Delawar,  runs  the  boundary  Line  dividing 
Maryland  from  Pensylvania,  this  has  been  long  matter  of 
Litigation  and  is  not  yet  finally  adjusted,  tho'  I  was  informed 
the  Commissioners  are  now  engaged  in  bringing  it  to  an 
Issue.  —  Newcastle  is  pleasantly  situated,  but  has  no  trade 
—  the  Men  of  War  generally  Winter  there,  the  River  being 
narrow  at  that  place,  and  commands  the  passage  up  to 
Philadelphia ;  —  It  is  the  Capital  of  the  four  2  associated 
Counties  annexed  to  Pensylvania,  but  which  have  an  Assem 
bly,  and  Laws  of  their  own,  which  in  many  particulars  differ 
both  with  their  neighbours  in  Pensylvania  and  Maryland. 

The  Country  from  this  Town  to  the  great  and  Noble  City 
of  Philadelphia,  is  extremely  pleasant,  well  Inhabited,  fruit 
ful,  and  full  of  Orchards,  —  you  Cross  Christines,  a  ferry 
over  a  River  running  into  Delawar,  which  is  deep,  and  safe 
riding  in  all  weathers  to  Chester,  from  that  to  Skuylkill  ferry, 
between  which  river  and  Delawar  the  City  stands  — •  the 
Country  is  Charming,  the  Ferry  boats  are  the  most  convenient, 
and  best  served  of  any  I  ever  Saw,  you  may  drive  in  your 
Carriage  and  Six  without  getting  out  or  Unharnessing  one 
Horse,  which  is  a  great  saving  of  time  to  Travellers. 

The  City  of  Philadelphia  is  perhaps  one  of  the  wonders 
of  the  World,  if  you  consider  its  Size,  the  Number  of  In 
habitants,  the  regularity  of  its  Streets,  their  great  breadth 
and  length,  their  cutting  one  another  all  at  right  Angles, 
their  Spacious  publick  and  private  buildings,  Quays  and 

1  Now  Chestertown. 

2  The  three  counties  now  comprised  in  the  State  of  Delaware. 

410 


JOURNAL  OF  LORD  ADAM   GORDON 

Docks,  the  Magnificence  and  diversity  of  places  of  Worship 
(for  here  all  Religions  who  profess  the  Name  of  Christ,  are 
tolerated  equally)  the  plenty  of  provisions  brought  to  Mar 
ket,  and  the  Industry  of  all  its  Inhabitants,  one  will  not 
hesitate  to  Call  it  the  first  Town  in  America,  but  one  that 
bids  fair  to  rival  almost  any  in  Europe.  It  is  not  an  hundred 
years  since  the  first  tree  was  cut  where  the  City  now  Stands, 
and  at  this  time  it  consists  of  more  than  three  thousand  Six 
hundred  Houses.  —  It  is  daily  encreasing,  and  I  doubt  not 
in  time,  will  reach  all  the  way,  from  River  to  River,  —  the 
great  and  foreseeing  Founder  of  it,  Mr.  Penn  having  wisely 
laid  out  the  Space  so  far,  which  is  daily  taking  and  filling.  - 
I  must  not  pass  over  two  foundations  here,  which  do  them 
much  honour ;  their  College  for  education  of  youth,1  and 
their  Hospital  for  the  reception  of  all  Sick  persons  whatever, 
including  Lunaticks,  which  is  supported  by  the  benefactions 
of  the  Charitable  and  well  disposed  Subscribers. 

Doctor  Smith  2  is  at  the  Head  of  the  College,  a  very  emi 
nent  Divine  ;  —  the  propriety  of  Language  here  surprized 
me  much,  the  English  tongue  being  spoken  by  all  ranks,  in  a 
degree  of  purity  and  perfection,  surpassing  any,  but  the 
polite  part  of  London. 

There  are  several  large  Towns  and  Villages,  well  inhabited 
and  very  industrious,  particularly  Lancaster  and  Bristol, 
but  everybody  of  Note  has  a  residence  in  Town,  which  is 
all  built  of  Brick,  and  well  paved,  with  flat  foot  walks  in  each 
side  the  Streets,  the  Germans  in  this  Province,  are  not  under 
Sixty  Thousand,  and  there  are  White  Men  enough  fit  to 
bear  Arms,  and  able  to  repulse  all  Indians  [that]  could 
molest  them,  was  their  Spirit  equal  to  their  Numbers.  - 
With  regard  to  their  Farming,  you  may  judge,  when  I 
was  told,  they  have  not  less  than  twenty  thousand  Waggons, 
which  at  four  horses  each,  would  on  an  emergency  make  a 
boby 3  of  80.000  Horse.  —  All  this  Province  and  the  Jerseys, 
bear  much  the  face  of  Europe,  and  I  have  no  manner  of 

1  Now  the  University  of  Pennsylvania. 

2  William  Smith.  3  Body. 

2D  411 


TRAVELS  IN  THE  AMERICAN   COLONIES 

doubt,  whenever  Providence  shall  think  fit  to  enable 
America,  to  Stand  alone,  that  Philadelphia  from  its  Central 
Situation,  and  other  very  obvious  reasons,  must  become  the 
Metropolis  of  it. 

The  Quakers  here  bear  the  great  Sway  in  Government, 
which  is  clogged  and  incumbered,  and  I  cannot  help  wishing 
that  this,  and  every  other  Proprietary  Government  in  Amer 
ica  was  reannexed  to  the  Crown,  and  Governed  by  Royal 
Governours,  whose  Salaries  ought  to  be  permanent,  and  inde 
pendent  on  the  fickle  will,  and  fancy  of  those  they  are  sent 
to  Superintend ;  'till  this  most  desireable  end  shall  take 
place  —  America  will  never  cordially  unite,  or  be  induced  to 
act  warmly  and  effectually,  either  towards  their  own  de 
fence,  or  to  such  other  purposes,  as  may  equally  tend  to  their 
own,  and  to  the  Honour  and  advantage  of  Great  Britain. 

Every  body  in  Philadelphia  deals  more  or  less  in  trade  - 
here  they  build  Ships,  and  export  Timber  of  all  sorts,  and 
for  all  purposes,  many  timber  Frames  for  the  West  India 
Planters  houses  are  Ship't  from  thence,  their  Intercourse 
with  Jamaica,  and  all  the  Leeward  and  Windward  Caribbee 
Islands,  being  very  considerable.  —  Grain,  Hay,  Biscuit, 
Beef,  Pork,  Shingles,  Lumber  and  Malt  Liquor,  are  their 
Chief  exports ;  they  live  handsomely,  and  are  all  going  in  a 
degree  into  home  Spun  Woollens  and  Linnens,  which  seems 
to  be  the  natural  consequence  of  restraining  that  branch  of 
Trade,  by  which  alone  they  got  Specie,  enabling  them  to 
make  remittances  for  British  Manufactories. 

The  Governour  of  the  Province  is  named  by  the  Pro 
prietor  Penns,  and  approved  by  the  King  —  his  Birth  is  an 
uneasy  one,  as  by  his  Instructions  he  has  it  not  in  his  power 
to  comply  with  many  very  unreasonable  requests  of  his 
Assembly,  who  in  Return  generally  tack  his  provincial 
Salary,  to  some  Bill,  which  they  are  confident,  he  neither  can 
or  will  pass. 

In  1765,  John  Penn  was  Governour,  an  Excellent  young 
man  but  parties  ran  so  high  between  the  Quakers  and 
Presbyterians,  to  whom  the  other  Sects  United,  as  being  all 
too  weak,  it  made  things  quite  disagreeable ;  to  this  the  two 

412 


JOURNAL  OF  LORD  ADAM  GORDON 

Parties,  for,  and  against  a  change  of  Government  added 
Combustible  matter — and  occasioned  many  inconveniencies, 
both  to  the  Publick  and  Individuals,  which  a  more  Stable 
and  permanent  Form  of  Government  would  obviate. 

The  River  Delawar  divides  Pensylvania  from  West 
Jersey.  —  I  crossed  it  at  Trent-town,1  a  pretty  Country 
place,  and  proceeded  to  Princetown,  where  is  Seated  a  very 
large  and  Spacious  College,  well  managed,  with  a  Sensible 
Clever  Master,  and  Appartments  for  more  than  one  hundred 
Students.  —  It  is  Called  Jersey  College,  or  Nassau  Hall.2  — 
All  the  Country,  from  this  to  Brunswick,  where  you  cross  a 
River  of  that  Name,  and  so  to  Elizabeth  town,  is  Verdant 
and  beautiful,  tho'  not  so  rich  as  Pensylvania,  —  at  Elizabeth 
town  I  took  boat,  and  landed  at  New  York,  about  Sixteen 
Miles ;  I  took  a  ride  up  the  River,  from  Elizabeth  town 
called  Passaick,  for  twenty  two  Miles,  and  in  my  life  I 
never  saw,  a  more  beautiful  Country,  its  Banks  are  all  clear, 
and  houses  at  every  500  yards,  on  both  sides  of  it,  the  falls 
of  this  River  are  remarkable,  the  whole  falls  into  a  Cleft, 
which  seems  as  if  formed  by  some  Earthquake,  near  70  feet 
high, —  soon  after  which,  it  turns  a  Mill,  and  has  over  it  a 
pretty  long  wooden  Bridge,  becoming  in  a  few  miles  lower, 
Navigable  for  small  Craft  quite  into  the  Bay,  —  at  the  mouth 
of  this,  and  dividing  it  from  Hankhawsack  3  river,  rises  a 
remarkable  high  Hill,  covered  with  wood,  called  Snake  hill, 
and  all  along  the  West  side  of  Passaick,  are  an  infinity  of  salt 
Hay  meadows,  which  turn  to  good  Account,  as  Manure  or 
fodder  to  the  poor  —  they  carry  it  many  Miles,  spread  it 
over  their  grass  grounds  as  litter,  or  as  dung,  and  often 
Plough  it  in,  after  which  it  brings  good  Grain,  and  White 
Clover  in  quantities,  it  is  remarkable  it  will  not  fatten  either 
Cattle  or  Horses,  but  it  will  keep  them  well  up,  in  the  State 
they  are  in,  when  it  is  first  given  them,  'tis  here  of  an  Ines 
timable  Value  for  dung  and  other  uses,  and  conveyed  both 
by  Land  and  Water  many  Miles. 


1  Trenton.  2  Now  Princeton  University. 

3  Hackensack. 

413 


TRAVELS  IN  THE  AMERICAN  COLONIES 

This  Channel  divides  [the]  Jerseys  from  Staten  Island,  and 
runs  up  as  far  as  Perth-Amboy  —  the  principal  Town  of 
East  Jersey,  as  Burlington  on  Delawar,  over  against  Bristol, 
is  of  West  Jersey ;  I  could  not  find  there  was  any  thing  very 
material  to  be  seen  at  either  of  these  Towns,  where  Assemblys 
and  Courts  are  held  alternately,  and  their  Governour  fre 
quently  has  a  residence  at  each  place. 

The  Jerseys  in  general  is  a  pleasant,  open  and  well  culti 
vated  Country,  producing  Grain,  Grass  and  Cyder  in  great 
abundance.  It  is  often  called  the  Garden  of  America,  and 
its  appearance  very  much  resembles  England,  the  Soil  is  not 
rich,  but  is  kindly,  and  it  is  counted  extremely  healthful  — 
the  North,  or  Hudsons  river,  divides  it  from  New  York 
Government,  till  it  meets  the  New  York  Line,  20  Miles 
above  that  Town  at  Corbett's  point. 

The  Establishment  for  their  Governour  and  Officers  of 
Justice,  is  here  very  trifling,  and  consequently  they  will 
never,  whilst  on  the  present  footing,  be  filled  by  men  of 
great  Character  or  reputation,  in  their  respective  professions. 

New  York  Province  was  originally  peopled  by  the  Hol 
landers,  but  was  given  up  to  Britain,  about  one  hundred 
years  since,  from  which  period  it  has  enjoyed,  uninterruped 
peace  and  happiness.  At  present  two  thirds  of  the  In 
habitants,  as  well  in  the  Province  as  in  the  Town,  are  De 
scended  of  the  Dutch  and  Germans,  who  have  flocked  over  to 
this  and  the  Adjacent  Province  of  Pensylvania  in  Incredible 
Numbers,  and  make  many  of  them  excellent  Settlers,  par 
ticularly  the  Germans,  who  can  live  upon  less,  and  are  more 
Industrious,  than  any  Britons. 

The  City  of  New  York  has  long  been  held  at  home,  the 
first  in  America,  tho'  it  neither  comes  up  to  Philadelphia  in 
Beauty,  regularity,  Size,  or  the  Number  of  its  Inhabitants, 
and  houses  of  the  last ;  there  are  under  three  thousand  at 
this  time,  about  300  Stores,  12  Churches  and  places  of  Wor 
ship  and  perhaps  20,000  Inhabitants,  —  here  are  more 
Negroes  than  in  any  Northern  province,  and  by  being  the 
Seat  of  Government,  Civil  and  Military,  and  the  place  to 
which  all  the  money  for  the  Exigencies  of  America  is  sent 

414 


JOURNAL  OF  LORD  ADAM  GORDON 

from  Britain,  —  is  rich  —  the  Situation  of  it  is  cool,  being 
on  a  point  formed  by  Hudson's  river,  which  runs  up  many 
Miles,  and  is  Navigable  above  Albany,  and  by  East  River  or 
Sound,  which  dividing  the  Main  from  Long  Island,  runs 
towards  Boston  and  Rhode  Island,  and  forms  an  Inland 
navigation  safe  and  very  commodious  for  many  Miles. 
Over  against  the  Town  to  the  Eastward  lies  a  part  of  Long 
Island,  which  has  been  long  peopled ;  the  Soil  of  it  is  natu 
rally  light  and  Sandy,  and  almost  wore  out,  yet  the  old 
Inhabitants  are  loth  to  quit  this  hold,  on  account  of  its  re 
markable  healthiness  and  pleasantness,  there  is  scarce  a 
possibility  of  distinguishing  it  from  England  :  by  Situation 
as  an  Island,  it  is  much  like  the  Isle  of  Wight,  a  ridge  of  high 
lands  runs  quite  thro'  it,  lengthways,  on  the  South  side  of 
which  being  very  gravelly,  I  am  apt  to  believe  good  Wine 
might  be  produced. 

The  Land  in  the  Neighbourhood  of  York,  is  naturally  as 
bad  as  can  be  and  as  full  of  Stones,  but  the  great  Demand 
for  all  Stock  and  nec[e]ssaries,  as  well  for  themselves  as  the 
Shipping,  renders  it  worth  while  to  Improve  all  that  is  within 
reach  of  the  Town,  or  within  reach  of  the  Banks  of  either  of 
the  two  rivers  on  which  it  Stands. 

The  Fort1  is  not  Strong,  one  platform  mounts  a  great  many 
heavy  Cannon,  —  the  Governours  house  and  Garden  is 
within  the  Fort,  and  are  handsome  and  convenient,  —  the 
Streets  are  not  regular  nor  Wide,  but  standing  on  a  descent, 
on  three  sides  are  washed  by  every  rain,  which  makes  it 
clean  and  wholesome.  People  here,  live  to  a  good  Old  age, 
and  very  Comfortably,  did  they  chuse  to  be  contented.  It 
is  hoped  they  will  soon  come  to  better  temper,  after  Taxes 
become  more  familiar  to  them. 

Albany  by  Water  is  Miles  up  Hudson's  River,  and  is 

perhaps  the  pleasantest  Soil  in  the  World  —  there  Sloops 
are  excellent,  and  built  on  purpose  for  that  Trade,  never 
going  to  Sea.  —  about  half  way,  or  not  quite  so  much,  the 
river  runs  thro'  a  high  Ridge  of  Mountains,  which  they  call 

1  Fort  George. 
415 


TRAVELS  IN  THE   AMERICAN   COLONIES 

the  Highlands,  nothing  can  more  delight  an  European  travel 
ler,  as  it  differs  so  much  in  grandeur,  and  natural  Magnif 
icence,  from  any  Scene  he  is  acquainted  with  —  the  Rocky 
Steep  hills,  are  all  covered  with  wood  to  the  Summit,  and  in 
some  places  the  Water  falls  over  them  beautifully.  After  you 
pass  these  narrows,  the  Scene  grows  more  Cultivated,  and 
all  the  way  up,  at  small  distances,  you  meet  Settlements 
on  each  hand,  mostly  Dutch  and  Germans.  --  This  River  has 
many  Islands  and  Head  lands,  and  altho'  in  the  Map  its 
course,  appears  very  Streight,  yet  the  turns  and  breaks  in  it, 
are  Infinite  and  vary  the  Scene  most  agreeably,  at  every  two 
or  three  miles  distance.  Stone  for  building  and  Lime  Stone 
every  where  abound.  At  a  little  distance  back  from  the 
River,  the  Soil  grows  deeper  and  the  Settlements  are  more 
Numerous ;  At  a  place  Called  Sopus,1  they  breed  the  best 
draught  and  Saddle  Horses,  and  all  along  its  course  the 
people  live  plentifully  and  pleasantly.  In  Spring  tides  a 
Vessel  drawing  nine  feet,  may  go  up  to  Albany,  and  in  com 
mon  tides,  one  drawing  about  Six.  --The  land  about  it  is 
as  good  as  you  could  desire,  'till  you  get  up  the  hill  going  to 
Schenectady  to  which  place  being  20  Miles,  it  is  all  a  Sandy 
Pine-barren.  --There  is  an  old  Stone  Fort  at  Albany  and  a 
Stockade,  also  a  large  Hospital,  Barracks  and  Store  houses 
for  a  considerable  Number  of  Men,  but  being  built  of  Wood, 
and  in  a  hurry,  they  are  like  every  other  publick  Work  in 
America,  —  going  fast  to  ruin. 

The  people  of  Albany  are  mostly  descended  of  low  Dutch, 
and  carry  down  with  them,  the  true  and  Characteristick 
marks  of  their  Native  Country,  Vizt  an  unwearied  attention 
to  their  own  personal  and  particular  Interests,  and  an  abhor 
rence  to  all  superiour  powers.  —  I  have  been  told  it  was 
found  necessary  in  1765  to  Send  a  Captains  Command 
there,  to  prevent  the  entire  and  total  Destruction,  of  all  the 
buildings  and  Stores  belonging  to  the  King,  which  was  but 
too  well  effected  before  their  arrival. 

In  the  last  War  it  was  a  place  of  consequence  the  Rendez- 

1  Esopus. 
416 


JOURNAL  OF  LORD  ADAM   GORDON 

vous  and  Head  Quarters,  from  whence  all  orders  were  Issued 
and  Expeditions  fitted  out,  as  well  against  Canada,  as  against 
the  French  on  the  Lakes,  to  all  of  which  places  it  lies  con 
venient,  by  means  of  the  water  communication  of  Hudson's 
river  and  the  Mohawk  river,  leading  to  Fort  Stanwix. 

The  Town  itself  is  dull  and  ill  built,  having  the  Gavel 1 
end  of  their  houses  all  to  the  Streets,  which  are  very  dirty 
and  crooked,  and  confined  by  the  rising  grounds,  close 
behind  the  Town. 

The  land  along  the  Banks  of  the  river,  is  excellent  and 
well  improved.  —  One  Mr.  P.  Schuyler  2  has  a  good  house 
near  it,  lately  built  in  a  better  Stile,  than  I  have  generally 
seen  in  America.  —  The  Family  of  Rantzlaar  3  has  possession 
of  this  tract  for  many  Miles.  The  first  view  you  have  of 
Schenectady,  the  Mohawk  river,  and  the  Country  on  its 
Banks,  is  remarkably  pleasing,  after  travelling  so  far  over  a 
Waste.  The  Streets  of  Schenectady  are  Spacious,  the  River 
is  there  very  beautiful  and  the  Soil  excellent,  —  the  land 
here  and  all  the  way  up  the  Mohawk  river,  is  planted,  and 
Sells  very  high.  From  this  to  Fort  Johnson,  up  the  said 
river  is  18  Miles,  it  is  a  narrow  vale  or  Strath  of  excellent 
Soil,  hemm'd  in  on  both  sides  with  high  grounds,  unculti 
vated,  and  covered  with  a  variety  of  Timber,  but  exceed 
ingly  pleasant  to  the  Eye,  and  cut  by  a  thousand  little 
Brooks,  descending  rapidly  from  above.  It  much  resembles 
Westmoreland,  or  the  Banks  of  Tay,  above  Perth  —  From 
this,  off  the  river,  about  14  Miles  back,  Sir  Wm.  Johnson4  has 
made  a  New  Settlement,  and  has  built  himself  a  very  com 
fortable  house,5  having  a  good  Garden  and  Field,  all  cleared 
in  an  Absolute  Forrest.  Here  the  Land  is  excellent,  and 
produces  without  Manure,  all  sorts  of  grain --The  timber 
here  is  an  immense  Size,  Hemlock,  Spruce,  Sugar  Maple, 
Elm,  Ash  two  kinds,  Beech  and  some  white  Pine,  and  Balm 
of  Gilead  Fir.  —  At  this  place  he  is  generally  crowded  with 
Indians,  mostly  of  the  Five  Nations,  who  are  generally  our 

1  Gable.  2  Philip  John  Schuyler.  3  Van  Rensselaer. 

4  Superintendent  of  Indian  Affairs  for  the  Northern  District. 
6  Johnson  Hall,  on  the  site  of  the  present  city  of  Johnstown. 

417 


TRAVELS  IN  THE  AMERICAN  COLONIES 

friends,  when  properly  used. --These  are  the  Mohawks, 
Oneidas,  Onondagas,  Cayugas,  and  Seneccas,  these  last  are 
counted  the  bravest  and  most  enterprizing  Tribe  of  all  the 
Northern  Indians,  the[y]  Claim  an  Immense  tract  of  Country, 
and  exact  Subordination  and  respect  thro'  fear  from  almost 
all  their  neighbouring  Tribes. --They  are  not  the  best 
affected  to  the  British,  and  are  so  treacherous,  as  to  require 
a  constant  attention  over  them. 

I  passed  some  Days  at  Sir  Wm.  Johnson's,  but  no  consid 
eration  Should  tempt  me  to  lead  his  life.  —  I  suppose  custom 
may  in  some  degree,  have  reconciled  him  to  it,  but  I  know 
no  other  man  equal  to  so  disagreeable  a  Duty. 

A  few  miles  above  Fort  Johnson,  on  the  opposite  [side] 
of  the  Mohawk  river,  Stands  Fort  Hunter,  an  Indian  Settle 
ment  or  Castle,  as  they  generally  call  it,  belonging  to  the 
Mohawks,  which  Tribe  is  the  most  Civilized  of  all  the  five 
Nations ;  Some  ten  miles  further  up  the  river,  and  on  Sir 
Wm.'s  Side,  is,  at  a  little  distance  back  a  German  Settlement, 
called  Stone  Arabic,1  consisting  of  one  hundred  families. 
It  has  two  places  of  Worship,  Lutheran  and  Calvanist,  their 
land  is  perfectly  cleared,  nothing  can  be  prettier ;  indeed  all 
the  lowlands  on  this  Mohawk  river  are  so,  from  Schenectady 
to  some  small  distance  above  the  German  flatts,  which  Vale 
is  as  rich,  fertile,  and  peopled,  as  any  on  the  Thames,  the  high 
lands  on  both  sides  of  this  Vale  are  varied  delightfully,  and 
will  no  doubt  when  Cleared,  become  of  great  Value,  at  pres 
ent,  the  timber  and  Stock  of  young  Cattle  and  Horses,  they 
maintain  in  Summer,  make  their  possession  only  desireable. 

From  a  little  above  the  German  flatts,  quite  to  Fort 
Stanwix  the  Country  is  all  wood,  except  one  plain  ten  Miles 
Short  of  the  Fort,  called  Oriske 2  fields,  and  that  is  in  dispute. 
Seven  Indian  Huts  were  on  it,  when  I  passed  it  in  June  1765. 
It  seems  capable  of  every  Improvement,  the  River  is  Navi 
gable  quite  up  and  the  Soil  to  judge  from  the  Timber,  is  as 
excellent  as  any  in  the  World. 

Fort  Stanwix  is  built  nearly  at  equal  distance,  between 

1  Stone  Arabia.  2  Oriskany. 

418 


JOURNAL  OF  LORD  ADAM  GORDON 

the  Navigable  part  of  the  Mohawk  river  and  Wood  Creek, 
and  here  are  kept  all  the  Carriages,  Horses  and  Oxen,  used 
in  the  transporting  over  land,  the  Boats  and  goods  going 
from  one  Water  to  the  other.  The  Posts  from  Fort  Stanwix 
to  Schenectady,  down  the  Mohawk,  are  Fort  Skuyler, 
Fort  Harkeman,1  Fort  Hendrick,  Fort  Hunter  and  Fort 
Johnston.  In  time  of  War  we  generally  had  a  Non-Com- 
missioned  Officer,  at  each,  to  forward  Orders  or  Letters, 
and  to  Assist  in  the  Conveyance  up  of  Stores  and  of  Ammuni 
tion,  which  come  all  from  Albany  and  York.  —  In  time  of 
War  they  were  Stockaded,  and  are  now  going  to  decay, 
which  is  shamefull.  The  Roads  up  this  communication,  are 
almost  impassable,  and  the  Bridges  broke  down  and  Rotten. 
The  ground  where  Fort  Stanwix  is  built,  is  all  cleared 
from  river  to  river,  about  a  Mile  round  the  place.  —  It  is  a 
Quarre  of  Logg  Work,  all  going  to  ruin  so  fast,  that  I  firmly 
believe  in  three  years  it  will  be  all  down.  —  It  is  calculated 
for  a  good  many  Guns,  but  had  only  18  Mounted  when  I 
was  there  in  June  1765.  The  Casemates  are  not  tight  or 
Wholesome,  and  the  Barracks  are  not  well  Contrived.  It 
would  seem  that  a  Fort  mounting  Artillery  here  would  be 
unnecessary,  since  our  acquisition  of  Canada,  but  a  Strong 
Post  against  Indians,  must  always  be  kept  up,  upon  Account 
of  Supporting  this  very  necessary  Communication,  of  cover 
ing  the  people  Employed  on  it,  and  protecting  Traders  and 
others,  who  have  occasion  to  come  that  way  with  goods,  as 
also  to  find  Horses  and  Carriages,  to  Convey  the  goods  and 
Boats,  across  to  Wood  Creek  and  back. --The  Batteaus 
are  Slung  on  a  long  Carriage  with  four  Wheels,  and  often 
came  all  the  way  from  Schenectady,  to  the  Fort  on  Ontario 
at  the  mouth  of  the  Onondaga  river,  returning  the  same  way. 
These  Boats  loaded  will  draw  a  foot  and  a  half  Water,  and 
are  carried  over  the  little  falls  of  the  Mohawk,  for  a  Mile 
or  more,  in  the  manner  above  Described.  I  have  heard,  the 
Carriage  at  these  last,  as  well  as  at  the  carrying  place  at 
Stanwix  might  be  removed  by  means  of  Canals  and  Sluices, 

1  Fort  Herkimer. 
419 


TRAVELS  IN  THE  AMERICAN  COLONIES 

but  am  not  certain  of  the  fact.  All  the  land  on  the  Mohawk 
is  counted  good,  and  Sells  very  high,  it  wants  nothing  but 
Industry,  and  Inhabitants  to  make  it  a  rich,  pleasant  and 
Independent  Country.  From  Schenetady  to  Fort  Stanwix, 
is  by  land  about  100  Miles,  and  more  by  water  :  during  the 
last  War,  our  Troops,  Baggage  and  all  heavy  Stores,  attend 
ing  General  Amherst  to  St.  Lawrence,  went  this  way  and 
so  on  to  Lake  Ontario. 

One  Mile  from  the  Fort  begins  Wood  Creek,  which  after 
receiving  several  Brooks  into  it,  and  running  upwards  of  20 
Miles,  aided  by  three  Sluices  and  Dams  at  the  head  of  it, 
falls  into  Oneida  Lake,  being  at  most  seasons  Navigable  for 
Batteaus  and  small  Craft  —  The  land  is  mixed  and  not  equal 
in  any  respect  to  that  on  the  Mohawk  river,  being  much  of  it 
a  Pine-barren,  —  and  at  Fort  Oneida,  or  Royal  Block  house, 
quite  light  and  Sandy. 

This  is  a  Small  Stockaded  Post,  for  a  Subaltern  and  thirty 
Men,  Situated  where  Wood-Creek  enters  the  Lake,  and  the 
first  now  occupied,  from  Stanwix  to  Lake  Ontario. 

There  were  Several  little  Redoubts  on  Wood-Creek,  in  one 
of  those  called  Fort-Bull,  an  Officer  and  all  his  Detachment, 
were  Surprized  and  Scalped  by  the  Indians  in  1756.  —  From 
Royal-block-house  to  Fort  Bruinton,1  where  we  have  another 
Subaltern  and  Stockaded  post,  is  counted  about  30  Miles  by 
Water,  this  is  Situated  soon  after  Onondaga  River  leaves 
Oneida  Lake,  which,  running  a  Course  of  near  50  Miles, 
emptys  it  self  into  Lake  Ontario  at  Old  Oswego.  --The  Land 
all  along  this  very  beautiful  river,  is  Indian  and  in  a  State  of 
nature.  —  Many  other  Rivers  enter  it  as  it  descends,  par 
ticularly  the  Senecca,  or  Cayuga  river,  at  Trois  Rivieres, 
Navigable  for  Canoes,  and  going  up  into  the  Country  bear 
ing  their  name. 

The  Onondaga  falls  —  a  trifling  portage  —  are  12  Miles 
Short  of  Lake  Ontario,  but  you  pass  many  Refts  and  Rapids 
on  your  way  to  them,  —  At  this  place  we  have  another  little 
Subalterns  Post,  where  this  great  river  falls  over  a  Rock, 

1  Fort  Brewerton. 
420 


JOURNAL  OF  LORD  ADAM   GORDON 

from  12  to  1 8  feet  high,  and  afterwards  runs  all  its  Course 
thence  to  the  Lake  with  a  very  quick  and  Rapid  current,  in 
so  much  that  your  Batteau  descends  without  Oars  in  an 
Amazing  Short  space,  —  On  a  point  where  the  river  Onon- 
dago  enters  Lake  Ontario,  Stands  our  New  Fort  bearing 
that  name  —  a  neat  Pentagon  but  never  finished,  much 
preferable  however  in  point  of  Situation  to  the  old  Fort,  we 
had  facing  it  on  the  other  Side  the  river  called  Oswego.  — 
Like  other  American  Forts,  it  is  fast  verging  to  decay,  being 
of  Wood  and  Sods,  it  might  mount  Seventy  pieces  of  Cannon, 
but  has  now  about  thirty  Mounted.  The  harbour  lying  on 
the  Oswego  Side  is  not  the  best,  but  ten  feet  water  on  the 
Bar,  and  very  narrow.  —  At  this  place  in  the  Winter  Months, 
are  laid  up  all  the  King's  Vessels  on  this  Lake,  from  Novemr 
to  April,  and  here  they  have  hitherto  built  them,  except  a 
small  Sloop  built  at  Niagara. 

There  are  four  Vessels  belonging]  to  Lake  Ontario,  which 
may  be  about  250  Miles  in  length. --These  Vessels  are 
chiefly  employed  in  bringing  Stores  and  Provisions  from 
Oswegatchee,1  and  Fort  William  Augustus,  Situated  high  on 
St.  Lawrence  river,  to  Fort  Ontario,  and  Niagara,  —  from 
which  last  place  they  are  conveyed  up  Niagara  river  to  the 
lower  landing,  in  Batteaus,  and  from  that  overland  about 
8  miles,  to  little  Niagara,  from  whence  they  are  reshipped, 
in  other  Schooners  belonging  to  Lake  Erie,  and  dispersed  at 
all  our  other  Posts  on  the  upper  Lakes,  as  far  as  Detroit  and 
Michelimachinack. 

The  falls  at  Onondago,  already  mentioned,  are  Extreamly 
beautiful,  and  the  Navigation  of  that  river,  for  the  last  20 
Miles,  down  to  Ontario,  owing  to  the  Number  and  diversity 
of  the  Islands  and  Banks,  is  uncommonly  pleasing.  --  I  must 
not  omit  here  the  Striking  appearance  of  Lake  Ontario,  which 
does  not  Shew  itself,  till  you  are  very  near  it,  and  after  so 
long  a  continuance  in  the  Woods,  gives  the  weary  Traveller 
no  other  Idea  than  that  of  the  Main  Ocean,  —  for  at  Fort 
Ontario,  the  Lake  is  so  broad,  that  you  can  discover  no 
land  beyond  it. 

1  Now  Ogdensburg. 
421 


TRAVELS  IN  THE  AMERICAN  COLONIES 

At  this  Fort,  not  above  one  third  of  the  Works  are  finished, 
and  such  as  are  —  are  all  going  into  disrepair,  insomuch 
that  if  something  is  not  speedily  done,  the  money  already 
laid  out  will  be  totally  thrown  away,  and  the  place  will  no 
longer  be  in  a  State  of  defence,  even  against  Indians.  —  In 
1765,  there  were  but  two  Companies  of  the  46th  —  Howes  1 
-  in  Garrison  there,  a  force  in  all  degrees  inadequate  to  a 
post  of  so  much  Importance,  from  that  too,  are  two  trifling 
detachments  up  the  river,  all  which  might  be  instantly  cut 
off  by  the  neighbouring  Seneccas,  the  bravest  and  most 
treacherous  Indians  of  all  the  Six  Nations,  against  whom  we 
can  never  be  enough  on  our  Guard.  —  It  is  a  Pentagon.  The 
Barracks  are  pretty  and  the  Works  tolerably  well  laid  out, 
but  on  too  small  a  Scale,  —  the  Casemates  are  insufficient, 
very  damp  and  very  unwholesome,  there  is  a  rising  ground 
from  which  the  Fort  might  be  attacked,  and  a  hollow  which 
would  be  of  great  consequence  to  an  enemy,  in  facilitating 
their  approaches  under  its  cover,  and  out  of  reach  of  any  of 
our  Guns. 

Commodore  Loring2  a  Post  Captain  in  His  Majesty's  Navy, 
Superintends  the  Navigation  on  these  Lakes,  and  the  Lakes 
of  Champlain  etca.  and  acquits  himself  well  of  that  dis 
agreeable  Duty ;  he  is  very  polite  and  attentive,  as  are  All 
the  Gentlemen  Commanding  Vessels  under  him  in  his  Depart 
ment  ;  the  accounts  and  Expences  of  which,  passes  all  thro' 
the  hands  of  the  Commander  in  Chief  in  America,  and  are  by 
him  transmitted  home  annually,  as  a  Contingent  Expence. 

The  Surf  in  this  and  the  other  Lakes  is  Surprizingly  great, 
in  an  on  Shore  Wind,  the(y]  are  Suddenly  agitated  and  soon 
laid,  but  are  as  dangerous  as  any  Sea,  to  which,  both  in 
Colour  and  motion,  they  bear  the  nearest  resemblance. 

Schooners  are  best  adapted  for  this  Navigation  from  100 
to  200  Tons  burthen,  these  have  some  Small  Guns  and  plenty 
of  small  Arms,  and  being  now  all  built  with  close  Quarters, 
are  proof  against  Indian  attacks,  or  being  boarded.  The 

1  Sir  William  Howe  was  made  colonel  of  the  46th  regiment  of 
foot  in  1764. 

2  Joshua  Loring  was  made  a  post  captain  in  1757. 

422 


JOURNAL  OF  LORD  ADAM  GORDON 

Indians  of  all  the  Nations,  inhabiting  the  Countries  round  the 
Lakes,  are  extreamly  intimidated  by  our  Vessels,  they  have 
often  attempted  to  Surprize  and  destroy  them,  but  have 
never  Succeeded.  —  to  me  it  appears,  we  are  not  Strong 
enough  in  this  Department,  and  that  some  Stricter  regulations 
are  Still  wanting :  as  well  as  places  of  Shelter  in  Winter 
Months  and  squally  weather,  which  is  very  frequent  here, 
into  which  our  Vessels  might  retire  a  Tabris  du  Vent,  and  [be] 
covered  from  Attacks  from  the  Shore,  If  such  places  were 
Established,  in  proper  situations  on  those  Lakes,  Docks 
might  [be]  Erected  and  Vessels  of  all  Sorts,  as  well  for  private 
Trade  as  public  Service,  might  be  easily  and  Cheaply  con 
structed,  in  a  part  of  the  World,  where  Oaak,  and  all  Ship 
timber  every  where  abounds,  and  where  there  is  Nothing  but 
Inhabitants  and  Industry  wanting,  to  make  it  a  flourishing 
and  delightful  Province,  to  this  we  may  add,  that  if  something 
of  this  sort  is  not  soon  done,  the  Expence  will  be  greatly 
Inhanced,  since  the  nature  of  these  Lake[s]  is  such,  that  they 
are  not  navigable  with  any  degree  of  Safety  during  the 
Winter  Months,  as  well  from  the  weather,  as  from  the 
Quantities  of  Ice,  from  which  it  will  [be]  even  difficult  to 
protect  Shipping  in  Port,  without  a  good  deal  of  Expence 
and  attention. 

Upon  the  Whole,  as  these  Lakes  are  at  this  hour  Unsur- 
veyed,  their  Coast  unknown,  as  well  as  the  Shoals,  Islands, 
and  Rocks  unnoticed,  it  is  not  any  matter  of  Surprize  to  me, 
that  so  many  of  our  Vessels  there  have  been  lost  and  de 
stroyed,  but  that  any  of  them  should  have  escaped.  At 
present  we  have  three  Armed  Vessels  on  Lake  Ontario,  and 
as  many  on  Lake  Erie  and  the  upper  Lakes  —  From  Fort 
Ontario  to  Niagara,  by  Water  is  about  160  Miles,  the  water 
is  deep,  as  it  is  mostly  in  this  Lake,  some  parts  not  being 
Sounded  with  one  hundred  fathom.  From  Niagara  to  the 
head  of  the  Lake  is  about  thirty  Miles. --The  Nation  of 
Seneccas  live  round  this  Fort,  and  all  along  the  South  side 
of  the  Lake,  as  do  the  Missesagues,1  and  Chippeways,  on 
the  opposite  Northern  Shore. 

1  Missesauga  Indians. 
423 


TRAVELS  IN  THE  AMERICAN   COLONIES 

The  Fort  of  Niagara,  which  was  built  by  the  French,  and 
taken  by  us  in  1759,  by  Sir  Wm.  Johnson,  is  situated  on  a 
point  of  land,  formed  by  the  junction  of  the  river  bearing  its 
name,  and  Lake  Ontario ;  from  the  bank  of  the  river  to  the 
Bank  of  the  Lake,  runs  a  pretty  regular  Work,  consisting  of  a 
Tenaille,  a  Ravelin,  two  Lunettes,  a  bad  Ditch,  a  covered 
way,  and  a  good  Glacis,  the  Stockade  is  totally  gone  and 
rotten,  having  been  constructed  in  a  hurry  and  with  perish 
able  Materials,  and  the  defences  towards  the  Water  are  ill 
laid  out,  of  Earth  and  Sodds  :  it  is  true  our  Engineers  have 
ever  since  we  had  it,  been  patching  it  up,  but  as  fast  as  one 
bit  is  done,  another  falls  down,  so  that  it  seems  to  be  a  Work 
without  end,  and  without  answering  any  good  purpose 
whatever,  —  more  Surprizing,  when  the  best  clay  for  Bricks 
in  the  World  is  at  hand,  and  very  good  Stone  and  Lime  may 
be  had  by  water  carriage,  at  a  trifling  distance,  on  all  Sides 
of  this  Fort. 

When  I  consider,  the  very  particular  Importance  of  Niag 
ara,  from  its  commanding  the  Chain  of  Communication  by 
water  from  St.  Lawrence,  and  from  New  York,  to  all  the 
back  Indian  Country,  I  am  Surprized,  Government  does  not 
more  Seriously  attend  to  it,  and  put  it  in  a  respectable  Situa 
tion  :  by  this  Navigation  all  our  upper  Settlements  on  the 
Lakes  to  the  Illinois,  and  even  to  the  Missisipi,  may,  and 
must  be  supplied ;  a  very  thorough  Communication  and 
Trade,  with  all  the  Western  Indians,  may  be  maintained 
and  Improved,  and  our  Superiority  on  the  Lakes  established, 
without  risk  or  doubt,  and  yet  it  is  neglected  !  —  the  Works 
are  failing  daily,  the  Barracks  for  the  Men  and  Officers  going 
into  disrepair,  and  never  were  sufficient ;  No  Shelter  yet 
erected  for  the  Vessels  in  Harbour,  the  place  itself  is  neither 
equal  to  resist  the  attack  of  Regulars  or  of  Indians,  —  the 
Garrison  too  weak,  even  had  it  no  out  Detachments,  and 
lastly  no  Government,  or  person  of  any  Authority,  to  bridle 
the  Cursed  race  of  Traders,  or  treat  or  Settle  with  the 
numerous  and  warlike  Tribes  of  Indians,  who  repair  hither 
with  Skins,  in  order  to  supply  themselves  with  those  Luxuries 
the[y]  get  from  us,  and  cannot  now  do  well  without ;  all  these 

424 


JOURNAL  OF  LORD  ADAM   GORDON 

considerations  call  out  for  more  attention  from  home,  and 
convince  me  that  it  would  be  for  the  good  of  the  Publick  to 
give  the  charge  and  Government,  of  what  I  may  now  be 
allowed  to  call  back  America,  to  some  man  of  Sense  and  Serv 
ice,  who  should  reside  in  it,  and  be  Impowered  to  act,  as 
Circumstances  should  require. 

In  July  1765  the  Garrison  consisted  of  1 10  Men  fit  for  Duty. 

About  13  Miles  above  Niagara,  are  the  famous  Falls, 
which  are  almost  as  difficult  to  describe,  as  to  represent  their 
heighth  —  the  breadth  and  quantity  of  water,  falling  over  a 
Rock  134  feet  high,  astonish  and  pleas[e]  you,  they  greatly 
more  than  answered  any  Ideas  I  had  formed  of  them,  and  I 
doubt  much  if  in  any  part  of  the  known  World,  there  is  any 
thing  of  the  kind,  so  Magnificently  Stupenduous. 

The  river  where  it  falls  is  about  600  feet  broad,  but  the 
constant  Stream  occasioned  by  the  fall,  prevents  your  clearly 
discrying  the  Immense  heighth,  the  Water  for  Several  Miles 
below  is  too  Strong  to  be  Navigated,  even  by  small  boats, 
and  for  a  little  way  above,  it  is  not  Safe  from  the  Suction 
and  Refts  and  Rapids.  It  divides  its  Stream  a  little  above 
the  falls,  forming  an  Island  of  small  extent,  which,  but  just 
Separates,  the  great  and  smaller  falls,  this,  even  would 
appear  great  and  tremenduous  in  any  other  place,  except 
when  you  see  them  both  together.  I  often  visited  these 
falls  in  June  1765,  and  every  time,  I  beheld  them  with  more 
Astonishment  and  Satisfaction.  About  two  little  Miles 
above  the  falls,  we  have  a  very  neat  little  Stockaded  post 
on  the  Shore  called  little  Niagara,  here  the  Vessels  from  Lake 
Erie  etca.  disembark  their  goods,  which  are  put  into  Waggons, 
or  Wains,  drawn  each  by  four  Oxen  and  so  conveyed  over  the 
carrying  place,  about  8  Miles  down  to  the  lower  landing, 
where  we  have  another  post,  to  protect  and  cover  the 
Batteaus,  which  at  this  place  take  on  board  the  goods,  and 
are  carried  down  the  Stream  to  the  Fort  of  Niagara,  and  so 
over  the  Lake  to  the  river  St.  Lawrence  etca.,  etca.  From  a 
rising  ground  about  half  way,  across  this  portage,  and  abreast 
of  the  great  falls,  you  have  a  most  extensive  and  commanding 
prospect,  all  over  the  flat  Country,  quite  to  the  Lakes  and 

425 


TRAVELS  IN  THE  AMERICAN  COLONIES 

over  it,  —  this  they  call  Mount  Pleasant,  and  at  a  pass 
on  it,  extreamly  narrow  and  well  Chosen,  a  party  of  our 
people  was  attacked  by  the  Seneccas  in  1763,  and  cut  off, 
Lieutt.  Campbell  Commanding  Officer  was  killed,  and  the 
few  that  escaped  their  Inhuman  fury  were  forced  to  throw 
themselves  down  the  Precipice  into  the  river,  where  some 
were  drowned,  Some  had  their  Brains  dashed  out,  and  not 
above  five  or  Six  escaped. 

The  River  above  the  falls,  almost  immediately  extends  its 
breadth,  receiving  into  it  several  Streams,  on  both  sides, 
which  forms  many  Islands. — The  Chippewaw  l  and  Senecca  2 
Creeks,  are  two  of  the  most  remarkable,  running  each  up 
into  the  Countries,  inhabited  by  these  Nations.  —  Of  the 
Islands,  Navy  Island,  and  Grand  Isle,  are  the  only  ones  of 
any  Note,  on  the  first  of  these  we  have  a  landing,  and  at  this 
place  have  been  built,  all  the  Vessels  for  Erie,  and  the  upper 
Lakes.  Commodore  Loring  assures  me,  that  nothing 
can  better  answer  that  purpose,  having  in  its  Neighbourhood 
plenty  of  Timber  for  Ship-building,  and  being  well  Sheltered 
and  Situated  in  every  respect.  —  Off  this  Island  our  Vessels 
often  lie,  for  want  of  a  place  of  Security  on  Lake  Erie,  which 
is  the  more  necessary,  that  when  a  Vessel  of  any  burthen,  has 
got  below  the  Rapids,  two  Miles  short  of  the  Lake  Erie,  they 
cannot  be  hauled  up  said  rapids,  without  more  Assistance 
of  Men  than  the  Troops  in  that  Neighbourhood  can  well 
Spare.  On  the  Shore  just  where  the  River  Issues  from  Lake 
Erie,  and  on  the  North  side  we  have  another  Stockaded 
post  —  Called  Erie  —  the  distance  from  this  to  little  Niagara 
is  20  Miles,  and  from  this  to  the  mouth  of  Detroit  river  is 
Computed  about  100  Leagues,  and  Six  Leagues  more  to  the 
Town  and  Fort,  on  Said  river. 

Lake  Erie  is  much  Shallower  than  Ontario,  and  more 
liable  to  Squalls  and  bad  wheather,  but  has  better  Anchor 
age,  the  Water  too  is  more  thick  and  less  wholesome.  —  In 
my  Life  I  never  drank  better,  than  in  the  Middle  of  Lake 
Ontario.  The  Soil  about  Fort  Erie,  is  rich  and  good,  as 

1  Chippewa  River.  2  Tonawanda  Creek. 

426 


JOURNAL  OF  LORD   ADAM   GORDON 

indeed  is  all  the  land  on  both  Sides  the  river,  between  the 
said  two  Lakes,  that  is  as  far  as  to  produce  excellent  Timber, 
which  when  cleared,  white  Clover  succeeds  in  great  plenty, 
and  you  see  a  Soil,  which  will,  with  Cultivation  produce  all 
European  grain  and  Herbage ;  this  holds  equally  to  Grand 
Isle,  which  is  covered  with  a  variety  of  Timber,  fit  for  most 
purposes.  —  It  is  about  18  Miles  long  and  Six  broad,  and 
granted  by  the  Indian  Nations  in  Congress,  July  1764, 
together  with  all  the  Islands  in  the  river,  from  Lake  Erie  to 
Lake  Ontario,  to  Sir  Wm.  Johnston  Baro[ne]t.  —  The  Indians 
at  this  time  granted  to  the  King  for  ever,  the  carrying  place 
at  the  falls,  and  a  quantity  of  land  on  each  Side  the  river 
from  Lake  to  Lake. 

All  this  Land  is  now  covered  with  wood,  very  Improveable 
to  the  falls,  but  from  them  to  the  lower  landing,  the  Channel 
is  narrow  and  rapid,  the  Banks  are  Steep,  Rocky  and  Roman- 
tick,  in  some  places  perpendicular,  and  in  others  hollowed 
out  by  the  Stream  and  Current,  so  that  they  are  (in  that 
Space)  almost  Inaccessible,  and  yet,  bare  as  they  are  of  Soil, 
are  crowded  with  a  variety  of  Trees  and  Shrubs,  —  most 
delightful  to  the  Eye,  amongst  which  are  some  Cedars  and 
Pines.  —  All  the  other  parts  of  the  Land  on  the  river,  and  the 
Islands  in  it,  and  most  of  the  land  near  the  Lakes,  is  covered 
with  most  excellent  Timber  —  Vizt  —  Oaks,  a  variety, 
Hiccarys,  Maples,  Ash  of  two  kinds,  Elms,  Beech,  Birch, 
Lime  and  Sassafras.  On  the  Chippewaw  Creek,  is  White,  or 
New  England  Pine  in  abundance,  but  you  will  observe  that 
the  Land,  where  Pine  grows  all  over  America,  is  almost 
always  light  and  Sandy,  and  where  the  other  kinds  above 
named  grow,  with  a  variety  of  Trees  I  am  ignorant  of  —  You 
are  almost  certain  of  a  good  Loamy  or  mixed  Soil,  which  when 
cleared  and  drained,  will  immediately  produce  white  clover 
very  thick,  and  Sweet,  and  the  farther  you  penetrate  back 
from  the  Coast,  I  have  ever  in  America  found,  the  Soil  the 
fatter,  and  the  Timber  of  all  kinds  to  be  of  a  greater  Size, 
altho'  in  all  parts  of  it  I  have  visited,  you  meet  every  here 
and  there,  with  a  Strip  of  poor  land,  covered  with  pines  and 
underwood.  Before  I  leave  these  Lakes,  I  must  Say  they 
as  427 


TRAVELS  IN  THE  AMERICAN  COLONIES 

abound  in  good  Fish,  and  of  a  variety,  not  unlike,  but  yet 
not  the  same,  with  ours  in  Europe.  Below  the  falls  they1 
Salmon,  above  them,  white  fish  in  plenty,  and  of  a  good  Size  ; 
A  Seine  is  a  good  Companion,  and  the  best  resource  to  the 
poor  Soldiers,  who  works  harder  here,  than  any  where,  and 
Suffers  more  than  he  ought,  owing  to  the  Mistaken  (Economy 
of  those  who  advised  obliging  the  Soldiers  to  pay  for  their 
Salt  provisions,  which  too  often  are  not  the  best  in  the  World, 
and  which  may  easily  be  proved,  to  be  considerably  a  greater 
Expence  to  the  Government,  than  to  have  continued  to 
them  their  provisions,  as  the  Men  now  must  be  punctu 
ally  paid  for  all  kinds  of  Work,  which  formerly  they  did 
with  good  will  and  cheerfullness,  without  any  additional 
pay. 

I  left  Niagara  in  the  Schooner  Brunswick  —  Captain 
Speers,  —  Commodore  Loring  on  board,  on  the  $th  of 
July,  Steering  for  the  Northern  Shore  for  Caderaqui,2  which 
may  be  about  70  Leagues  distance,  Lying  East  North  East, 
the  Navigation  is  good,  'till  you  get  amongst  the  Islands, 
which  are  many,  and  all  covered  with  wood.  The  French 
at  this  place,  had  a  pretty  little  Stone  Quarre,  which  Com 
manded  the  River  bearing  that  Name :  Their  Fort  was 
called  Fort  Frontenac,  and  up  the  river  close  under  this  Fort, 
they  had  a  Safe  and  Commodious  harbour  for  all  their  Lake 
Vessels ;  You  bring  into  it  from  two  and  a  half  to  three 
fathom  Water,  the  best  Channel  lies  to  the  Starboard  as  you 
go  in.  It  seems  a  pity  we  should  have  dismantled  it  so 
much,  as  it  abounds  with  Hay,  Stone  and  Lime-Stone,  is  a 
Safe  road,  [with]  plenty  of  Fish  and  Timber  for  Ship-building 
not  very  distant ;  besides  which,  I  understand  it  would  be  a 
great  Saving  of  expence,  Risk  and  time,  if  the  Batteaus  from 
Montreal,  which  at  this  time  bring  up  the  Stores  and  Provi 
sions  for  all  the  upper  Posts,  only  as  far  as  Oswegatchee, 
could  bring  them  and  Lodge  them  there,  as  they  always  did 
in  the  French  time.  The  Navigation  from  Frontenac  to 
Oswegatchee  being  very  Unsafe  and  Rocky,  for  loaded  Ves- 

1  There  are.  2  Now  Kingston,  Ontario. 

428 


JOURNAL  OF  LORD  ADAM   GORDON 

sels,  and  extremely  incertain,  on  account  of  the  Shoals  and 
Currents  :  whereas  from  Frontenac,  across  to  Fort  Ontario 
or  Niagara,  it  may  be  run  in  24  hours,  or  less,  without  much 
Risk,  so  that  one  good  Vessel  would  do  all  the  business  on 
said  Lake,  instead  of  three  now  employed,  and  I  hold  it  that 
the  expence  attending  the  other  two  Vessels,  must  consider 
ably  exceed  that  of  bringing  in  Canada  Batteaus,  the  Pro 
visions  from  Oswegatchee  to  Frontenac,  about  30  Leagues, 
not  to  mention  the  advantage  of  a  safe  harbour  at  all  times 
to  the  King's  Vessels  on  Lake  Ontario.  I  do  believe  fifteen 
hundred  pounds  would  reinstate  this  Port,  as  Timber,  Stone 
and  Lime-Stone  are  contiguous,  and  nothing  but  Labour 
requisite.  It  lies  among  the  Missesagues,  who  are,  and  have 
been  always  our  friends,  and  I  believe  they  would  be  pleased 
to  have  us  again  amongst  them. 

From  Frontenac  to  Oswegatchee,  where  we  have  a  small 
Post  is  about  35  Leagues,  thro'  an  infinite  variety  and  Num 
ber  of  Islands  of  all  Sizes,1  in  some  places  the  Channel  is  very 
narrow,  and  difficult  to  hit,  on  account  of  the  Sunken  Rocks 
and  Shoals  —  in  one  place  not  more  than  two  fathoms.  —  As 
you  descend,  it  becomes  more  rapid,  and  when  you  enter  the 
last  narrows,  about  Seven  Leagues  Short  of  Oswegatchee,  the 
Current  is  extremely  strong,  running  not  less  than  three  and 
a  half  knots  an  hour.  —  Nothing  can  please  more,  or  appear 
more  Romantick,  than  this  passage  from  Caderaqui,  the 
Islands  and  Keys  are  almost  all  of  them  covered  with  Pine, 
and  some  other  Brush,  growing  almost  out  of  the  Rocks,  for 
Scarce  any  mould  can  be  observed  :  the  wood  is  Scraggy 
and  Stunted,  and  will  never  arrive  at  any  Size  for  use.  — As 
you  descend,  the  Coasts  of  the  main  land  begins  to  mend, 
and  at  Oswegatchee  the  land  is  good  and  produces  well,  — 
from  Oswegatchee  to  Fort  William  Augustus,  is  about  two 
Leagues :  here  it  was  the  French  endeavoured  to  interrupt 
our  progress,  by  fortifying  hastily  a  small  Island,  lying 
nearly  in  the  middle  of  the  river,  however,  all  the  Batteaus 
of  the  Army  passed  it,  and  left  it  to  the  right  with  scarce 

1  Thousand  Islands. 
429 


TRAVELS  IN  THE  AMERICAN   COLONIES 

any  loss  of  Men,  yet  Mr.  Amherst 1  did  not  chuse  to  leave 
it  behind  him,  so  he  attacked  it  from  three  different  Bat 
teries,  two  from  Islands  and  one  from  the  Main  land,  and 
carried  it  in  Six  days,  after  opening  ground.  The  Works 
are  Mouldering,  having  never  been  good,  nor  do  I  think  in 
prudence  it  ought  to  be  repaired,  as  it  can  never  be  of  use 
to  us,  to  have  a  Fort  in  that  place.  From  this  we  took 
Batteaus,  and  in  about  Six  Miles,  arrived  at  the  first  dan 
gerous  Rapid,  called  le  long  saut.  The  distance  from  Fort 
William  Augustus  to  Montreal,  is  about  30  Leagues,  in 
which  space  you  have  about  Seven  or  Eight  of  those  rapids 
to  pass,  all  of  them  bad,  and  not  to  be  attempted  without  a 
Skilful  Pilot,  but  with  one  who  knows  the  Channels,  and 
can  keep  her  head  to  the  Water,  there  is  not  much  risk. 
I  did  not  get  out  at  any  of  them  'till  we  arrived  at  La  Chine, 
nine  Short  miles  from  Montreal,  where  we  Slept  the  second 
night.  There  are  two  remarkable  broad  parts  in  this  pas 
sage,  the  first  Lake  St.  Francis,  the  other  Lake  St.  Louis ; 
here  the  water  is  very  smooth,  with  little  current  to  be  dis 
covered,  and  at  the  bottom  of  each,  are  two  of  the  great 
rapids.  On  St.  Francis  is  a  little  Village  of  Christian  In 
dians  called  St.  Regist,2  where  a  Jesuit  and  one  French 
family  reside.  They  have  all  of  them  tolerable  houses,  and 
live  by  cultivating  land  on  the  Neighbouring  Islands,  and 
by  Fishing  and  Shooting.  Here  Salmon  and  other  good 
Fish  abounds.  The  Banks  of  this  river  all  the  way  from 
Oswegatchee,  seem  good  and  capable  of  improvement,  but 
are  little  inhabited,  'till  you  come  down  as  far  as  it  is  met  by 
a  branch  of  the  great  or  Outtaawaw  river,3  over  against 
Isle  Perrot,  there,  and  above  the  point  of  Cedars,  you  have 
houses  at  every  four  or  five  hundred  yards  along  the  river, 
all  the  way  to  Montreal  on  the  left  side,  and  a  few  on  the 
right  as  you  descend,  which  has  the  most  agreeable  effect 
you  can  conceive. 

Isle  Perrot  is  altogether  cultivated  and  well  Inhabited, 

1  Jeffrey  Amherst,  who  in  1758  was  made  a  major-general  and 
took  command  of  the  expedition  against  Canada. 

2  St.  Regis.  3  Ottawa  River. 

430 


JOURNAL  OF  LORD  ADAM  GORDON 

between  it  and  Isle  Jesus  and  Isle  Marie,  now  Montreal, 
runs  up  the  chief  Channel  of  the  great  river,  which  is  one 
way  to  Michelimackinac  and  the  upper  Lakes.  On  this 
Route,  you  have  36  Portages,  yet  it  was  much  frequented 
by  the  French  Traders,  and  is  now  used  by  some  of  Ours. 
—  Over  against  La  Chine,  Stands  a  pretty  considerable 
Village  of  Catholick  Indians,  about  300  fighting  Men  — 
The  French  call  it  St.  Louis,  and  they  call  it  themselves 
Chanawaga,1  from  a  Country  of  that  Name  on  the  Mohawk 
river,  from  whence  they  migrated.  It  [is]  surrounded  with  a 
Wall  and  Stockade,  has  a  handsome  Church,  and  good  Corn 
Mills  belonging  to  the  Indians,  any  Canadians  who  live 
thereabouts,  being  obliged  to  pay  them  Rent,  or  some 
trifling  acknowledgement,  for  the  Lands  they  hold  of  them. 
The  Canadians  are  a  Robust,  hardy,  clean  made  set  of 
people,  accustomed  from  their  tenderst  years  to  cold  and 
fatigue,  they  resemble  greatly  their  Indian  neighbours,  as 
well  in  looks  and  complexion,  as  in  their  manners  and  Lazi 
ness.  It  is  true  the  Country  is  good,  and  the  Climate  most 
healthful ;  a  Working  man,  by  labouring  hard  one  day,  may 
well  support  himself  and  his  family  for  a  Week,  which, 
together  with  some  natural  Inconve[n]iencies,  may  in  a  degree 
excuse  their  want  of  Industry.  They  have  generally  Six  or 
Seven  Months  of  Frost  and  Snow,  during  which  time  their 
ground  can  produce  but  little,  or  nothing,  as  soon  as  these 
are  past,  they  plough  and  Sow,  and  in  less  than  four  Months 
their  harvest  begins  and  is  all  got  into  their  Barns.  Their 
Stock  must  all  be  Stall  fed,  and  are  sometimes  obliged  to 
be  housed  all  Winter.  They  grow  about  Montreal  excellent 
Wheat,  Corn  and  Barley,  Pease  and  all  manner  of  Kitchen 
Stuff  in  abundance.  I  do  not  think  the  water  of  the  river 
so  good  as  in  Lake  Ontario,  altho'  they  have  Springs  and 
pump  water2  enough.  Montreal,  originally  Ville  St.  Marie, 
stands  on  an  Island  of  its  name,  which  may  be  about 
Leagues  long  3  and  three  broad,  there  is  plenty  of  Meadow 

1  Caughnawaga.  2  Well  water. 

3  Montreal  Island  is  about  thirty-two  miles  long. 


TRAVELS  IN  THE  AMERICAN  COLONIES 

pasture  all  round  it,  and  within  a  little  distance,  perhaps 
two  Miles,  is  an  Hill,  from  whence  you  have  a  very  beau 
tiful  and  extensive  prospect  of  the  river,  the  Islands  in  it, 
and  all  the  adjoining  Country,  —  the  face  of  it,  is  much 
like  a  good  part  of  Europe,  and  less  wooded  than  most  parts 
of  Inhabited  America.  --  The  Town  may  have  about  600 
Houses,  the  Streets  are  narrow,  it  runs  along  the  river,  and 
is  three  times  as  long  as  it  is  broad ;  the  Jesuits  and  Recol 
lects  have  each  an  Establishment  in  it ;  There  are  also  three 
Nuneries  in  it  and  several  Churches.  The  best  built  part 
of  it,  was  burnt  down  in  May  1765 — upwards  of  a  100 
houses  in  a  few  hours  were  destroyed,  and  had  not  the  Wind, 
which  was  very  high,  most  providentially  come  about,  the 
whole  City  might  have  Shared  the  same  fate.  The  Military 
were  of  infinite  use  on  the  occasion,  the  people  have  never  had 
the  precaution  to  have  one  Fire-Engine,  altho'  they  have 
suffered  three  different  times,  in  less  than  an  hundred  years. 

Most  of  the  Noblesse  of  Canada,  have  residencies  here, 
and  altho'  Quebec  has  been,  and  must  always  be  the  Key  of 
Canada,  and  the  Seat  of  Government,  yet  from  its  Situa 
tion  and  Communication  by  Water,  with  all  the  back  Coun 
tries  and  Lakes,  Montreal  must  always  be  a  place  of  conse 
quence,  tho'  not  a  place  of  Strength,  there  is  a  good  Stone 
and  Lime  Wall,  with  some  Embrazures  and  loop-holes,  all 
round  it,  which  is  quite  Sufficient  to  protect  it  from  Indian 
insults  and  attacks.  —  The  house  of  the  Jesuits,  will  make 
at  a  very  moderate  expence,  an  Excellent  Barrack  to  con 
tain  twelve  or  fourteen  Companies,  which  number  ought 
always  to  be  there,  and  is  sufficient. 

The  whole  Island  of  Montreal,  and  other  lands  dispersed 
in  the  Province  of  Canada,  hold  1  and  belong  to  the  Com- 
munaute  de  St.  Sulpice  in  old  France,  and  bring  them  an 
Income,  not  under  four  thousand  pounds  Sterling  per  Year. 

The  Women  here  affect  dress  very  much,  and  resemble  in 
their  manners,  conversation  and  behaviour,  those  of  their 
Mother  Country  —  such  as  Stile  themselves  Noblesse  scarce 

1  Are  held  by. 
432 


JOURNAL  OF  LORD  ADAM  GORDON 

hold  any  correspondence  but  with  one  another,  despising  all 
the  others,  and  calling  them  des  Bourgeois.  They  are  in 
general  rather  pretty  than  handsome,  very  clever  and  enter 
taining,  but  not  mindful  of  their  family  matters,  to  which 
they  have  not  been  accustomed,  and  therefore  as  well  as  on 
account  of  their  Religion,  to  which  they  are  exceedingly 
bigotted,  they  never  can  make  good  Wives  for  English 
Officers,  altho'  the  Experiment  has  been  lately  tried,  and 
they  seem  to  have  no  objection  to  such  connections.  The 
people  in  general,  and  even  the  most  sensible  of  them,  are 
prodigiously  fond  of  their  ancient  manner  of  Government, 
and  have  not  yet  found  out,  the  advantages  attending  a 
free  Inquest  by  Juries.  Time  only  can  open  their  Eyes  in 
this  matter,  and  many  others,  where  the  Scale  will  always 
appear  to  a  cool  and  Sensible  Man,  to  be  of  our  Side. 

The  rivers  supply  them  well  with  Fish  and  their  Markets 
has  1  Butchers  meat  good  in  its  kind  and  in  Season.  I  am 
told  that  in  December  they  lay  in  their  Stock  for  Winter, 
consisting  of  Meat  and  Poultry  and  Fish  these  are  laid  in  a 
Cellar  to  freeze,  and  keep  good  with  ease  and  without  putre 
faction,  'till  the  end  of  April  or  Middle  of  May,  when  the 
Frost  Subsides  and  Spring  recommences. 

Of  the  French  Inhabitants  and  Officers,  Several  of  whom 
had  gone  home  on  the  conquest  of  Canada  by  the  English, 
are  returned  to  it,  others  have  Sold  their  properties  to 
British  Subjects,  and  all  have  taken  the  Oaths  of  Alle 
giance,  and  will,  I  think  in  the  succeeding  generation  be 
come  useful  Subjects,  both  in  Peace  and  War,  if  properly 
moulded  by  those,  who  by  their  Superiour  Stations  and  good 
example  make  2  take  the  lead  in  a  point  of  so  much  essential 
consequence  to  Great  Britain  and  America.  In  1765, 
Major  General  R.  Burton,3  commanded  at  Montreal  as 
Brigadier  General,  he  was  equally  well  respected  and  loved 
by  the  Troops  and  by  the  Inhabitants,  as  every  honest  man 
will  in  Command,  who  does  his  Duty  in  a  Gentleman  like 
manner,  and  has  determination  and  good  breeding. 

1  Have.  2  May. 

3  Ralph  Burton,  who  was  made  a  major-general  in  July,  1762. 

433 


TRAVELS  IN  THE  AMERICAN  COLONIES 

About  the  end  of  July  1765,  I  left  Montreal  to  go  to 
Quebec  by  Water,  the  Passage  is  Sixty  Leagues,  and  the 
Country  on  each  side  the  river,  for  the  greatest  part  of  the 
Way,  is  very  much  Inhabited,  having  a  parish  Church,  at 
the  distance  of  every  eight  or  nine  Miles,  many  times  they 
are  placed  opposite  to  one  another,  and  have  a  very  agree 
able  effect. 

The  Channel  of  this  river  is  in  many  places,  narrow  and 
difficult,  yet  capable  with  good  Pilotage,  to  admit  of  Twenty 
Gun  Ships,  as  high  almost  as  Montreal ;  The  Country  from 
Montreal  to  the  plains  of  Maskindngi l  is  all  cultivated,  but 
these  being  liable  to  be* overflowed  in  the  Springs  and  the 
falls,  are  used  only  as  Hay  meadows,  they  are  of  a  consider 
able  extent,  and  Interspersed  with  woods,  Creeks,  and 
Marshes,  however  the  Hay  is  excellent,  and  in  great  Quan 
tities  most  years,  they  house  it  all  in  Barns,  built  on  the 
Spot,  and  elevated  above  the  high  flood  mark,  and  they 
convey  it  to  their  habitations,  either  up  or  down  the  river, 
in  Summer  in  Boats,  in  Winter  on  Sleads,  (a  kind  of  Vehicle 
every  where  used  in  Canada,  during  the  Seven  Winter 
months)  these  are  drawn  generally  by  one  Horse,  and  in 
them  the  Ladies  and  Gentlemen  go  avisiting,  both  in  Town 
and  Country,  during  the  continuance  of  the  Snow ;  they 
travel  60  Miles  a  day  over  rivers,  Lakes,  and  Morasses,  and 
thro'  Woods  which  for  the  rest  of  the  year,  are  totally  in 
accessible  ;  they  are  both  open  and  covered,  and  when  they 
are  made  large  to  hold  four  people  in  them  like  the  body  of  a 
Coach,  they  put  more  Horses  to  them,  according  to  the 
weight  to  be  drawn.  In  this  Season  every  thing  of  heavy 
carriage  is  transported,  as  Timber,  Stone,  Iron  Ore,  Grain, 
etca.,  etca. 

The  Banks  of  the  St.  Lawrence  is  more  thickly  Inhabited 
than  of  any  River  I  ever  Saw,  and  I  am  told  whilst  it  was 
in  possession  of  France,  they  could  by  Signal,  and  com 
munication  of  a  kind  of  Cannon,  from  Parish  to  Parish,  and 
by  Flags  and  Signals,  which  every  Captain  of  Militia  had 

1  Maskinonge. 
434 


JOURNAL  OF  LORD  ADAM   GORDON 

at  his  door,  on  a  long  Pole,  like  a  May  Pole,  convey  an  Alarm, 
all  the  way  from  Montreal  to  Quebec,  in  a  very  Short  time, 
an  advantage  attending  their  method  of  settling,  which  in 
our  Provinces  was  never  thought  of.  Lake  St.  Pierre  lies 
above  Trois  Rivieres ;  —  in  this  Lake  are  many  wooded 
and  well  Inhabited  Islands,  and  a  variety  of  Channels, 
Rocks  and  Shoals,  —  The  water  is  here  least  deep,  as  being 
more  expanded,  and  near  the  upper  end  of  it  the  River 
Sorrell,  which  conveys  down  the  Waters  of  Lake  Champlain 
and  Lake  George,  falls  into  the  River  St.  Lawrence.  The 
Town  of  Trois  Riviere,1  as  well  as  Montreal  and  Quebec, 
stands  on  the  North  West  Bank  of  this  Noble  River,  —  The 
Situation  of  it  is  grand  and  Pleasant,  it  has  a  Parish  Church 
and  King's  or  Governour's  House,  a  Convent  of  Recollets,  a 
Nunnery  of  Urselines,  and  some  few  other  good  private  houses. 
In  the  French  time,  Trois  Riviers  and  Montreal,  were  two 
distinct  Governments,  Subject,  as  well  as  that  of  the  Illinois, 
to  the  Supreme  controul  of  the  Governour  General  of  Canada. 
All  these  places  are  healthy,  the  land  about  Trois  Rivieres 
is  light  and  Sandy,  like  an  English  heath,  with  Pitch  Pines 
at  great  distances,  and  a  few  other  Trees  and  bushes,  but 
open  enough  to  hunt  with  hounds.  From  this  I  went  to 
the  Iron  Works  or  Forges,  nine  Miles  back,  and  Situated  on 
a  Brook  which  runs  into  the  river  of  Trois  Rivieres,  the 
Source  of  which  lies  towards  Hudsons  Bay,  and  is  Inhabited 
by  Indian  Tribes  of  different  Nations.  About  eight  and 
twenty  years  ago,  these  Works  were  set  on  foot,  on  the 
French  King's  account,  several  Workmen  were  sent  out 
from  France,  of  which  a  few  are  still  remaining.  As  much 
Iron  was  made  as  supplied  Canada,  also  afforded  a  con 
siderable  overplus,  which  was  annually  Ship't  off  at  Quebec, 
and  esteemed  equal,  if  not  superiour  to  any  Swedish,  or 
other  European  Iron,  particularly  on  account  of  its  tough 
ness,  and  not  Snapping.  The  Ore  is  about  Nine  Miles  off, 
and  some  of  it  nearer,  but  on  the  opposite  side  of  the  river, 
they  used  to  dig  it  in  Summer,  and  bring  it  down  to  the 

1  Three  Rivers. 
435 


TRAVELS   IN  THE   AMERICAN   COLONIES 

Smelting  house  in  Sleas1  in  Winter  over  the  Snow.  The 
Works  were  roomy  and  compleat,  their  Supply  of  water  was 
large,  and  constant,  and  the  Iron  made  much  in  esteem 
amongst  themselves  and  in  Europe,  at  present,  all  is  going 
to  ru[i]n,  the  Works  are  Stopped,  and  if  not  resumed,  the 
former  expence  in  building  Mills  and  Engines  will  be  totally 
thrown  away  and  of  no  future  use ;  these  now  would  do 
much  good,  and  save  great  outlay  to  any  Company  of  Ad 
venturers  from  Britain,  or  elsewhere,  who  might  chuse  to 
take  a  Lease  of  them  and  Work  them.  It  may  not  be  im 
proper  here  to  remark,  that  in  good  policy  all  Iron  Works, 
we  have  in  America,  Should  be  encouraged  by  the  Mother- 
Country,  both  on  Account  of  Saving  our  money  from  going 
to  the  Northern  Countries  of  Europe,  and  that,  without 
Iron  or  some  such  heavy  commodity,  it  will  be  impossible 
for  large  Ships  to  load  safely  with  Hemp  and  Flax,  two  of 
the  great  Staples,  with  which  North  America  will  in  a  few 
years  be  well  enabled  to  furnish,  not  only  Great  Britain  and 
Ireland,  but  all  her  own  Internal  demands  for  Cordage 
etca.,  etca.  Trois  Rivieres  is  just  half  way  from  Montreal 
to  Quebec,  Vizt  30  Leagues,  —  from  Trois  Rivieres  'till  you 
get  with[in]  four  Leagues  of  Quebec,  the  Banks  are  beautifully 
cultivated,  and  form  a  most  rich  and  striking  view ;  as  you 
get  nearer  Quebec,  they  become  every  where  steep  and  Rocky, 
and  altho'  altogether  covered  with  Brush  and  Underwood, 
are  uncommonly  romantick  and  pleasing :  the  Channel 
from  Trois  Rivieres,  is  in  some  places  exceeding  difficult, 
and  not  to  be  attempted  without  a  Skilful  Pilot,  notwith 
standing  which  difficulties,  in  1760  General  Murray's 2 
Army,  with  some  Frigates  under  Captain  Deane  and  all  the 
Transports  got  up  it,  to  Isle  St.  Therese,  which  lies  about 
10  or  12  Miles  below  Montreal,  without  any  Material  loss, 

1  Sleighs. 

2  James  Murray,  who  was  left  in  command  of  Quebec  after  the 
French    surrendered    that   city  to  the  English  in  1759,  and  who 
defended   it  against  an  attack  by  the  French  in  1760.     He  was 
appointed  governor  of  Quebec  in  October,  1760,  and  was  governor 
of  Canada  in  1763-1766. 

436 


JOURNAL  OF  LORD   ADAM   GORDON 

the  French  Army  attending  them  on  each  side  the  river  as 
they  advanced  ;  at  low  Water,  one  would  think  it  impossible 
any  vessel  could  get  up,  so  full  of  Rocks  does  this  River 
appear.  Above  the  Rapids  of  Richelieu  the  Tide  is  scarce 
perceptible,  altho'  it  swells  the  water,  all  the  way  up  to 
Trois  Rivieres,  or  even  as  far  as  the  point  du  Lac,  which 
forms  the  lowest  end  of  Lake  St.  Pierre.  The  pass  of  De 
Chambeau  is  at  Richelieu,  from  whence  our  Vessels  were 
fired  at,  from  an  occasional  Fort,  thrown  up  round  the 
Church ;  this  seems  a  Commanding  pass  on  the  river,  and 
might  be  very  useful  Should  there  ever  be  a  necessity  to 
Interrupt  its  free  Navigation  again.  Just  at  Quebec,  the 
River  St.  Lawrence  is  more  narrow  than  any  where  from 
Frontenac  to  its  Mouth,  being  not  more  than  eleven  hundred 
yards  over,  and  from  this  it  was  our  Batteries  demolished 
all  the  low  Town,  the  Chateau  St.  Louis,  the  Cathedral,  the 
Bishops  house,  and  almost  every  good  house,  in  even  the 
upper  Town. 

This  famous  City  is  Situated  on  a  Commanding  point  of 
Land,  formed  by  the  influx  of  the  River  St.  Charles,  into 
that  of  St.  Lawrence,  the  highest  part  of  the  upper  Town, 
called  Cape  Diamond  commands  all  round,  and  with  a  good 
Citadel  which  it  undoubtedly  ought  to  have,  would  be  im 
mensely  Strong :  there  is  a  vacant  space  betwixt  that  and 
the  Town,  which  shelves  down  towards  the  low  Town,  at 
the  back  of  which,  the  rock  in  most  places,  is  almost  per 
pendicular  and  very  high,  on  the  edge  of  this  precipice, 
hanging  over  the  low  Town,  stands  the  King's  House,  called 
Chateau  St.  Louis.  No  Situation  can  be  better  chosen,  or 
more  grand,  for  it  commands  the  view  of  the  Bason,  which 
is  capable  of  Containing  any  Fleet,  the  Low  Town  and  the 
road  before  it  towards  the  river  St.  Lawrence,  where  Ships 
come  to  an  Anchor,  besides  all  the  Cote  de  Lauzon,  the 
Point  Levi,  the  Isle  of  Orleans,  and  part  of  the  Banks  of 
Montmorrency.  It  is  much  demolished,  as  are  the  Cathe 
dral,  and  Episcopal  Palace,  which  stands  a  little  lower,  yet 
has  almost  as  Commanding  a  prospect.  In  good  policy, 
these  Buildings,  should  all  be  repaired,  as  is  already  almost 

437 


TRAVELS  IN  THE  AMERICAN   COLONIES 

every  house  in  the  lower  Town,  and  many  in  the  Upper. 
The  Jesuits  have  here  a  Noble  College,  built  round  a  Square, 
and  a  good  Garden ;  it  would  make  an  exceeding  good 
Barrack,  for  a  Regiment,  including  Officers.  The  Recollets 
have  also  a  house  and  Garden,  as  have  the  Seminary  for 
the  Education  of  youth,  which  is  large  and  Spacious,  and 
is  now  refitting.  Their  Garden  is  one  of  the  best,  and  their 
Establishment  must  ever  be  useful ;  there  are  two  Con 
vents  for  Women  in  Town,  and  another  very  large  Estab 
lishment  called  the  General  Hospital,  for  Sick  and  wounded 
of  both  Sexes,  which  is  about  a  Mile  and  a  half  out  of  Town, 
on  the  River  St.  Charles,  has  a  good  deal  of  land  in  property, 
and  will  always  be  Serviceable.  These  Ladies  had 1  great  at 
tention  to  our  Sick  and  wounded  Officers  and  Soldiers,  and 
deserve  the  Royal  protection. 

The  Country  on  every  Side  of  Quebec,  is  Strong  and  well 
worth  Seeing  for  a  Soldier  —  the  Works  are  badly  con 
structed,  and  may  be  Enfiladed  from  beyond  the  river  St. 
Charles,  they  would  require  a  Numerous  Army  to  defend 
them,  and  an  open  communication  with  the  Sea.  It  always 
has  [been]  and  alway[s]  must  be  esteemed  the  Key  of  Canada, 
which  now  seems  to  be  a  natural  part  of  our  American 
Empire,  and  ever  should  have  been  thought  so,  nor  Should 
we  upon  any  account,  ever  part  with  it.  A  Stranger  going 
to  Quebec,  ought  carefully  to  visit  the  Cove  de  Foulon, 
where  the  gallant  General  Wolfe 2  heroically  Landed,  and  the 
Height  of  Abraham  where  he  gloriously  fell ;  the  Isle  of 
Orleans  where  he  first  disembarked  the  Troops  and  the 
heights  of  Montmorrency  and  Point  Levi,  where  he  Estab 
lished  his  Posts,  and  from  whence  he  Battered  and  Bom 
barded  the  Town,  and  from  which  he  fired  on  the  French 
Army  in  their  Lines,  which  ran  along  the  Coast,  from  the 
Tete  du  Pont,  on  the  river  St.  Charles,  to  the  falls  on  the 
Montmorrency.  He  will  also  visit  the  Post  of  Repentigni, 
above  said  falls,  and  the  Banks  of  St.  Charles  for  a  League 

1  Paid. 

2  General  James  Wolfe,  who  was  in  command  of  the  English  forces 
which  captured  Quebec  in  September,  1759. 

438 


JOURNAL  OF  LORD  ADAM  GORDON 

above  the  Town,  —  the  Ride  from  the  Town  by  Saint 
Bruit,  St.  Foix,  the  two  Lorettos  and  Charlesburgh,  return 
ing  by  the  Bridge,  or  rather  Ferry  on  Charles  river,  is  as  fine 
as  any  in  America  :  the  View  is  bounded  by  a  Ridge  of 
Mountains,  distant  and  little  known,  but  all  covered  with 
Wood. 

Quebec  in  time  of  Peace  is  well  supplied  with  all  provi 
sions,  Fish  and  flesh,  and  is  I  think,  one  of  the  most  agree 
able  Quarters  in  America  :  indeed  I  would  prefer  Canada, 
for  Society  and  conversation,  to  any  Province  I  have  yet 
seen ;  the  people  are  good  humoured,  sensible,  very  polite, 
and  fond  of  Strangers,  they  are  gay  and  not  giddy,  and 
brave,  without  boasting  of  being  so  :  their  Women  in  general 
know  a  good  deal,  and  are  both  handsome  and  agreeable. 
Upon  the  whole,  when  one  thinks  of  an  hundred  Thousand 
Souls,  in  Canada,  all  of  whom,  must  now  be  Supplied  from 
Great  Britain,  a  large  extent  of  Country,  the  best  of  which 
is  still  to  people  and  Cultivate,  and  these  a  hardy  race, 
born  to  Arms  and  to  fatigue,  I,  for  one,  must  always  esteem 
Canada,  a  most  Essential  acquisition  to  America,  and  not 
less  so  to  Britain,  provided  She  is  sensible  enough  to  see,  and 
improve  the  advantages,  which  this  Colony  may  be  of  to 
both. 

The  river  St.  Lawrence  is  Navigable  for  Twenty  Gun 
Ships  160  Leagues  up  to  Montreal,  and  for  Batteaus  up  to 
the  Lakes. 

Some  Thoughts  relative  to  Canada,   as  It  appeared  affected 

in  1764 

THE  people  of  this  Province  in  general  (100.000  Souls) 
seem  not  at  all  dissatisfied  with  their  new  Masters,  but 
having  ever  since  their  existence  been  governed  by  a  Mili 
tary  power,  are  extremely  averse  to  our  Forms  of  Civil 
Government,  and  very  desirous  (one  and  all)  to  be  continued 
on  their  old  footing. -- There  may  be  several  Causes  as 
signed  for  this. 

ist.   All  the  Noblesse  in  the  Province  are  descended  from 

439 


TRAVELS  IN  THE  AMERICAN  COLONIES 

Officers  sent  out  at  different  periods  from  France.  They  have 
always  had  Commands,  and  in  all  times  of  danger  or  Alarm, 
were  accustomed  to  turn  out  at  the  head  of  their  people, 
which  people,  from  their  earliest  Infancy  were  hardily 
brought  up  to  Arms,  to  Scour  the  Woods,  and  Mount  the 
Rivers,  to  Shoot  and  to  fish,  by  which  means  many  of  them 
procured  their  Subsistance,  never  chusing  to  Cultivate 
more  land  than  was  barely  necessary. 

2dly.  The  Priests,  most  of  whom  are  from  France,  have 
a  great  ascendancy  over  all  the  Canadians,  particularly  the 
lower  sort,  and  to  do  them  justice  they  do  not  seem  to  have 
made  bad  use  of  their  Authority,  for  before  our  Arrival  in 
Canada,  there  scarce  ever  was  heard  of  a  Murder,  a  Theft 
or  a  Bankruptcy :  the  Ideas  of  the  Roman  Catholick  Re 
ligion  are  much  more  connected  with,  and  calculated  for 
the  French  plan  of  Government  than  ours,  and  they  would 
certainly  preserve  more  respect  to  themselves  by  continu 
ing  on  the  old  plan. 

3dly.  The  Canadians  have  always  been  taught  a  great 
degree  of  deference  and  respect  for  their  Superiours,  which 
is  not  yet  worn  out,  and  we  see  that  where  custom  has 
made  that  the  case  and  the  people  are  protected,  they  feel 
just  as  gay  and  well  pleased,  as  in  Countries,  where  every 
one  is  on  a  footing  of  equality. 

Upon  the  whole  I  think  they  were  too  suddenly  adopted 
into  our  Government,  at  a  time  [when]  there  was  no  proper 
people  of  our  Religion  and  Language  to  be  made  Magistrates, 
and  before  the  Natives  could  have  any  Idea  of  our  Laws  and 
Forms  of  Justice,  which  are  ever  prolix  and  very  expensive. 
In  former  days  all  their  Suits  were  determined  in  a  short 
time  and  at  scarce  any  expence,  at  present  the  case  is  dia 
metrically  opposite,  and  therefore  it  is  no  wonder  they 
complain  of  the  Change. 

jihly.  The  British  Inhabitants  as  yet  settled  in  Canada, 
are  the  Scum  of  the  Earth,  —  they  give  themselves  airs  of 
importance  as  Justices  of  Peace  and  Magistrates,  whilst 
they  instil  nothing  but  Licentiousness  and  Faction  into 
the  minds  of  the  Inhabitants,  who  are  innocently  made  to 

440 


JOURNAL  OF  LORD  ADAM  GORDON 

believe  things  that  are  false  and  groundless,  and  from  want 
of  knowing  what  our  Constitution  is,  and  judging  only 
from  the  bad  behaviour  of  such  fellows  as  are  set  over  them, 
they  are  with  great  reason  apt  to  think  ill  of  such  people, 
and  to  condemn  the  whole  System. 

I  should  think  it  would  much  tend  to  the  good  of  the 
Province  to  do  something  to  gain  the  good  will  and  attach 
ment  of  the  Noblesse  or  better  sort,  —  to  lower  the  in 
fluence  of  the  Priests,  and  to  establish  Funds  in  the 
Province  to  defray  Its  ordinary  expences,  Civil  and  Military, 
perhaps  without  any  expence  to  the  Mother  Country,  al 
ready  too  much  Saddled.  To  attain  these  good  purposes, 
I  would  by  act  of  Parliament  vest  all  the  Religious  property 
of  Canada  unalienably  in  the  King ;  —  I  would  give  pensions 
to  all  the  Supernumerary  Priests  during  their  lives,  and 
Settle  fixed  Salaries  upon  all  the  Parish  Priests,  Masters 
and  Professors  in  the  two  Seminaries  of  Quebec  and  Mon 
treal.  I  would  confine  the  Number  of  Female  Convents 
and  Nuns,  and  give  to  each  House  an  adequate  annual  in 
come  in  money.  I  would  vest  in  the  King  all  Tythes  etca. 
I  would  considerably  add  to  the  plan  of  education  in  each 
Seminary,  and  I  would  have  one  Academy  for  the  Province 
of  Trois  Rivieres,  where  the  Masters  should  teach  in  Eng 
lish  and  French,  in  which  Languages,  I  would  oblige  all 
Priests  after  such  a  term  of  years  to  preach  alternately. 
When  this  was  settled,  I  would  throw  into  this  Fund,  all 
other  the  King's  revenues  in  the  Province,  whether  Customs, 
Stamps  etca.  I  would  have  a  Brigade  of  Militia,  not  under 
3000  in  three  Battalions,  the  Governour  for  the  time  being 
perpetual  Colonel  in  Chief.  In  this  as  Officers  I  would 
Commission  indiscriminately  French  and  English  according 
to  their  property  and  birth,  each  taking  the  Oath  of  Alle 
giance  only.  I  would  give  them  Rank  equal  with  our  Pro 
vincial  Troops,  and  some  retainer  like  half  pay,  this  would 
infallibly  gain  the  affections  of  the  better  sort  and  would 
be  a  useful  nursery  in  a  future  War,  either  against  Spain, 
or  any  of  our  own  Provinces  that  might  wish  to  shake  off 
their  dependance  on  Britain.  Any  young  Canadian  Officer, 

441 


TRAVELS  IN  THE  AMERICAN  COLONIES 

who  should  turn  Protestant  and  distinguish  himself,  I  would 
take  into  the  Regulars  Service,  chiefly  into  Regiments 
going  home.  These  Militia  should  meet  and  Muster  so 
many  times  a  year  at  Quebec,  Trois  Rivieres  and  Mon 
treal.  —  I  would  have  them  double  Officered  in  the  French 
manner,  and  if  possible  liable  to  Martial  Law :  the  men 
should  be  of  a  certain  age,  and  should  serve  for  a  stated 
term,  but  upon  marriage  should  be  entitled  to  his  discharge 
and  a  piece  of  land,  except  in  times  of  actual  danger  and 
Alarm.  The  Officers  and  Men  should  have  full  pay  when 
on  Duty  out  of  the  Province,  and  be  treated  as  Troupes  des 
Colonies.  I  would  have  an  open  and  free  toleration  of  all 
Christian  Religions,  throughout  Canada  and  the  two  Flori- 
das,  and  all  the  back  Country.  Barracks  to  be  built,  fur 
nished  and  repaired.  —  In  short  all  Establishments,  Civil, 
Religious  and  Military  to  be  provided  for  from  these  Funds, 
subject  always  to  the  controul  of  the  Governour  and  Coun 
cil,  and  finally  with  an  appeal  to  the  King  in  Council.  — 
If  there  should  be  any  overplus  let  it  be  laid  out  in  publick 
uses,  Viz.  in  constructing  Goals  and  Bridges,  cutting  and 
repairing  high  Roads  and  Canals,  paving  Streets,  and 
establishing  Posts  and  Post-houses. 

In  what  relates  to  Montreal,  I  have  forgot  to  mention  the 
Messieurs  De  Saint  Sulpice,  who  are  proprietors  of  the 
Island  of  Montreal,  and  many  other  Lands  and  Mills  to  the 
amount  of  near  4Ooo£  a  year  Sterling. 

The  Number  of  Houses  in  Montreal,  from  Six  to  Seven 
hundred  before  the  Fire,  and  about  the  Same  at  Quebec. 

I  left  Montreal  in  August  1765,  and  crossed  over  to  La 
Prairie,  which  stands  on  the  opposite  Shore  of  St.  Lawrence, 
and  about  nine  Miles  higher  up  the  river,  from  this  to  St. 
John's  on  the  river  Richelieu  or  Sorell  is  fifteen  Miles  by 
land  ;  from  St.  John's  to  the  Isle  au  Noix,  on  the  same 
river  is  fifteen  Miles,  from  that  to  Crown  Point  is  Ninety 
Miles,  and  from  Crown  Point  to  Ticonderoga,  is  fifteen 
Miles  all  by  Water.  The  Shore  from  over  against  Montreal 
to  La  Prairie  is  well  Settled  and  Cultivated,  but  poor  land  : 

442 


JOURNAL  OF  LORD  ADAM  GORDON 

from  that  across  to  St.  John's,  the  land  is  richer,  and  a 
good  deal  of  Wood  and  Meadow :  At  St.  John's  there  are 
some  Settlements,  and  here  the  Provision  Vessels  of  Lake 
Champlain,  take  in  the  Stores  for  the  Troops,  which  are  all 
Supplied  from  Montreal  and  St.  Lawrence.  These  provi 
sions  may  either  go  overland  from  La  Prairie  to  St.  Johns, 
or  by  Water  up  the  Sorrell.  Chamble,  a  small  Post  and 
Fort,  lies  on  the  Sorrell,  lower  than  St.  John  and  on  the 
same  Side.  I  am  told  there  is  not  there  anything  much 
worth  seeing,  and  therefore  I  did  not  visit  it :  from  St. 
John's  as  you  ascend,  their  is  scarce  a  Settlement,  'till  you 
come  to  the  Isle  au  Noix,  a  place  pretty  remarkable,  as 
having  been  very  strongly  fortified,  and  naturally  very  in 
accessible.  It  stopped  the  progress  of  the  British  Arms  'till 
the  year  when  Mr.  Amherst  by  coming  down  and  Mr. 
Murray  by  coming  up  St.  Lawrence  each  with  an  Army,  so 
much  engaged  the  French  attention  in  these  Quarters,  that 
it  obliged  them  to  Abandon  this  Strong  Post  to  Colonel 
Haviland,1  who  had  spent  some  time  and  Ammunition  before 
it  to  no  purpose.  It  is  at  present  neglected,  and  the  Works 
mouldering  away.  It  is  the  property  of  Colonel  Christie, 
who  lets  it  at  2$£  a  year  rent,  and  it  produces  good  Wheat 
and  Clover.  This  place  is  so  Morassy,  that  all  the  Shells 
that  fell,  sunk  in  and  never  appeared  again,  and  could  not 
have  been  carried,  but  by  the  French  abandoning  of  it. 

On  both  Sides  of  Lake  Champlain,  the  land  is  but  mid 
dling,  as  well  as  on  the  Islands,  some  of  which  are  large  and 
well  Wooded.  —  Crown  Point  is  finely  Situated  on  a  prom 
ontory  running  out  into  the  Lake,  the  river  au  Sud  going 
to  Ticonderoga,  bounding  it  on  one  Side,  and  the  Bay  on 
t'other.  The  Fort  is  of  Wood,  built  in  a  most  masterly 
manner.  It  has  five  Bastions,  Mounts  105  Guns,  and  has 
Casemates  for  4000  Men,  and  to  hold  Provisions  de  Guerre 
et  de  Bouche  for  four  months.  It  has  cost  much  money 

1  William  Haviland,  who  came  to  America  in  1757  as  lieutenant- 
colonel  of  the  27th  regiment  of  foot  and  was  in  command  of  about 
3,400  men  when,  in  1760,  he  besieged  the  French  post  at  Isle  aux 
Noix. 

2F  443 


TRAVELS  IN  THE  AMERICAN  COLONIES 

and  trouble,  and  as  the  Wood  Work  is  beginning  to  give, 
if  it  is  not  taken  in  time,  it  will  in  a  year  or  two  more,  be  in 
as  bad  a  State,  as  the  other  American  Forts  I  have  seen. 
It  becomes  less  an  object,  since  Canada  is  ours,  but  must 
always  Command  these  Lakes.  Scarce  any  Guns  are 
Mounted,  the  Ditch  is  all  cut  or  blown  in  a  Lime  Stone 
Rock,  but  is  not  finished,  nor  the  Glacis,  nor  is  any  out 
Work  of  any  Sort,  except  three  fortified  redoubts  with 
Cannon. 

Sir  Jeffery  Amherst  has  very  properly  given  them  good 
bounds  round  the  Fort  from  Water  to  Water ;  Within  the 
Fort  are  good  Stone  Barracks  for  Men  and  Officers,  which, 
if  they  were  finished,  would  conveniently  contain  500  Men. 
The  Situation  of  the  Fort  seems  to  be  well  chosen,  altho' 
one  face  of  the  Pentagon  is  enfiladed,  from  across  the  River 
at  not  much  more  than  five  hundred  feet  distance.  —  It 
would  not  take  less  than  2O.ooo£  Sterling  to  finish  properly 
this  Fort.  From  this  to  Ticonderoga  the  Lake  grows 
narrow,  and  this  the  French  called  Riviere  Sud,  as  leading 
to  the  South  Bay,  —  the  land  on  either  side  is  but  middling, 
distance  16  Miles.  Ticonderoga  Stands  on  an  eminence  on 
the  point  formed  by  the  river  from  Lake  George  which  at 
this  place  falls  into  Lake  Champlain.  The  works  are  ruin 
ous  —  it  is  a  Quarre,  all  of  Wood  and  some  bad  Casemates, 
it  is  much  Commanded  by  the  High  ground  behind  it,  along 
which  from  the  river  to  the  Lake  Monsr  De  Montcalm  con 
structed  his  famous  Lines,  which  we  attacked  Unsuccessfully 
in  1758;  —  they  are  a  Short  mile  distant  from  the  Fort, 
were  immensely  strong,  having  three  or  four  Batteries,  all 
five  Loggs  high,  and  as  well  laid  out  for  defence  as  the 
nature  of  the  ground  could  admit  of.  At  some  small  dis 
tance  from  the  Fort,  nearer  the  Lake,  we  have  a  fortified 
redoubt,  which  Commands  the  Harbour,  where  all  the  Lake 
Vessels  are  laid  up  in  Winter,  and  some  of  them  have  been 
built.  About  a  Mile  beyond  the  Lines  is  the  famous  Saw 
Mills,  where  we  have  now  a  Bridge  Established,  and  a 
Blockhouse  to  Cover  the  Mills,  —  here  the  Troops  retreated 
after  their  Repulse  —  I J  Mile  farther  is  the  landing  place  on 

444 


JOURNAL  OF  LORD  ADAM   GORDON 

Lake-George,  and  a  Block-house  —  near  to  this  General 
Abercrombie's  Army  landed,  and  here  they  re-imbarked, 
and  not  far  from  it  the  Gallant  Lord  Howe l  was  killed. 
Colonel  Roger  Townshend  was  Shot  the  year  after  by  a 
Random  Shot  from  the  Fort,  as  he  stood  within  the  French 
Lines  then  abandoned,  in  order  to  reconnoitre  the  Situation 
of  the  place. 

The  Country  all  Around  Lake  George  is  Mountainous, 
and  Rocky,  bearing  bad  Wood,  and  Scarce  a  Hut  but  one, 
about  12  Miles  from  the  Landing  on  the  right  Side  as  you 
ascend  the  Lake.  It  is  called  Sabbath  day  point.  24 
Miles  further  you  arrive  at  the  upper  end  or  head  of  the 
Lake,  which  in  all  is  36  Miles  long  —  the  Banks  are  Inac 
cessible,  the  timber  seems  fit  only  of 2  Charcoal  or  Pot-ash, 
but  the  Water  and  Fish  are  remarkably  fine.  I  could  per 
ceive  no  Brooks  or  Rivulets  running  into  it  'till  we  got  to 
Fort  George,  near  which  are  two  little  Streams  :  they  say  it 
is  altogether  supplied  by  Springs  in  its  own  Bottom,  and 
for  that  reason  it  is  always  longer  of  being  frozen  over,  than 
any  Neighbouring  Lake  or  River.  —  Upon  the  whole,  I 
would  advise  a  Stranger  to  visit  Lake  George,  and  Lake 
Champlain,  before  he  visits  Ontario  or  Erie,  because  if  he 
does  not,  the  former  will  appear  greatly  to  a  Disadvantage. 

When  you  land  at  the  Upper  end,  you  find  a  Small 
Stockade  Fort,  tumbling  down  and  not  tenible,  built  in  a 
hurry  after  we  took  back  possession  of  that  ground,  on  which 
stood  Old  Fort  William  Henry,  which  the  French  burnt 
and  Abandoned.  A  little  above  this  (and  now  Called  Fort 
George)  we  have  a  Compleat  Bastion  built  of  Stone,  the 
Casemates  of  Wood ;  It  mounts  ten  Guns,  and  was  a  part 
of  a  Quarre  begun,  but  postponed,  I  think  Judiciously,  after 
it  was  determined  to  have  a  respectable  Fort  at  Crown 
Point,  besides,  it  was,  and  always  must  be  commanded  by 
rising  grounds  on  three  sides.  Very  near  this  Spot,  was 
General  Deiskaw  3  defeated  by  Sir  Wm.  Johnston  in  1755, 

1  Brigadier-General  Viscount  Howe,  who  was  second  in  command 
in  the  expedition  of  1758  against  Ticonderoga  and  Crown  Point. 

2  For.  3  Ludwig  August  Dieskau. 

445 


TRAVELS  IN  THE  AMERICAN  COLONIES 

and  some  provincials  he  then  had  here,  and  here  General 
Abercromby  intrenched  his  Army,  after  his  return  from 
Ticonderoga  in  1758. 

From  this  place  to  Fort  Edward  is  15  Miles,  —  It  may 
not  be  amiss  to  remark  in  this  place,  that  before  the  last 
War  with  the  French,  we  scarce  ever  had  any  Post,  higher 
than  Fort  Edward,  and  seldom  or  ever  Interfered  on  Lake 
George,  which  was  then  all  French  Indian  hunting  Country. 
The  Country,  from  Lake  George  to  Fort  Edward,  on  Hud 
son's  River,  is  mixed,  some  light  and  some  good  Oak  land, 
and  is  now  beginning  to  Settle,  the  Army  during  the  first 
years  of  the  last  War,  having  cleared  a  great  part  of  it, 
which  is  nearest  Fort  Edward,  where  you  fall  in  with  Hud 
son's  river  is  much  the  best.  The  Fort  is  in  a  Meadow,  close 
on  the  river,  commanded  on  three  Sides,  but  as  it  is  too 
bad  to  keep  together,  for  more  than  one  Winter  more  —  it 
is  scarce  worth  saying  more  of  it,  it  was  a  Quarre  of  Logg 
Work,  all  in  ruin,  there  are  about  24  Guns,  most  of  which 
are  falling  into  the  Casemates,  on  which  they  are  placed. 

The  Meadow  round  the  Fort,  and  an  Island  over  against 
it  in  the  River  is  all  cleared  and  looks  Extreamly  pleasant. 
Just  above  the  Fort  is  a  Ford,  and  over  against  it  there  is  a 
Block-house,  which  Commands  the  Fort  and  every  place 
within  it :  half  a  Mile  below  this,  there  is  a  Ferry  and 
Schau,  very  commodious  for  Passengers :  from  this  to 
Saratoga,  all  down  the  said  Hudsons  river,  the  Country  is 
very  rich  and  pleasing  and  peopling  very  fast.  —  Saratoga  l 
is  14  Miles  lower  in  a  fertile  Vale,  on  a  Creek  which  gives  it 
that  name,  which  there  enters  Hudsons  river.  On  this 
Creek  Philip  Schuyler  Esqr.  of  Albany,  has  two  good  Saw 
Mills  and  a  very  pretty  little  house.  On  this  Land  he  pro 
duces  Hemp,  from  Six  to  Ten  Feet  high,  and  for  two  Crops 
running.  From  Saratoga  to  Still  Water  is  12  Miles,  still 
descending  Hudsons  river,  all  peopling  and  Clearing  very 
fast,  in  so  much,  that  tho'  in  the  beginning  of  last  War,  all 

1  This  town  subsequently  became  known  as  Old  Saratoga  to 
distinguish  it  from  Saratoga  Springs. 

446 


JOURNAL  OF  LORD  ADAM   GORDON 

was  abandon'd  from  Fort  Edward,  to  within  three  Miles  of 
Albany,  and  cut  off  by  the  Indians  in  the  French  Interest, 
I  will  venture  to  say,  that  will  never  again  happen.  The 
distance  from  Still  Water  to  Albany  is  24  Miles,  still  down 
Hudsons  river.  —  Having  a  mind  to  visit  the  falls  of  the 
Mohawk  river,  Called  the  Cahoes,  I  turned  short,  about 
half  way  to  the  Right,  and  crossing,  Saw  Mohawk  river,  at 
Loudoun's  Ferry.  I  went  down  a  Mile  to  see  them ;  here 
the  fall  extends  quite  across  and  is  pretty,  but  I  must  con 
fess  had  in  it  nothing  Striking,  after  having  seen  those  at 
Niagara,  which  it  is  Impossible  once  to  see,  and  ever  to 
lose  the  Idea  of.  From  this  I  crossed  the  Country  to 
Schenectady  alread[y]  described.  From  Schenectady  I 
made  another  visit  to  Sir  Wm.  Johnson,  a  Gentleman  of 
much  worth  and  undoubted  merit  with  respect  to  his  King 
and  Country.  Should  any  thing  happen  to  Sir  Wm.  I 
know  of  no  body  equal  to  the  Important  Post  he  fills,  with 
dignity  to  himself  and  much  Utility  and  Advantage  to 
Britain  and  America. 

The  Country  all  along  the  Mohawk  river  is  beautiful  and 
well  Inhabited,  as  far,  and  a  little  above  the  German  flatts 
already  mentioned. 

From  Schenectady  to  Albany,  it  is  all  a  Pine-Barren,  the 
River  banks  at,  and  near  the  Town  are  fertile  and  Verdant, 
the  Country  is  Hilly,  and  Soil  light  and  Sandy,  all  the  way 
to  Kinderhook,  producing  Pine  and  some  Oak,  the  Road 
pretty  good,  —  from  this  to  it  is  Stoney,  and  rather 

Mountainous,  with  good  Oak  and  Chesnut  Timber,  the 
Country  very  hilly  and  not  thick  Settled,  bad  roads.  Four 
Miles  farther,  you  cross  a  very  Steep  and  high  Hill,  after 
which  you  have  a  tolerably  good  road  toBarrington,1  a  pretty 
Scattering  Country  Village,  Situated  amongst  rocks  and 
Hills  covered  with  Brush  and  Pines  :  from  this  th[r]oj  Sheffield 
to  Canaan,2  you  pass  thro'  a  delightful  Vale,  well  planted 
and  thickly  Inhabited,  with  Orchards  to  every  house,  which 
are  here  Warm  and  well  built,  the  Men  well  clad,  and  the 

1  Great  Harrington,  Mass.  2  Canaan,  Conn. 

447 


TRAVELS  IN  THE  AMERICAN  COLONIES 

Women  remarkably  tydy  and  handsome,  from  Canaan  to 
Norfolk,  the  Country  is  Romantick  and  young  peopled,  the 
Roads  but  middling,  being  not  above  Twenty  Years  Settled  ; 
-  from  this  you  travel  14  Miles  thro'  the  green  Woods, 
the  worst  road  I  have  seen  in  America ;  this  is  a  Newcut, 
and  not  a  habitation  all  the  way,  tho'  I  am  told  there  will 
soon  be  Several.  After  you  pass  this  Forest,  of  Noble 
Chesnuts  and  other  Trees,  but  no  Oaks,  you  fall  in  on  a 
pretty  little  River,1  at  [a]  place  called  New  Hartford,  which 
you  descend  all  the  way  to  Simsbury  a  pleasant  little  Village ; 
Twenty  Miles  short  of  Hartford  the  Capital  of  Connecticut. 
All  this  Country  is  fully  Settled,  and  is  just  like  England. 

Hartford  is  a  Large  Scattering  Town,  on  a  Small  River,2 
which,  as  well  as  that  [at]  Simsbury  falls  into  Connecticut 
River.  —  It  has  two  handsome  Meetings,3  on  a  Platform  of 
their  own,  the  people  are  uncommonly  Stiff,  and  formal,  and 
as  Industrious  as  in  any  one  Province.  —  Here  they  build 
Vessels,  for  the  Lumber  Trade  to  the  West  Indies,  from  100 
to  150  Tons,  and  float  them  down  in  Freshes,  in  Spring  and 
Fall.  -  -  The  Number  of  Inhabitants,  in  Connecticut,  are 
supposed  about  100.000,  and  their  Militia  Roll  about  30.000, 
that  is  from  16  to  60  years  of  Age.  — All  the  Country  to 
Endfield,4  thro'  Windsor,  is  fully  Inhabited,  and  all  along 
the  Connecticut  River,  up  and  down,  fine  rich  Meadows 
and  Fields. --The  Post  Road  goes  up  from  Hartford  to 
Springfield  on  the  river,  but  if  you  leave  it  at  Enfield,  and 
take  to  the  Right  thro'  the  Woods,  you  save  eight  or  ten 
Miles,  and  travel  a  better  Road,  to  a  place  called  Birts,  — 
from  this  to  Kingston  or  Palmer,  you  go  thro'  a  very  pleasant 
Country,  which  continues  so  all  the  way  to  Leicester;  you 
often  meet  the  view  of  the  Chicabee  River,  in  twenty  years, 
this  part  of  the  World,  will  not  fall  short  of  the  most  beau 
tiful  part  of  England. 

To  Worcester  the  Soil  and  Views  continue  most  striking 
and  agreeable,  —  this  is  one  of  the  best  built,  and  prettiest 

1  Farmington  River.  2  Park  River. 

3  Churches  or  meeting-houses.  4  Enfield,  Mass. 

448 


JOURNAL  OF  LORD  ADAM  GORDON 

Inland  little  Towns  I  remember  to  have  seen  in  America. 
It  is  fine  land  all  the  way  to  Shrewsbury,  and  good  Road, 
from  this  all  the  way  to  Boston,  it  is  populous  and  pleasant, 
the  best  Road  is  to  quit  the  Post  road,  three  Miles  East  of 
Shrewsbury,  and  fall  again  into  it,  a  Mile  West  of  West- 
Town.  On  this  Road  you  meet  with  Houses  and  Villages  all 
the  way  to  Boston,  which  stands  on  a  Peninsula,  with  a 
narrow  neck  or  Causeway,  which  is  the  only  access  by  land 
to  it.  It  has  been  Settled  about  an  hundred  years  1616  1  — 
next  to  Virginia  —  has  in  it  2.100  houses,  many  of  which 
are  better,  more  Spacious,  and  more  Commodious,  than 
those  I  saw,  either  at  Philadelphia  or  New  York,  —  they 
all  have  Gardens,  and  within  it,  is  a  Common  and  a  Mall, 
and  two  remarkable  rising  grounds  called  the  Beacon-Hill, 
and  the  Fort-Hill,  —  from  these  you  Command  all  the 
Town,  the  Harbour,  the  Castle,  the  river  Charles,  and  all 
the  Country,  and  I  doubt  much,  if  there  is  in  the  World, 
a  finer,  or  more  Variegated  prospect.  The  Main  Street  is 
two  Miles  long,  leading  from  the  Gate  all  the  way  to  the 
Ferry,  which  plies  over  Charles  river  to  Charlestown,  a 
very  pretty  Village,  rather  Older  than  Boston  and  very  well 
served,  —  the  Number  of  Inhabitants  in  Town,  are  sup 
posed  to  be  about  23.000,  —  in  the  Province  of  Massachu- 
sets  35.00O,2  and  about  10.000  fit  to  bear  Arms,  but  this 
Calculation  is  rather  high. --This  is  more  like  an  English 
Old  Town  than  any  in  America,  —  the  Language  and  man 
ner  of  the  people,  very  much  resemble  the  old  Country, 
and  all  the  Neighbouring  lands  and  Villages,  carry  with 
them  the  same  Idea. --The  better  kind  of  people  in  and 
near  the  Town,  seem  well  bred  and  Sensible.  They  lament 
their  present  Plan  of  Government,  which  throws  too  much 
weight  into  the  popular  Scale,  and  they  know  by  Experience 
the  bad  Consequences,  attending  that  Circumstance.  When 
the  Stamp  Duty  was  first  laid  by  Act  of  Parliament  in  1765, 
the  first  and  most  flagrant  acts  of  Opposition  to  it,  and  of  a 

1  1630. 

2  The  population  of  Massachusetts  at  this  time  was  estimated  as 
high  as  350,000,  and  that  is  probably  the  figure  here  intended. 

449 


TRAVELS  IN  THE  AMERICAN  COLONIES 

Riotous  and  Licentious  Spirit  in  the  Mob,  broke  out  here, 
and  were  fatal  to  the  House  and  property  of  their  Lieutt. 
Governour  Mr.  Hutchinson.1  After  all  it  would  appear,  as 
if  nothing  but  a  thorough  alteration  of  their  Charter  and 
form  of  Government,  giving  to  His  Majesty  the  Nomination 
of  Councellors  as  well  as  Governour,  and  putting  it  together 
on  the  footing  of  a  Royal  Government  would  operate  effect 
ually  ;  for  without  some  such  Change,  and  an  Adoption  of 
Spirited  Measures,  and  an  Adequate  degree  of  force,  to 
Co-operate  with,  and  to  Support  Civil  Government  and 
Laws,  that  ancient  rugged  Spirit  of  Levelling,  early  Imported 
from  home,  and  too  successfully  nursed,  and  Cherished, 
will,  in  the  four  New  England  Governments  never  be  got 
the  better  of.  Palliavites2  may  be  applied,  and  the  danger 
postponed,  but  the  Malady  is  Radical,  and  will  be  cured 
more  easily  now  than  in  aftertimes,  particularly  whilst  we 
have  Peace  in  Europe. 

The  Entrance  of  Boston  Harbour,  is  Nine  Miles  off;  It 
has  but  one  considerable  Channel  for  large  Ships,  and  that 
is  in  many  places  crooked  and  very  narrow;  About  three 
Miles  below  the  Town  stands  Castle  William  on  an  Island. 
It  is  a  very  small  Quarre  without  Works  much  exceeding 
the  Fort.  Shirley's  Battery  of  Forty  pounders  might  dam 
age  any  Ships  considerably,  before  they  could  bring  their 
Broadsides  to  bear,  but  otherways  it  is  not  Strong.  I  am 
told  Sixty  Gun  Ships  have  been  quite  up  to  the  Town,  and 
some  say  there  are  five  fathoms  in  the  worst  of  the  Channel, 
which  may  be  totally  blocked  up,  by  Sinking  one  Vessel 
across  it.  The  Harbour  is  full  of  Islands,  Bays  and  Shoals  : 
there  is  on  one  Island  almost  opposite  to  the  Fort,  called 
Shirley  Island,  a  Church  and  small  Town,  and  a  Block 
house  and  Battery  on  another. --The  Fort  might  mount 
140  Guns,  the  Barracks  there  might  contain  a  Thousand, 
or  twelve  hundred  Men.  On  the  Whole,  what  is  there,  is 
in  better  repair  and  more  Compleatly  furnished,  than  any 
Provincial  Fortification,  I  have  yet  seen  in  America. 

1  Thomas  Hutchinson.  2  Palliatives. 

450 


JOURNAL  OF  LORD   ADAM   GORDON 

Altho'  the  face  of  the  Country  is  very  rough  and  Stoney, 
about  Boston,  and  some  Miles  round,  yet  it  is  a  most  healthy 
climate,  and  kindly  Soil,  producing  every  European  Grain 
and  Root  in  plenty  and  perfection,  besides  Indian  Corn.  — 
I  never  Saw  such  Quantities  of  Apple  and  Pear  Trees,  all 
the  Roads  are  lined  with  them,  —  the  poorest  Farmer,  or 
rather  proprietor,  has  one  or  more  Orchards,  and  Cyder  is 
their  common  Drink,  altho'  they  grow  good  Barley,  and 
that  Hops  grow  there,  every  where,  with  little  trouble  or 
Culture,  more  large  and  high,  than  any  I  remember  in 
Surry. 

The  Men  here,  resemble  much  the  people  of  Old  England, 
from  whence  most  of  them  are  Sprung.  I  was  rather  sur 
prized  to  find  here,  and  not  amongst  the  Richest,  the  re 
spectable  Names  of  Howard,  Wentworth,  Pelham,  Pierpoint, 
Dudley,  Carey,  Russel,  Temple  and  many  others  of  less 
note  and  Ambiguity ;  but  the  levelling  principle  here,  every 
where  Operates  strongly,  and  takes  the  lead,  every  body 
has  property,  and  every  body  knows  it. 

The  Women  here,  and  at  Rhode-Island,  are  Accounted 
the  most  beautiful  of  any,  on  the  Continent,  and  I  am  apt 
to  believe  it  is  so.  At  a  Ball  of  Seventy  Ladies,  I  saw  about 
one  half  handsome  ones ;  perhaps  one  reason  is,  that  every 
Girl  who  has  a  pretty  face  and  good  Clothes,  is  free  to  come, 
and  is  well  received  at  Publick  places  there,  where  there  is 
no  Sort  of  distinction  of  persons.1 

1  During  Lord  Adam  Gordon's  visit  to  Boston  a  committee 
appointed  in  town  meeting  (Sept.  12,  1765)  waited  upon  him, 
and  James  Otis,  the  chairman,  addressed  him  as  follows  : 

"My  LORD, 

"I  have  the  Honour  with  the  Gentlemen  present  to  be  a  Com 
mittee  from  the  Town  of  Boston,  the  Metropolis  of  his  Majesty's 
ancient  and  loyal  Province  of  Massachusetts-Bay,  to  wait  on 
your  Lordship  in  the  Name  of  the  Town,  to  congratulate  you 
on  your  safe  arrival,  to  express  their  ardent  Wishes  for  your 
Prosperity,  and  humbly  to  request  your  kind  Representations 
and  Influence  in  Favor  of  this  Town  and  Province,  as  your  Lord 
ship's  Wisdom  and  Justice  shall  direct ;  particularly  with  Re- 


TRAVELS  IN  THE  AMERICAN   COLONIES 

Cyder  is  so  plenty,  as  to  Sell  at  a  Dollar  a  Barrel,  Cask 
included  —  34  Gallons. 

The  Country  from  Boston  to  Providence  45  Miles,  is 
mostly  rough  and  Stoney,  but  there  is  a  fine  plain  near 
Providence,  called  Sea-Conck-plain,1  and  a  beautiful  river 
called  Patucket,  on  the  West  side  of  which,  and  within  a 
Mile  is  a  Spermaceti  Work,  for  Candles,  which  cost  about 
one  Shilling  and  Sixpence  per  pound.  Providence  is  a  large 
Town,  built  on  the  Banks  of  the  River,  and  having  several 
good  Houses  in  it,  Here  and  at  Newport,  they  hold  their 
General  Courts  for  Rhode  Island,  which  is  the  smalest 
province  in  America,  containing  about  Forty  thousand 
Whites  and  Five  thousand  Negroes.  The  Harbour  of  New 
port  is  good  and  deep  enough  for  any  Ships  to  come  in. 

gard  to  the  new  Parliamentary  Regulations  that  so  nearly  affect 
the  Rights  and  Privileges,  as  well  as  the  Trade  and  Commerce 
of  his  Majesty's  American  Dominions,  and  which  have  created 
such  universal  Uneasiness  among  his  Majesty's  most  loyal  Sub 
jects  on  this  Continent." 

To  which,  or  rather  to  the  vote  in  town  meeting  on  the  preced 
ing  day,  Lord  Adam  replied  : 

"GENTLEMEN,— 

"I  find  myself  very  sensibly  obliged  to  you  for  this  Mark  of 
your  Attention,  and  for  the  Honor  you  have  done  me,  by  your 
unanimous  Address  of  Yesterday ;  for  which,  and  your  good 
Wishes,  expressed  in  it,  I  beg  leave  to  return  you  my  best  Thanks. 

"I  have  had  much  Satisfaction  in  the  Tour  I  have  made  in 
British  America,  and  am  extremely  sorry  to  understand,  there 
should  at  this  Time,  subsist  any  Uneasiness  among  his  Majesty's 
good  Subjects  there ;  more  particularly,  in  the  ancient  and  loyal 
Province  and  Town  of  Boston. 

"What  little  Influence  I  may  be  supposed  to  have,  shall  ever 
be  chearfully  employed,  where  the  Interests  of  Great  Britain 
and  America  are  concerned,  which  to  me  seem  inseparable :  Hav 
ing  ever  been  of  Opinion  that  any  Man,  who  could  wish  to  see  a 
Distinction  or  endeavour  to  create  a  Difference  between  them, 
must  be  an  Enemy  to  both.  .  .  . 

"Ao.  GORDON." 
Massachusetts  Gazette,  Sept.  19,  1765. 

1  Seekonk. 

452 


JOURNAL  OF  LORD  ADAM  GORDON 

From  Newport  to  York 1  is  a  good  Navigation,  thro'  the 
Sound  about  200  Miles.  —  The  Narrows  towards  York  is 
very  pleasant,  'till  you  come  to  a  place  called  Hell-gate, 
where  you  must  have  a  Pilot,  and  chuse  your  time  or  Tide, 
else  it  is  not  to  be  risked.  Near  this,  and  a  little  lower,  is 
Morisania,  the  Seat  of  Lewis  Morris  Esqr.  and  the  prittiest 
and  best  conditioned  Farm  in  America.  —  It  is  Nine  Miles 
from  York,  Consists  of  2050  Acres,  for  which  he  has  been 
Offered  22.000  pounds  Sterling.  It  has  a  bad  House  on  it. 

From  York  harbour  to  Sandy-hook,  is  about  Ten  Leagues, 
after  you  pass  the  Narrows,  which  are  formed  by  two 
points,  of  Long  Island  and  Staten  Island ;  —  You  meet  with 
Sand  Banks,  which  render  it  necessary  to  take  in  a  Pilot, 
he  generally  leaves  you  about  the  Light-house,  on  Sandy- 
hook,  after  which  you  have  no  Stop,  but  Nantucket-Shoals, 
about  twenty  five  Leagues  off,  and  bearing  from  the  Hook, 
East  half  Southerly. 

Behind  the  Hook  when  at  Sea,  you  make  the  High-land 
of  never  Sink,  which  in  very  clear  weather,  is  seen,  at  least 
ten  Leagues  off,  and  appears  at  first  like  an  Island.  On 
Sounding  all  hereabouts,  one  may  Catch  good  Sea  Bass, 
and  black  Fish  in  plenty,  with  ground  Bait. 

I  embarked  at  New  York,  on  the  i^th  of  October  1765, 
On  Board  the  Harriet  Packet,  Captain  Robinson  for  Fal- 
mouth. 

1  I.e.,  New  York. 


453 


JOURNAL  OF  CAPTAIN  HARRY  GORDON,  1766 


INTRODUCTION 

CAPTAIN  GORDON  records  in  this  journal  an  account  of  a 
journey  which  he  undertook  as  Chief  Engineer  of  the  West 
ern  Department  in  North  America.  He  received  his  in 
structions  in  New  York,  the  9th  of  May,  1766,  from  General 
Thomas  Gage,  Commander-in-Chief  of  the  English  forces 
in  America,  proceeded  to  Philadelphia  four  days  later,  and 
thence  to  Pittsburg,  where  he  embarked  the  i8th  of  June 
in  company  with  Ensign  Thomas  Hutchins,  Assistant  En 
gineer  and  subsequently  Geographer-General  of  the  United 
Colonies ;  George  Croghan,  a  deputy  superintendent  of 
Indian  affairs  under  Sir  William  Johnson,  and  the  most  in 
fluential  of  white  men  among  the  Indians  of  the  Ohio  and 
Illinois  country ;  George  Morgan  of  the  Indian  trading 
house  of  Baynton,  Wharton,  and  Morgan  at  Philadelphia ; 
about  one  hundred  Indians  of  the  Six  Nations ;  and  a  large 
party  of  Delaware  and  Shawnee  Indians.  The  mission  of 
Croghan,  who  was  also  under  instructions  from  General 
Gage,1  was  to  attach  the  Indians  to  the  English  interest. 
The  mission  of  Gordon  was  to  look  over  the  matter  of  de 
fense  and  propose  means  of  securing  to  the  English  the 
Indian  trade  in  the  territory  from  which  the  French  had 
been  expelled  by  the  fourth  intercolonial  war.2 

1  For  a  copy  of  the  instructions  see  C.  A.  Hanna,  The  Wilder 
ness  Trail,  Vol.  II,  pp.  38-39. 

2  The  nth  of  November,  1766,  General  Gage  wrote  from  New  York 
to  the  Earl  of  Shelburne  :  "An  Engineer  was  sent  in  the  Spring  down 
the  Ohio  to  the  Ilinois  with  Orders  to  proceed  down  the  Mis 
sissippi  to  New  Orleans,  and  to  return  to  this  Place  by  the  way 
of  Mobile  and  Pensacola  :    I  expect  that  his  Report  will  enable 
me  to  send  your  Lordship  ample  Information  of  all  those  affairs 
with  respect  to  the  Indian  Trade  in  general,  I  find  great  Quan- 

457 


TRAVELS  IN  THE  AMERICAN  COLONIES 

Harry  Gordon  was  a  captain  in  the  6oth  Regiment. 
The  best  commentary  on  his  Journal  is  in  the  letter  by 
General  Gage  accompanying  its  transmission  to  the  Earl  of 
Shelburne,  which  is  in  part  as  follows  : 

NEW  YORK,  Febry  22d  1767. 
"Mv  LORD, 

"  I  have  the  honour  to  transmit  your  Lordship  a  Copy  of 
a  Journal  made  out  by  Captain  Gordon,  Chief  Engineer  of 
North  America,  in  his  Progress  down  the  Ohio  to  the  Ilinois, 
down  the  Mississippi  to  New-Orleans,  and  from  thence  to 
Mobile  and  Pensacola.  It  contains  chiefly  a  Description 
of  the  Country  he  passed  through,  with  the  Distances  and 
Latitude  of  Places  taken,  I  believe  with  more  Accuracy 
than  has  ever  been  done  by  any  other  Person,  And  your 
Lordship  will  also  find  in  it  some  Account  of  the  Trade  of 
the  Mississippi  and  Settlements  made  upon  that  River. 

"That  Trade  will  go  with  the  Stream  is  a  Maxim  found 
to  be  true,  from  all  accounts  that  have  been  received  of  the 
Indian  Trade  carried  on  in  the  vast  Tract  of  Country  which 
lies  on  the  Back  of  the  British  Colonies  ;  and  that  the  Peltry 
acquired  there,  is  carried  to  the  Sea  either  by  the  River  St. 
Lawrence  or  River  Mississippi,  as  the  Trade  is  Situated  on 
the  Lakes,  inland  Rivers,  and  Streams,  whose  Waters  com 
municate  respectively  with  those  two  immense  Rivers. 
The  part  which  goes  down  the  St.  Lawrence,  we  may  recon 
will  be  transported  to  Great-Britain,  but  I  apprehend  what 
goes  down  the  Mississippi  will  never  enter  British  Ports  : 
And  I  imagine  that  nothing  but  a  Prospect  of  a  Superior 
Profit  or  Force,  will  turn  the  Channel  of  the  Trade  contrary 
to  the  above  Maxim. 

"The  Traders  on  the  Branches  of  the  Mississippi,  will 
never  be  tempted  to  bring  their  Peltry  into  the  British 
Provinces  whilst  they  get  high  Prices  for  their  Skins  at 

titys  of  Skins  and  Furrs  are  procured,  but  the  Traders,  particularly 
those  upon  the  Lakes  shew  little  Regard  to  the  Regulations  that 
have  been  made,  to  oblige  them  to  traffick  only  at  the  Forts ; 
which  they  avoid,  and  rove  at  Pleasure." 

458 


INTRODUCTION 

New-Orleans,  or  can  ship  them  from  thence  immediately 
for  foreign  Markets  in  foreign  Bottoms,  Nothing  then  but 
Force  can  oblige  our  own  Traders  to  bring  the  Produce  of 
their  Trade  in  those  Parts  into  our  Provinces  to  be  exported 
to  Great  Britain,  or  prevent  foreign  Traders  from  intruding 
upon  the  Territory s  ceded  to  His  Majesty. 

"The  only  Method  to  effect  this,  would  be  to  put  in 
Execution  what  is  proposed  in  Captain  Gordon's  Journal 
vizt :  To  erect  Posts  on  the  Rivers  Ohio  and  Ilinois  near 
their  Junction  with  the  Mississippi,  in  order  to  prevent  all 
Furrs  and  Skins  from  coming  into  that  River  from  the 
Eastern  Branches,  and  to  prevent  foreign  Merchandise 
being  smuggled  into  His  Majesty's  Territorys  by  means  of 
the  Ilinois  and  the  Ohio.  I  must  confess  upon  Reflection, 
that  I  have  strong  Doubts  after  all  whether  such  Posts 
would  effectually  answer  all  the  Purposes  expected  from 
them,  for  tho'  the  Vigilance  of  the  Officers  might  be  very 
great,  it  seems  no  difficult  Matter  for  Traders  to  pass  the 
Posts  unobserved  in  the  Night,  or  by  Collusion  with  In 
dians,  whom  we  could  not  seize  without  a  Quarrell,  they 
might  get  by  unmolested  at  all  Times. 

"  Captain  Gordon's  Journal  gives  an  Account  of  Fort 
Chartres,  with  his  Opinion  of  the  only  use  he  conceives  it 
to  be  of :  I  must  own  Myself  to  have  been  of  the  same 
Opinion  from  the  first  Account  I  received  of  it's  Situation. 
It  does  maintain  a  kind  of  Superiority  over  the  Indians  in 
that  Country,  keep  up  an  Interest  with  them,  and  is  a 
Check  upon  His  Majesty's  New  Subjects  there,  whom  I 
apprehend  will  not  be  the  most  faithful  Subjects,  whilst 
their  former  Countrymen  are  settled  so  near  them,  as  the 
opposite  Shores  of  the  River. 

"As  Fort  Chartres  will  certainly  be  destroyed  very  soon 
without  a  possibility  of  preserving  it ;  other  Posts  must  be 
built  if  it  is  Judged  proper  to  maintain  the  Country  of  the 
Illinois  in  his  Majestys  Possession.  And  in  such  Case,  it 
would  be  Advisable  to  erect  them  on  the  Situations  men 
tioned,  and  take  every  Precaution  to  confine  the  Trade  to 
the  East  of  the  Mississippi,  as  far  as  shall  be  in  our  Power. 

20  459 


TRAVELS  IN  THE  AMERICAN   COLONIES 

"The  Accounts  I  have  received  from  the  lower  parts  of 
the  Mississippi  on  the  Subject  of  Trade  are  of  the  same 
Nature,  respecting  the  Peltry  being  carried  to  New  Orleans, 
and  of  their  being  smuggled  into  that  Place  from  the  parts 
of  West-Florida ;  That  they  are  conveyed  from  Mobile 
along  the  Coast  into  Lake  Ponchartrain,  and  likewise  by  the 
River  of  Pearls  which  falls  into  said  Lake,  which  they  cross 
to  a  Place  called  the  Bayoue  of  St.  John  where  a  French 
Detachment  is  constantly  posted,  and  within  a  very  short 
way  of  New-Orleans.  I  am  likewise  informed,  which  is  con 
firmed  by  Captain  Gordon,  that  the  French  cross  over  to 
the  East  side  of  Lake  Ponchartrain,  where  they  make  great 
Quantities  of  Pitch  and  Tar,  with  which  they  carry  on  a 
very  good  Trade  with  La  Vera  Cruz.  A  Detachment  from 
Mobile  posted  on  some  Advantageous  Spot  in  Lake  Pon 
chartrain,  might  in  great  Measure  defeat  such  Proceedings. 

"The  Spaniards  are  not  yet  settled  in  their  New  Acquisi 
tion,  Your  Lordship  is  informed  how  their  new  Subjects  are 
already  disgusted  with  a  Spanish  Government,  we  may 
wait  with  Patience  for  some  time  in  observing  their  Conduct 
and  the  System  they  shall  adopt  in  Carrying  on  their  Affairs. 
They  have  no  experience  in  Indian  Management  or  Com 
merce,  and  perhaps  Mismanagement  in  these  Particulars 
may  give  us  an  Advantage,  we  can't  otherwise  expect,  for 
the  Post  of  New-Orleans  will  always  give  them  a  Natural 
Superiority  over  us.  .  .  . 

"But  with  respect  to  the  Carrying  on  of  Commerce  with 
the  Indians,  the  present  method  pursued,  particularly  in 
the  Northern  District,  of  suffering  no  Trade  but  at  the 
Posts  only,  approved  of  by  most  People  at  first  from  it's 
good  Appearance,  is  found  upon  Tryal  not  to  Answer.  It 
would  be  a  good  Plan  if  it  could  be  executed  universally, 
but  the  Posts  cannot  be  multiplied  to  the  Degree  necessary 
to  compleat  it.  From  hence  the  Traders  complain  that 
they  are  prevented  from  getting  the  Quantitys  of  Furrs, 
they  could  procure  from  Nations  who  live  at  a  great  Dis 
tance  from  the  Posts,  were  they  not  restrained  from  going 
to  them ;  which  gives  the  French  Traders  an  advantage 

460 


INTRODUCTION 

over  them  who  go  and  reside  amongst  such  Tribes,  and  by 
their  Intrigues  do  a  great  deal  of  Mischief.  It  is  also  so 
contrary  to  the  old  Custom  of  Trade,  and  no  People  more 
Attached  to  Customs  than  the  Indians,  and  they  find  so 
much  more  Trouble  than  formerly  to  procure  their  Neces- 
sarys,  that  the  Indians  are  in  general  very  averse  to  the  Plan  ; 
are  desirous  that  all  Traders  should  come  amongst  them, 
and  encourage  them  to  act  contrary  to  their  Regulations. 

"It  may  be  difficult  to  fix  the  exact  Boundarys  of  Trade 
to  each  Province  respectively,  or  to  prevent  the  Traders 
from  one  Province,  when  in  the  Deserts,  from  rambling  into 
the  Precincts  Allotted  to  others.  But  it's  certainly  very 
Necessary  that  the  whole  should  be  Subject  to  some  general 
Rules  and  Restrictions.  I  am  of  Opinion,  That  the  Price 
of  all  Goods  should  be  fixed,  for  every  part  of  the  Country, 
that  no  Trader  should  trade  without  a  License,  and  a  very 
small  Fee  taken  for  such  License :  That  the  Traders  should 
give  Security  for  their  good  Behavior  and  observation  of  all 
Rules  and  Restrictions,  That  tho'  Licensed  in  one  Province 
they  may  be  brought  to  Punishment  in  all,  for  any  Frauds 
or  Misdemeanors,  or  in  any  shape  breaking  the  Condition 
of  their  Bonds  by  which  they  obtain  their  Licenses.  That 
every  Trader  should  be  obliged  to  return  with  his  Peltry  to 
that  Province  from  whence  he  received  his  License,  and 
make  Returns  of  the  Quantity  and  Nature  of  the  Peltry  he 
brings  with  him.  This  Method  may  in  some  Measure  pre 
vent  their  going  down  the  Mississippi ;  Returns  should  also 
be  made  of  the  Quantity  and  Nature  of  the  Goods  they 
carry  out.  That  the  Indian  Commissarys  should  be  so 
stationed,  that  every  Nation  may  be  able  to  lay  their  Com 
plaints  before  some  of  these  Commissarys,  who  should  be 
empowered  to  do  them  Justice  in  the  Case  of  Misusage  or 
fraudulent  Dealings  on  the  part  of  the  Traders  ;  transmitting 
the  Names  of  such  People  to  the  respective  Governors  that 
they  may  meet  with  proper  Punishment.  The  Indians 
should  be  made  acquainted  with  all  the  Rules  and  Restric 
tions  particularly  with  the  Prices  fixed  for  the  Goods,  and 
warned  to  trade  with  none  but  the  Licensed  Traders.  This 

461 


TRAVELS  IN  THE  AMERICAN   COLONIES 

I  conceive  will  give  them  a  high  Notion  of  His  Majesty's 
Regard  for  them,  by  the  Care  they  will  see  that  is  taken  to 
prevent  their  being  abused  or  defrauded. 

"I  have  taken  the  Liberty  to  offer  Your  Lordship  My 
Sentiments  on  this  Material  Point,  and  tho'  sensible  of  the 
Difficulties  of  exacting  a  Strict  Observance  of  any  Rules, 
from  a  Set  of  People,  who  for  the  most  part,  are  near  as 
wild  as  the  Country  they  go  in,  or  the  People  they  deal  with, 
and  by  far  more  vicious  and  wicked,  yet  by  due  Care  and 
Attention  in  His  Majesty's  Governors  and  the  Indian  Agents 
and  Commissarys,  I  think  much  good  may  be  done.  The 
above  Reflections  are  also  calculated  upon  the  Plan  adopted, 
of  laying  every  part  of  the  Trade  open  to  all  Adventurers. 
I  have  only  further  to  add  at  present  on  this  Subject,  if 
such  a  Plan  coincide  with  our  Principles  of  Government, 
that  of  all  the  Systems  of  Indian  Commerce  which  have 
come  within  My  Knowledge,  I  have  found  none  equal  to 
that  adopted  by  the  French ;  which  a  long  Experience 
proved  to  be  a  good  one.  The  whole  Country  was  divided 
into  Districts  and  sold,  upon  Condition  of  paying  yearly 
Revenues  to  the  Crown,  to  certain  Traders  or  Companys 
of  Traders  ;  who  enjoyed  exclusive  Rights  of  Trade  in  their 
respective  Districts.  It  was  the  Policy  as  it  became  the 
Interest  of  all,  to  treat  the  Indians  well  and  conciliate  their 
affections.  If  they  were  ill  used,  they  would  go  to  the 
Neighbouring  District  for  their  Necessarys.  If  those  of 
one  District  intruded  upon  the  Territorys  of  others,  Govern 
ment  was  not  troubled  but  the  Persons  aggrieved  were  re 
dressed  by  Law.  And  the  whole  Business  of  Indian  Com 
merce  was  transacted  greatly  to  the  Benefit  of  the  Crown, 
to  the  general  Satisfaction  of  the  Savages,  without  Trouble 
or  Expense  to  Government,  and  the  Trade  flourished  Ex- 

Ceedin^'  •  •  •  "Tnos.  GAGE." 

The  official  copy  of  this  journal  has  been  preserved  in  the 
Public  Record  Office,  London;  C.  O.  5:  85,  pp.  123-140, 
and  there  is  one  transcript  of  this  in  the  Library  of  Congress 
and  another  in  the  Canadian  Archives,  at  Ottawa.  There 

462 


INTRODUCTION 

is  also  a  copy  among  the  Hutchins  Manuscripts  in  the 
Library  of  the  Historical  Society  of  Pennsylvania  ;  in  that 
copy  Captain  Gordon  begins  his  account  with  the  receipt  of 
his  instructions  and  passes  briefly  over  his  journey  from 
New  York  to  Pittsburg.  Portions  of  the  Journal  have  been 
published  in  Thomas  Pownall's  Topographical  Description 
of  .  .  .  North  America  (1776),  in  the  Journal  of  the  Illinois 
State  Historical  Society  (July,  1909),  in  C.  A.  Hanna's 
Wilderness  Trail  (191 1),  and  in  the  Collections  of  the  Missouri 
Historical  Society  (1911). 


463 


JOURNAL    OF    CAPTAIN    HARRY   GORDON,    1766 

THE  i8th  of  June,1  Mr.  Croghan  having  finished  his  Busi 
ness  with  the  Indians,  the  Batteau's  being  fitted,  and  having 
Engaged  the  Sufficient  Number  of  Batteau-Men ;  We  em 
barked  on  the  Ohio  at  One  P.  M. ;  By  the  Rains  that  fell 
this  and  the  preceding  day  the  River  Ohio  had  risen  between 
Two  and  Three  Feet,  so  that  the  largest  Batteau's  of  the 
Merchants  that  were  sent  under  our  Escort  which  consisted 
of  Indians,  never  touched  altho'  7  Tons  Burthen. 

The  iQth  We  arrived  at  the  Mingo  Town,2  which  by  our 
Reckoning  is  71  Miles  below  Fort  Pitt3;  The  Country 

1  In  the  Hutchins  copy  of  the  journal  this  entry  is  preceded 
by  the  following :    "  Having  received  His  Excellency,  the  Com 
mander  in  Chief's,  Orders  and    Instructions  the   9th  of  May,  I 
preceded  to  Philadelphia  with  Ensign  Hutchins,  Assist.  Engineer, 
the   13  of  same  Mon[th].     Having  purchased  at  that  Place  the 
necessary   Store[s]   for  our  further  Journey   and   hired    Carriage 
for  them  to  Fort  Pitt,  we  left  Philadelphia  the  23d,  and  got  [to] 
the  Ohio  the  I4th  June,  having  been  delayed  by  Sickn[ess]  several 
Days  on  the  Road ;    of  which  I  acquainted  Mr.  Croghan,  Depy. 
Indian  Agent,  by  Express,  as  I  had  Orders  to  accompany  Him. 

"I  found  the  Road  over  the  Allegheny  Mountains  extremely 
bad,  and  will  be  most  probably  impassable  for  Carriages  by  next 
Summer. 

"The  Fort  at  Ligonier,  near  the  western  Foot  of  the  Mountains, 
is  much  Shattered,  by  the  Timbers  and  Stockades  being  almost 
rotten.  The  Country  near  the  Fort  is  very  fine,  healthy,  and 
Soil  rich,  producing  plentifully  all  Kinds  of  Grain,  Hemp,  or 
Flax.  There  are  some  Inhabitants  now,  and  many  more  would 
assemble  there  was  any  Right  of  Possession  or  Property  secured 
to  them. 

"I  described  to  the  Commander  in  Chief  the  Condition  of  Fort 
Pitt  by  Letter  i6th  of  June." 

2  Mingo  Town  was  inhabited  by  Indians  of  the  Six  Nations 
who  separated  from  their  tribesmen  about  1750. 

3  Now  Pittsburg. 

464 


JOURNAL  OF  CAPTAIN  HARRY  GORDON 

between  broken,  with  very  high  Ridges,  the  Valleys  Narrow, 
and  the  Course  of  the  River  plunged  from  many  high 
Grounds  which  compose  it's  Banks  ;  At  this  Village,  Indian 
business  detained  us  a  Day,  but  altho'  the  Rains  abated  the 
I9th  in  the  Morning,  the  River  rose  for  several  Days,  and 
run  so  Rapid  as  to  carry  us  with  moderate  Rowing  from  6  to 
7  Miles  per  hour.  The  2^d  we  came  to  the  Mouth  of  the 
Muskingum  before  Noon,  observed  and  found  the  Latitude 
to  be  39°  19',  The  Muskingum  is  a  very  large  River  250 
Yards  Wide  at  it's  Confluence  with  the  Ohio ;  It  is  said  to 
be  Navigable  150  Miles  upwards  for  Batteau's,  and  runs 
thro'  a  pleasant  Country,  as  that  near  it's  Junction  appeared 
to  be.  Many  small  Creeks  and  Streams  run  into  the  main 
River,  a  Mark  of  the  Lands  near  it  being  plentifully  watered  ; 
Our  Indians  killed  several  Buffaloe,  between  the  Mingo 
Town  and  the  Muskingum ;  We  first  met  with  a  herd  of 
this  kind  of  Animal,  about  100  Miles  below  Fort  Pitt,  but 
they  are  not  so  Common,  untill  we  pass  the  Scioto ;  At  this 
Place  we  arrived  the  2Qth  June  366  Miles  below  Fort  Pitt, 
the  Navigation  we  found  Uninterrupted  to  our  largest 
Batteaus  :  The  Flood  Indeed  was  with  Us,  but  at  any 
Time  there  will  be  no  Obstacle  from  the  Mingo  Town, 
which  is  71  Miles  from  Fort  Pitt,  nor  much  from  the  Big 
beaver  Creek.1 

The  River  Ohio  from  50  Miles  above  Muskingum  to 
Scioto,  is  most  beautifull,  a  Number  of  Islands  are  to  be 
seen  of  different  Sizes,  but  all  covered  with  the  tallest  of 
Timber;  The  long  Reaches,  among  which  is  one  of  16 
Miles  and  a  */2 ,  inclosed  with  the  finest  Trees  of  different 
kinds  of  various  Verdures  and  Leaves  of  the  largest  Sorts, 
Afford  a  noble  and  Enchanting  prospect.  The  Rivers 
Hockhocking  2  and  Canawha  3  fall  into  the  Ohio  in  this  Space, 
besides  others  of  a  Smaller  Size  :  Up  the  big  Canawha,4  the 
Northern  Indians  penetrate  into  the  Cherokee  Nations,  and 
is  a  large  fine  Stream  by  report,  Navigable  100  Miles, 
towards  the  Southward. 

1  Beaver  River.  2  Now  called  Hocking. 

3  Little  Kanawha.  4  Great  Kanawha. 

465 


TRAVELS  IN  THE  AMERICAN   COLONIES 

The  Country  is  Every  where  pleasant,  in  the  bends  of  the 
Rivers  course  are  large  level  Spots  of  the  richest  Land,  and 
on  the  whole  is  remarkably  healthy,  by  the  Accounts  of 
Traders  who  have  been  some  time  with  the  Indians  hunting 
in  those  Parts ;  One  Remark  of  this  Nature,  may  serve  for 
the  whole  Tract  of  the  Globe,  Comprehended  between  the 
Western  Skirts  of  the  Allagheny  Mountains,  beginning  at 
the  Post  of  Ligonier,  thence  bearing  S.  Westerly  to  the  dis 
tance  of  500  Miles  Opposite  the  Ohio  Falls,  then  Crossing 
them  Northerly  to  the  Heads  of  the  Rivers  that  Empty 
into  the  Ohio ;  Thence  East  along  the  Ridge  that  separates 
the  Lakes  and  Ohio  Streams,1  to  French  Creek,  which  is 
Opposite  the  Post  of  Ligonier  Northerly ;  This  may  be  from 
proper  knowledge  Affirmed,  that  it  is  the  healthiest,  (as  no 
Sort  of  Chronicle  disorder  ever  Prevails  in  it)  most  pleasant, 
and  most  Commodious  Spot  of  the  Earth  known  to  Euro 
pean  People  Supposing  a  State  of  Nature. 

We  remained  near  the  Scioto  untill  the  8th  July,  Observed 
and  found  the  Latitude  38°  22'.  The  greatest  part  of  the 
Shawnese  Nation  were  Assembled  here  at  the  desire  of  Mr. 
Croghan ;  Matters  being  Settled  with  them  (altho'  with 
Difficulty)  We  pursued  our  Route  the  8th  July,  the  i6th 
We  Encamped  opposite  the  great  Lick,2  and  next  day  I 
went  with  a  Party  of  Indians  and  Batteau-Men  to  view  this 
much  talked  of  Place.  The  beaten  Roads  from  all  Quarters 
to  it  easily  Conducted  us,  they  resemble  those  to  an  Inland 
Village  where  Cattle  go  to  and  fro  a  large  Common.  The 
Pasturage  near  it  seems  of  the  finest  kind,  mixed  with 
Grass  and  Herbage,  and  well  watered.  On  our  Arrival  at 
the  Lick,  which  is  5  Miles  distance  South  of  the  River,  We 
discovered  laying  about  many  large  bones,  some  of  which 
[were]  the  Exact  Patterns  of  Elephants  Tusks,  and  others 
of  different  parts  of  a  large  Animal.  The  Extent  of  the 
Muddy  part  of  the  Lick  is  f  of  an  Acre.  This  Mud  being 

1  This  ridge  crosses  the  state  of  Ohio  from  the  northern  part  of 
Darke  County  E.  N.  E.  to  Trumbull  County. 

2  Big  Bone  Lick,  in  Boone  County,  Kentucky,  about  twenty  miles 
southwest  of  Cincinnati. 

466 


JOURNAL  OF  CAPTAIN  HARRY  GORDON 

of  a  Salt  Quality  is  greedily  lick'd  by  Buffaloe,  Elk,  and 
Deer,  who  come  from  distant  parts,  in  great  Numbers  for 
this  purpose.  We  picked  up  several  of  the  bones,  some 
out  of  the  Mud,  others  off  the  firm  ground,  Returned,  pro 
ceeded  next  day,  and  arrived  at  the  falls  igth  July. 

The  Ohio  Continues  to  be  Narrow  the  whole  distance 
from  Fort  Pitt  to  within  100  Miles  of  the  Falls,1  it's  breadth 
seldom  Exceeds  500  Yards,  and  is  Confined  by  rising 
grounds,  which  causes  many  Windings,  altho'  the  reaches 
are  sometimes  from  2  to  4  Miles  long :  The  longest  of  them 
and  most  beautifull,  are  (as  has  been  said)  above  Scioto. 
The  River,  100  Miles  above  the  Falls,  widens  to  700  Yards 
in  many  Places,  a  Number  of  Islands  Appear,  the  grounds 
diminish  generaly  in  height,  and  the  Country  is  not  so  much 
broken.  Some  few  of  the  banks  are  overflowed  in  high 
Freshes,  but  this  is  but  Seldom,  and  there  is  hardly  any 
Place  from  Fort  Pitt  to  the  Falls,  where  a  good  Road  may 
not  be  made  along  the  banks,  and  Horses  be  Employed  in 
drawing  up  Bilanders  against  the  Stream,  which  is  gentle 
if  no  Rain  Flood  is  in  the  River.  The  height  of  the  Banks 
permits  their  being  Every  where  inhabited,  nor  do  they 
Seem  Subjected  to  crumble  much  away.  The  little  and  big 
Mineami  Rivers  2  fall  in  below  the  Scioto,  on  the  N.  Side, 
and  the  Licking  Creek 3  and  Kentucke,  on  the  S.  side. 
There  are  many  good  Encampments  on  the  Islands  and  a 
very  remarkable  Safe  one  opposite  the  Big  Lick. 

The  Flood  that  Accompanied  us  many  Days,  left  us  at 
Scioto,  and  we  found  the  Water  at  the  Falls,  low.  The  Falls 
ought  not  to  be  called  so,  as  the  Stream  on  the  North  Side 
has  no  sudden  pitch,  but  only  runs  rapid  over  the  ledge  of  a 
flat  Limestone  Rock,  which  the  Author  of  Nature  has  put 
there,  to  keep  up  the  Waters  of  the  Ohio ;  And  to  be  the 
cause  of  that  beautifull  Stillness  of  the  Rivers  course  above 
it.  That  this  Bed  or  Dam  should  not  wear,  it  is  made 
almost  flat  and  smooth  to  resist  less  the  current,  which  would 

1  The  Falls  of  the  Ohio  are  at  Louisville. 

2  Little  Miami  and  Great  Miami.  3  Gunpowder. 

467 


TRAVELS  IN  THE  AMERICAN  COLONIES 

sooner  get  the  better  of  greater  resistance,  but  as  it  is  still 
Subject  to  wear,  there  is  made  Enough  of  it,  being  two  Miles 
wide,  and  it's  length  into  the  Country  on  each  side,  as 
covered  with  soil,  Unknown.  Mr.  Morgan  1  unloaded  one 
Third,  and  with  the  Assistance  of  the  Indians,  who  knew 
the  Channel  best,  and  were  usefull  and  willing,  got  his 
Boats  safe  down  the  Rapid  on  the  North  side.  The  Carry 
ing  Place  is  f  of  a  Mile  on  this  side,  and  half  as  much  on 
the  S.  E.  This  last  is  Safer  for  those  that  are  Unacquainted, 
but  more  tedious,  as  during  part  of  the  Summer  and  fall 
they  must  drag  their  Boats  over  the  flat  Rock.  Had  we 
Continued  with  the  Flood  we  should  have  had  no  Carrying 
at  all.  The  Companys  Boats  that  passed  in  April  were 
not  Sensible  of  any  Falls,  neither  knew  the  Place  where 
they  are.  In  the  course  of  Communication,  a  Serjeants 
Post  will  be  necessary  and  usefull  here,  the  Situation  of  it 
will  be  marked  in  the  Plan.  The  Water  was  reckoned  low 
at  the  Falls,  it  could  not  be  otherwise,  as  since  the  Rain 
that  fell  at  Fort  Pitt  where  we  set  out,  we  have  only  had 
two  Small  gusts  of  about  an  Hours  Continuance  Each. 
The  heats  of  the  Day  have  been  by  no  means  intolerable, 
and  the  Coolness  of  the  Nights  have  required  a  thick  Blanket 
for  Covering  in  our  Tents.  Notwithstanding  of  our  Distance 
from  the  Fort  being  682  Miles  our  Latitude  is  not  much 
Southerly.  At  the  Falls  we  make  it  38°  8'.  Another  Obser 
vation  before  I  leave  this  Place,  which  is  that  the  Westerly, 
and  South  West  Winds,  generaly  blow  up  the  River,  and 
will  Assist  that  Navigation.  Several  pieces  of  Spar  and  Oar 
were  brought  in  by  Our  Indians  while  we  remained  here. 

We  left  the  Falls  the  2$d  and  Encamped  the  3ist  on  a 
large  Island,2  Opposite  the  Mouth  of  the  Wabash,  which  we 
make  317^-  Miles  below  the  Falls.  From  the  Falls  to  about 
half  this  Distance  the  Country  is  very  Hilly,  the  course  of 
the  River  very  winding  and  Narrow,  and  but  very  few  Spots 
of  level  land  on  the  sides  of  the  river.  The  Hills  are  mostly 
Stoney  and  Steep  ;  but  from  the  great  herds  of  Buffaloe,  we 

1  George  Morgan.  2  Wabash  Island. 

468 


JOURNAL  OF  CAPTAIN  HARRY  GORDON 

observed  on  the  Beaches  of  the  Islands  and  River,  into 
which  they  come  for  Air  and  Coolness  in  the  Middle  of  the 
Day,  it  may  be  Imagined  good  Pasturage  is  not  very  Dis 
tant.  837  Miles  below  Fort  Pitt,  we  leave  the  Ridgey 
ground  behind,  the  Country  grows  flatt,  and  the  River 
whose  Bed  widens,  is  often  divided  by  Islands.  The  Navi 
gation  is  good  from  the  Falls ;  But  where  the  low  Country 
begins,  Attention  must  be  had  to  keep  the  principal  Channel, 
which  is  in  general  to  the  right  coming  down.  The  Wabash 
is  maskt  by  a  large  Island  round  which  Boats  may  go  most 
times  of  the  Year.  The  End  of  the  Fork  of  the  two  Rivers 
is  narrow  and  Overflowed,  i-^  Miles  upwards  it  is  higher 
ground.  The  Party  of  Indians  we  had  two  days  sent  before 
to  View  the  Country  joined  us,  and  reported  they  could 
only  discover  Tracts  of  some  small  hunting  or  War  Parties 
but  none  of  any  Number  together.  The  herds  of  Buffaloe 
are  hereabouts  Extraordinary  large  and  frequent  to  be  seen. 
The  River  Wabash  at  it's  Confluence  is  306  Yards  Wide, 
and  Issues  in  with  a  Considerable  quantity  of  Water  of  a 
Muddy  kind.  It  is  Navigable  between  3  and  400  Miles 
upwards,  but  should  be  used  by  small  Boats,  as  those  of  the 
Companys  sent  up  it  were  obliged  to  be  lightned  in  order 
to  proceed ;  Indeed  the  dryness  of  the  Weather  had  caused 
a  lowness  of  Water  in  both  Rivers.  Observed  the  Latitude 
at  Wabash  37°  41'.  The  Country  between  the  course  of 
this  River,  and  that  of  the  Mississippi  is  in  general  Flat, 
Open,  and  of  a  Rich  Luxuriant  Soil ;  That  on  the  Banks  of 
the  Ohio  is  level  and  in  many  Places  Overflowed  hereabouts. 

The  2d  we  left  the  Wabash  in  the  Evening,  next  Morn 
ing  we  halted  near  the  Saline  or  Salt  Run,  of  which  any 
Quantity  of  good  Salt  may  be  made.  From  this  Place  the 
Deputies  from  the  Northern  Nations,  were  Sent  across  the 
Country  by  Mr.  Croghan  to  the  Ilinois,  to  acquaint  the 
Commandant  and  Indian  People  there  of  our  Arrival  in 
those  parts. 

The  6th  in  the  Morning  We  halted  at    Fort    Massaic  l 

1  Fort  Massac. 
469 


TRAVELS  IN  THE  AMERICAN  COLONIES 

formerly  a  French  Post  120  Miles  below  the  Mouth  of  the 
Wabash,  and  1 1  below  that  of  the  Cherokee  River ; 1  The 
Country  25  Miles  from  the  Wabash  begins  again  to  be 
Mountainous,  being  the  N.  W.  End  of  the  Apalachian  Moun 
tains,  which  entirely  terminate  a  small  Distance  from  the 
River,  Northerly;  They  are  here  between  50  and  60  Miles 
across,  and  are  Scarpt  Rocky  Precipices,  below  them  no 
more  high  lands  are  to  be  seen  to  Westward  as  far  as  those 
that  Border  the  Mexican  Provinces.  The  reason  of  the 
French's  sending  a  Garrison  to  this  Place,  was  to  be  a  Check 
on  the  Cherokee  Parties  that  came  down  the  River  of  that 
Name,  which  is  Navigable  for  Canoes  from  their  upper 
Towns,  and  who  harrassed  Extremely  the  French  Traders 
intending  to  go  among  the  Wabash  and  Shawnes  2  Nations ; 
The  Situation  of  this  Fort  is  a  good  one ;  Jetting  with  a 
Point  a  little  into  the  River,  the  Reach  of  which  up  and 
down  it  discovers  to  a  Considerable  distance ;  a  Garrison 
here  will  protect  the  Traders  that  come  down  the  Ohio, 
untill  they  have  accounts  from  the  Ilinois ;  It  will  prevent 
those  of  the  French  going  up  the  Ohio  or  among  the  Wabash 
Indians.  Hunters  from  this  Post  may  be  sent  amongst 
the  Buffaloe,  any  Quantity  of  whose  Beef  they  can  procure 
in  proper  Season,  and  the  Salt  may  be  got  from  the  above- 
mentioned  Saline  at  an  easy  rate  to  cure  it,  for  the  use  of 
the  Troops  at  the  Ilinois,  and  in  the  other  Posts  on  the 
Mississippi.  The  Situation  is  a  good  one,  no  where  Com 
manded  from,  nor  can  the  Retreat  of  the  Garrison  (a  Con 
sideration  in  the  Indian  Countries)  ever  be  cut  off;  The 
River  being,  from  the  Entrance  of  that  called  the  Cherokee, 
from  7  to  800  Yards  wide.  It  will  in  a  political  light  hold 
the  Ballance  between  the  Cherokee  and  Wabash  Indians, 
as  it  favors  the  Entrance  of  the  former,  across  the  Ohio  into 
the  latters  Country,  and  covers  their  Retreat  from  it,  and 
there  is  no  proper  Spot  for  a  Post  nearer  the  Cherokee  River 
above,  or  the  Mississippi  below,  but  this,  as  the  grounds  on 
the  Banks  of  the  Ohio,  begin  to  be  very  low ;  The  Current 

1  Tennessee  River.  2  Shawnee. 

470 


JOURNAL  OF  CAPTAIN  HARRY  GORDON 

of  the  River  towards  the  Mississippi  is  very  still,  and  may 
be  easily  ascended  if  affairs  are  any  way  doubtfull,  at  or 
near  the  Ilinois. 

7th.  We  got  to  the  Fork  of  the  Ohio  in  Latitude  36°  43', 
about  40  Miles  below  Massaic,  we  took  a  Survey  of  the 
River  in  coming  down,  our  bearings  and  Distances  from 
the  method  we  imagined,  and  carefully  pursued,  have  a 
considerable  right  to  be  Exact,  and  have  been  Corrected 
with  Observations  on  the  Latitude  that  are  to  be  depended 
on.  The  gentle  Ohio  is  pushed  back  by  the  impetuous 
Stream  of  the  Mississippi,  whose  muddy  white  water  is  to 
be  seen  above  200  Yards  up  the  former ;  We  examined  the 
ground  for  several  Miles  within  the  Fork,  it  is  an  Aggregation 
of  Mud  and  Dirt,  interspersed  with  Marsh,  and  some  Ponds 
of  Water,  and  is  in  the  high  times  of  the  Mississippi  Over 
flowed,  which  is  the  case  with  the  other  sides  of  both  Rivers. 

Qth  and  loth  repaired  the  Boats,  and  fitted  them  strongly 
with  every  thing  in  our  Power,  to  Encounter  the  Stream  of  the 
Mississippi,  which  we  thought  hardly  possible,  having  been 
so  long  used  to  the  much  gentler  one  of  the  Pleasant  Ohio. 

nth  August  having  been  Joined  by  a  Party  of  the  34th 
Regiment  from  Fort  Chartres,1  We  began  to  Ascend  the 
Mississippi,  whose  Rapid  Stream  has  broke  thro*  the  Country, 
and  divided  it  every  where  into  a  Number  of  Islands ;  The 
low  lands  on  each  side  continue  8  Leagues  upwards,  when 
it  becomes  broken,  and  small  Ridges  Appear  for  the  rest  of 
the  Way  to  Kaskaskies.2  There  are  many  Islands  in  this 
distance  some  of  which  [are]  entirely  of  Rock ;  That  called  by 
the  French  La  Tour,  which  it  much  resembles,  is  6  Leagues 
below  the  Kaskaskies  River.  The  distance  of  this  River 
from  the  Forks  is  31  Leagues. 

The  Mississippi's  principal  Stream  is  from  5  to  70x3  Yards 
wide,  but  it  is  scarcely  ever  to  be  seen  together,  and  some 
small  parts  are  above  a  Mile  distant  from  one  another; 
The  principal  Stream  likewise  often  Shifts,  and  the  deep 

1  Fort  Chartres  was  on  the  east  bank  of  the  Mississippi  about 
twenty-four  miles  above  the  mouth  of  the  Kaskaskia. 

2  Kaskaskia  River. 

47i 


TRAVELS  IN  THE  AMERICAN   COLONIES 

Channels  also  which  makes  the  Pilotage  of  the  River  Ex 
tremely  difficult,  and  boats  often  get  aground  in  ascending, 
chiefly  when  Endeavoring  to  avoid  the  rapid  Current. 

The  ipth  we  got  in  the  Morning  to  the  small  River  of  the 
Kaskaskias  80  Yards  Wide  at  the  Mouth,  but  deep  5  Feet, 
which  it  carries  up  to  the  Village,  and  is  said  to  be  Navi 
gable  50  Leagues  farther.  A  Detachment  of  I  Officer  and 
30  Men  are  Quartered  here,  where  We  arrived  the  same 
Day,  distant  from  the  Mouth  of  the  River  of  that  Name  2 
Leagues ;  The  high  Grounds  mentioned,  Skirt  along  the 
South  side  of  the  Kaskaskias  River,  come  opposite  the  Vil 
lage,  and  continue  along  Northerly,  in  a  Chain  nearly  paralell 
to  the  East  Bank  of  the  Mississippi,  at  the  Distance  from 
it  of  2  to  3  Miles ;  This  Space  between,  mostly  is  Level, 
Open,  and  of  the  richest  kind  of  Soil,  in  which  the  Inhabit 
ants  of  the  Ilinois  raise  their  Grain  etca.  The  Kaskaskia 
Village  is  on  the  Plain,  it  consists  of  80  houses  well  built 
mostly  of  Stone,  with  Gardens,  and  large  Lots  to  Each, 
whose  Inhabitants  live  generaly  well,  and  some  of  them 
have  large  Stocks  of  Cattle  and  Hogs.  There  was  a  New 
Fort  begun  by  the  French  of  Logs,  opposite  the  Village  on 
the  rising  ground,  t'other  side  the  River  but  entirely  Com 
manded  it.  Ens[ign]  Hutchins  I  sent  by  Water  to  Compleat 
the  Survey  to  Fort  Chartres ;  That  I  might  [see]  the  Coun 
try,  I  went  by  Land. 

The  Road  to  Fort  Chartres  is  along  the  Plain,  passing  in 
some  Places  near  the  Chain  of  Rocky  heights  above  men 
tioned  ;  The  distance  to  the  Fort  is  18  Miles  ;  The  Road  passes 
thro'  the  Village  of  the  Kaskaskia  Indians  of  15  Cabbins, 
and  afterwards  thro'  a  French  one  Called  Prairie  de  Roche, 
in  which  are  14  Families  ;  This  last  is  distant  3  Miles  from 
Fort  Chartres ;  Between  is  the  Village  called  Le  Etablis- 
ment,  mostly  deserted,  and  the  Inhabitants  gone  to  Misere  1 
on  the  bank  of  the  River,  a  little  higher  than  Kaskaskias. 

The  2Oth.  Arrived  at  Fort  Chartres,  where  I  found  a  well 


1  Misere,  misery,  the  popular  nickname  for  Ste.  Genevieve,  on  the 
Missouri  side  of  the  Mississippi. 

472 


JOURNAL  OF  CAPTAIN  HARRY   GORDON 

imagined,  and  finished  Fort  of  4  Bastions  of  Stone  Masonry, 
designed  defensible  against  Musquetry;  The  Barracks  are 
also  of  Masonry,  Commodious  and  Elegant ;  This  place  is 
large  enough  to  contain  400  Men,  but  may  defend  itself 
with  a  third  of  the  Number  against  Indians,  if  care  is  taken 
to  mow  the  Weeds  near  it,  which  grow  to  10  and  II  Feet 
height  and  very  rank ;  It  is  now  in  danger  of  being  under 
mined  by  the  Mississippi,  whose  Eastern  Border  is  already 
within  26  Yards  of  the  point  of  the  S.  W.  Bastion.  The 
Bank  I  found  Thirty  Feet  high,  Sandy  with  small  gravel 
(very  uncommon  Soil  for  the  banks  of  this  river,  that  are 
mostly  Mud  or  fat  Clay)  and  perpendicular,  so  that  the 
crumbling  Occasioned  by  frost,  would  demolish  in  a  little 
Time  this  small  Space  befor[e]  the  Bastion.  When  we  took 
possession  of  this  Fort,  the  River  was  above  100  Yards 
distance,  and  before  that,  the  French  who  foresaw  its  Ap 
proach,  had  Expended  much  Labour  and  Money  to  try  to 
prevent  it.  They  Fascined  and  piled  the  Banks,  but  the 
torrent  soon  got  Passage  behind  them ;  Had  they  brought 
the  banks  to  a  large  Slope,  retired  those  of  a  gravelly  kind, 
so  as  to  have  an  Eddy  on  them  in  Flood  time,  drove  a  Num 
ber  of  Button  Wood  Short  Stakes  in  the  Slope,  which  imme 
diately  take  Root,  and  got  together  floating  Trees,  and  any 
thing  Else  of  that  kind  the  Floods  bring  down,  made  those 
fast  at  the  Point  where  the  Stream  divides  to  come  by  the 
Fort,  and  round  the  Island  opposite  to  it ;  This  last  might 
have  averted  the  Strength  of  the  Current  towards  the 
Western  Bank,  and  by  Stopping  the  Rubbish  that  comes 
along  with  the  Floods,  have  formed  a  Bar  at  the  Point ; 
The  gravelly  Banks  would  not  have  resisted  the  Flood,  an 
Eddy  would  have  laid  upon  them,  nor  there  have  been  any 
Resistance  to  the  Current  at  Bottom,  whose  Effect  would 
have  thereby  been  diminished.  Upon  these  principles  I 
gave  Instructions  to  Lieut.  Pittman  1  Assistt.  Engineer  at  this 

1  Lieutenant,  after  Captain,  Philip  Pittman  was  the  author  of  the 
book,  The  Present  State  of  the  European  Settlements  on  the  Mis 
sissippi  (London,  1770;  repr.,  Cleveland,  1906),  important  for  its 
excellent  maps. 

473 


TRAVELS  IN  THE  AMERICAN  COLONIES 

Post  to  proceed.  The  ruin  of  the  Fort  was  Inevitable  next 
Spring,  without  doing  something,  but  a  part  at  least  may  be 
saved,  at  a  Small  Expense,  to  lodge  the  Garrison  till  other 
Measures  are  resolved  on.  The  Sickly  State  of  the  Troops 
did  not  allow  of  getting  any  Number  to  work  during  my 
Stay,  nor  was  the  Water  low  Enough  or  the  heats  abated 
to  make  much  work,  otherwise  Adviseable. 

This  being  the  case  I  proceeded  the  28th  to  view  the 
Country  upwards.  Our  own  Boatmen  being  Sickly  and 
much  fatigued,  I  went  by  Land,  Accompanied  with  Lieut. 
Pittman  and  Ens[ig]n  Hutchins,  to  Kyahokie 1 45  Miles  distant 
from  the  Fort,  and  the  uppermost  Settlement  on  our  Side. 
In  the  Route  we  pass  Le  Petit  Village  5  Miles  from  the 
Fort,  a  place  formerly  Inhabited  by  12  Familys,  now  only 
by  one  since  our  Possession.  The  Abandoned  houses  are 
most  of  them  well  built  and  left  in  good  Order,  the  Grounds 
are  favorable  near  the  Village  for  Grain,  particularly  Wheat ; 
and  Extensive  cleared  Land,  Sufficient  for  the  labor  of  100 
to  Cultivate.  We  turn  off  here  to  the  Eastward,  and  in  2 
Miles  come  on  the  high  Ground,  where  We  keep  on  till 
within  3  Miles  of  Kyahokia,  when  We  Returned  to  the 
Plain  to  get  to  that  Village.  Here  are  43  Familys  of  French 
who  live  well,  and  so  might  three  times  the  Number,  as 
there  is  a  great  Quantity  of  Arable  clear  land  of  the  best  soil 
near  it ;  There  is  likewise  20  Cabbins  [of  the]  Peiori 2  Indians 
left  here,  the  rest  and  best  part  are  moved  to  the  French  side, 
2  Miles  below  Pain  Court.3  It  is  reckoned  the  Wheat 
thrives  better  here  than  at  Kaskaskias,  owing  probably  to 
it's  being  more  Northerly  by  almost  a  Degree.  At  this 
Place  We  Endeavored  to  hire  3  Men  and  a  Canoe,  as  we 
said  to  View  the  Missouri,  but  our  Intention  was  as  far  as 
the  Ilinois  River.  We  could  not  prevail  by  Intreaty  or 
Money  to  get  such  a  Number,  or  even  a  Canoe  to  go  with 
us.  An  Invitation  came  from  Mr.  St.  Ange,4  the  French 

1  Cahokia,  near  the  mouth  of  Cahokia  Creek,  and  a  little  below 
the  site  of  the  present  East  Saint  Louis. 

2  Peoria.  3  Saint  Louis. 
4  Saint  Ange  de  Bellerive. 

474 


JOURNAL  OF  CAPTAIN  HARRY  GORDON 

Commandant  in  the  Ilinois,  to  go  to  Pain  Court  with  promise 
to  be  Assisted  in  our  progress  upwards.  We  went  to  Pain 
Court  the  joth  where  we  Stayed  next  day,  were  civilly 
treated  by  Mr.  St.  Ange,  and  the  other  Gentlemen,  but 
thro'  a  little  Jealousy,  were  disappointed  in  going  Upwards, 
and  returned  to  Kyahokia  the  $ist  in  the  Evening. 

The  Village  of  Pain  Court  is  pleasantly  Situated  on  a 
high  ground  which  forms  the  West  Bank  of  the  Mississippi, 
it  is  3  Miles  higher  up  than  Kyahokia,  has  already  50 
Familys  Supported  Chiefly  from  thence,  and  seems  to 
flourish  very  quick.  At  this  place  Mr.  Le  Chef  the  prin 
cipal  Indian  Trader  resides,  who  takes  so  good  Measures, 
that  the  whole  Trade  of  the  Missouri,  that  of  the  Mississippi 
Northwards,  and  that  of  the  Nations  near  La  Baye,1  Michi 
gan,  and  St.  Joseph's,  by  the  Ilinois  River  is  entirely  brought 
to  him.  He  appears  to  be  sensible,  Clever,  and  has  been 
very  well  Educated ;  is  very  Active,  and  will  give  us  some 
trouble  before  we  get  the  parts  of  this  Trade  that  belong 
to  us,  out  of  his  Hands. 

We  found  it  Impracticable  to  go  further  upwards,  with 
out  waiting  for  a  Boat  from  the  Fort,  which  would  have 
been  a  long  time  a  coming,  and  otherwise  might  have 
given  Jealousies  that  would  have  Occasioned  greater  Dis 
appointment,  as  Mr.  le  Clef  is  readily  Served  by  the  In 
dians,  He  has  planted  within  2  Miles  of  him :  We  returned 
to  Fort  Chartres  the  2d  of  Septr.  by  the  same  Route  we 
came. 

Some  Days  were  Employed  in  Visiting  and  directing 
Lieut.  Pittman  in  the  Work  He  was  to  Set  about,  and  Com 
posing  Instructions  regarding  his  Viewing  the  Country 
towards  the  Ilinois  River,  and  likewise  that  on  the  other 
hand  to  the  Ohio,  and  the  old  Post  of  Massiac.  I  found 
Myself  no  longer  usefull  at  Fort  Chartres  and  returned  to 
Kaskaskias  the  6th. 

The  next  day  viewed  the  Country  round  this  Village,  in 
order  to  fix  a  Situation  for  the  principal  Post,  in  case  of  the 

1  Green  Bay,  Wisconsin. 
2H  475 


TRAVELS  IN  THE   AMERICAN  COLONIES 

Demolition  of  Fort  Chartres  by  the  Current  of  the  Mis 
sissippi,  which  most  probably  will  happen  in  three  Years 
time,  perhaps  in  less ;  Viewed  that  part  to  the  Northward 
of  the  small  River,  as  also  along  the  Bank  of  the  great  one 
upwards  to  search  for  a  Rising  Ground,  and  a  Shelter  for 
Craft,  which  now  lays  at  the  Village,  thro'  want  of  such  at 
the  Fort;  We  discovered  nothing  to  purpose.  The  after 
noon  We  crossed  the  small  River,  and  a  Foot,  with  much 
Fatigue,  Visited  the  Situation  of  the  Fort  begun  by  the 
French  as  mentioned  already.  We  found  it  a  very  good 
one  accessible  only  on  the  East  Side ;  the  West  by  which 
we  went  up  [is]  narrow,  Steep  and  Easily  defended.  It  Com 
mands  the  Town,  and  the  River  Below,  overlooks  the  plain 
towards  the  Mississippi  which  does  not  seem  3  Miles  across 
in  a  Straight  line,  and  has  a  fair  chance  of  being  a  healthy 
Spot,  at  least  an  Airy  one,  as  it  is  high  placed,  on  dry  ground, 
and  near  good  Water. 

Our  Possession  of  the  Ilinois  is  only  usefull  at  present  in 
one  respect,  it  Shews  the  Indian  Nations  our  Superiority 
over  the  French,  to  whom,  they  can  thence  perceive  we  give 
Law;  This  is  dearly  bought  by  the  Expence  it  is  to  us,  and 
the  Inconvenience  of  Supporting  it.  The  French  carry  on 
the  Trade  all  round  us  by  Land  and  by  Water ;  ist  up  the 
Mississippi,  and  to  the  Lakes  by  the  Ouisconsing,1  Foxes,2 
Chicagou,3  and  Ilinois  Rivers ;  2dly  up  the  Ohio  to  the 
Wabash  Indians,  and  even  the  small  Quantity  of  Skins  or 
Furs  that  the  Kaskaskias  and  Peiori's  (who  are  on  our  Side) 
get  by  hunting  is  Carried  under  our  Nose  to  Misere  and 
Pain  Court.  A  Garrison  at  the  Ilinois  River,  and  a  Post 
at  La  Baye,  will  partly  prevent  the  first;  and  one  at  Mas- 
siac  will,  as  has  been  said,  Stop  their  Intercourse  with  the 
People  on  the  Wabash,  who  consist  of  Several  Nations. 
Coop'd  up  at  Fort  Chartres  only,  We  make  a  foolish  figure, 
hardly  have  the  Dominion  of  the  Country,  or  as  much 
Credit  with  the  Inhabitants  as  induce  them  to  give  us 

1  Wisconsin. 

2  Fox   River  of  Wisconsin   and    Fox   River  of  Wisconsin   and 
Illinois.  8  Chicago. 

476 


JOURNAL  OF  CAPTAIN  HARRY  GORDON 

any  thing  for  Money,  while  our  Neighbors  have  plenty  on 
trust.1 

8th  Septr.  We  were  prepared  to  descend  the  Mississippi1^ 
but  that  Night  I  was  seized  with  a  Fever,  which  continued 

1  The  1 5th  of  July,  1766,  General  Gage  wrote  Secretary  Con- 
way  :  "Advices  from  the  Illinois  mention  an  illicit  Trade,  whereby 
French  Goods  are  Smuggled  up  the  Ohio  and  to  the  Lakes,  and 
the  Peltry  of  those  Countrys  carried  down  the  Mississippi  to  New 
Orleans ;  where  Skins  and  Furs  bear  a  Price  of  ten  Pence  Pr 
Pound  higher,  than  at  any  British  Market.  The  best  Means., 
Seemingly,  to  prevent  this  Trade,  carried  on  by  Collusion  between 
some  of  His  Majesty's  New  Subjects  from  Canada,  Detroit,  arid 
other  Places,  and  the  French  Traders,  would  be,  to  pass  a  Law  to 
Seize  and  confiscate  all  Furrs  and  Skins  going  down  the  Ohio 
below  the  Ouabache,  or  down  the  Ilinois  River  below  the  Rock, 
as  well  as  all  Skins  and  Furrs  from  the  Ilinois  Country  or  above 
it,  which  shall  be  found  on  the  Mississippi  below  the  Mouth  of 
the  Ohio,  or  carrying  over  to  the  west  Side  of  the  Mississippi. 
All  foreign  Goods  found  on  the  East  Side  of  Said  River,  I  pre 
sume  are  confiscable.  It  would  be  necessary  to  put  such  Laws 
in  Force,  that  Posts  should  be  erected  on  the  most  convenient 
Spots  near  the  Junction  of  the  Ohio  and  Ilinois  Rivers  with  the 
Mississippi.  It  is  not  easy  at  present  to  ascertain  whether  the 
Ilinois  would  answer  such  Expence ;  It  is  reported  from  Phila 
delphia,  that  the  Traders  from  that  Province  have  sent  Goods 
thither  amounting,  with  Costs  of  Transportation,  to  £50,000 
but  it  remains  to  be  informed,  what  Returns  they  will  get  from 
thence :  I  would  observe  however,  from  the  Plan  adopted  to 
support  and  extend  the  Furr  Trade  by  Means  of  Forts  and  Posts 
in  the  Indian  Country,  that  the  Ilinois  seems  from  it's  Situation 
the  most  proper  Place  to  Secure  the  whole  Country  Eastward  of 
it  to  the  British  Traders,  and  to  prevent  the  French  gaining  the 
Peltry  from  the  Nations  inhabiting  the  Lakes,  and  other  parts 
of  His  Majesty's  Territorys  where  fine  Furrs  are  produced. 

"The  last  Letters  from  the  Ilinois  are  of  the  28th  of  April  by 
which  I  am  informed,  that  a  great  deal  of  the  Bank  between 
Fort  Chartres  and  the  River  had  fallen,  and  it  was  apprehended 
that  it  would  continue  falling  to  the  Fort  before  the  End  of  Sum 
mer.  From  all  Accounts  the  River  gains  so  considerably  upon 
the  Banks  every  year,  that  Fort  Chartres  must  soon  tumble; 
nor  can  I  find  there  is  any  Possibility  to  prevent  it,  by  means  of 
Facines  or  Pickets,  or  taking  any  other  Precautions.  The  Situa 
tion  of  the  Fort  is  bad  on  many  Accounts,  but  the  Construction 
of  it  the  best  of  any  yet  built  in  the  Indian  Country." 

477 


TRAVELS  IN  THE  AMERICAN   COLONIES 

with  Unremitting  Violence  until  the  i6th  at  Night;  i?th 
being  much  better,  I  pursued  my  Route  down  the  Mississippi 
the  i8th  tho'  but  in  a  weakly  state  of  Body.1 

Lieut.  Pittman  had  made  a  Plan  of  the  River  in  coming 
up,  which  upon  Examining  We  found  to  be  Exacter  than 
anything  We  could  do,  in  tumbling  down  this  rapid  Torrent. 
We  therefore  Continued  to  descend  the  River  until  we  came 
to  the  Natches.  To  give  an  Idea  of  the  Mississippi  at  this 
Season  when  the  Water  is  low,  One  must  suppose  a  large 
hollow  in  which  You  are,  and  a  low  Country  into  which  You 
must  descend.  Where  you  are,  on  one  side,  is  a  Bank  from 
25  to  30  Feet  high,  where  very  often,  you  see  and  hear  great 
Pieces  of  Mud  or  Clay,  on  which  are  growing  Trees,  tum 
bling  into  the  Torrent ;  Round  You  is  the  Stream  from  3  to  5 
Knots  an  Hour  in  which  are  huge  Trees  in  the  Current, 
fast  to  the  Bottom,  but  bent  by  the  impetuous  Stream, 
and  some  of  them  only  bobbing  up  their  heads,  when  their 
own  Elasticity  gets  the  better  of  the  Strength  with  which 
the  Water  bends  them  down ;  On  the  other  hand  is  a  large 
Beach  of  Mud,  Spread  over  some  times  with  Sand,  in  which 
one  or  more  Spots  are  seen  covered  with  Trees ;  Before 
You  is  a  quick  descent  of  Country  appearing  much  under 
You.  This  You  see  divided  sometimes  with  Sandy  Beaches 
and  at  others  with  Streams  of  Water  interspersed  with  a 
Thousand  Logs,  and  thro'  which  to  direct  your  Course,  is  a 
very  great  uncertainty.  When  you  Land,  and  with  much 
difficulty  Scramble  up  the  Banks  of  falling  Mud,  You  find 
traces  of  the  Floods  and  Stuff  that  hinders  your  going  far, 
or  You  find  yourself  on  Muddy  Sands,  where  you  may  wan 
der  among  Pieces  of  broken  Land  for  a  Mile  at  least,  with 
out  reaching  the  firm  ground,  indeed  it  has  little  Title  to  be 

1  For  a  letter  by  Croghan  dated  at  Fort  Chartres,  Sept.  loth, 
1766,  and  giving  an  account  of  his  conference  with  the  Indians  at 
that  place,  see  Hanna,  Vol.  II,  pp.  49  and  50.  Regarding  himself 
Croghan  wrote  :  "I  have  been  so  ill  this  fortnight  past  that  I  have 
not  been  able  to  write.  .  .  .  As  I  am  so  reduced  in  Sickness,  I  shall 
be  obliged  to  go  round  by  New  Orleans,  as  I'm  not  able  to  ride 
a  Cross  the  Country  to  Fort  Pitt." 

478 


JOURNAL  OF  CAPTAIN  HARRY  GORDON 

called  so  anywhere  to  the  Westward,  as  there  is  no  height 
to  be  seen  nor  any  sort  of  Soil  to  tread  on  but  Soft  Mud, 
or  among  canes.  On  the  Eastern  bank  there  are  the  fol 
lowing  high  Lands  after  we  passed  the  Ohio  and  before  we 
reached  the  Natchez.  Vizt.  Mine  au  Per,1  those  on  Arta- 
guet  and  Margot  Rivers,  that  on  the  Yazous  2 ;  The  Small 
and  great  Gulf  where  Stone  is  to  be  seen 3 :  These  are  the 
only  habitable  Grounds  above  the  Natchez. 

It  may  be  thought  next  to  Impossible  to  Navigate  against 
this  Stream,  yet  Such  is  the  force  of  Oars,  that  large  Boats 
of  20  Tons  are  brought  by  them  to  the  Ilinois  in  70  Odd 
days,  which  is  in  some  parts  500  Leagues  by  Water  from 
New  Orleans,  when  the  River  is  low.  At  that  Season  there 
are  many  large  Bends,  along  the  inward  side  of  these,  the 
Boats  get  on  as  there  the  Current  is  not  at  all  strong ;  when 
the  River  is  high  and  [has]  Overflowed  it's  Banks,  the  distance 
is  lessened,  and  the  Water  does  not  run  with  such  Rapidity 
as  when  lower  and  Narrower.  In  those  high  times  there 
must  be  Tracks  of  Country  Thirty  Miles  wide,  overflowed. 
Those  Boats  go  to  the  Ilinois  twice  a  Year,  and  are  not 
half  loaded  in  their  Return.  Was  there  any  produce  there 
worth  Sending  to  Market,  they  could  fetch  it  at  no  great 
Cost.  They  bring  however  Lead,  the  produce  of  a  Mine 
on  the  French  Side;  but  it  comes  in  but  small  Quantitys, 
they  have  not  Skill  in  working  of  it,  neither  have  sufficient 
Numbers  of  hands  to  carry  it  on.  The  Boats  in  time  of 
Floods,  which  happen  only  in  May  and  June,  go  down  to 
New  Orleans  from  the  Ilinois  in  14  or  16  Days. 

The  6th  October  We  visited  the  Fort  at  the  Natchez,  a 
Detachment  of  Sixty  Men  of  the  2ist  Regimt,  had  come  up 
to  this  Place  Six  Days  before.  They  found  the  Fort  in  a  re 
pairable  State ;  The  Parapet  made  of  Cypress  hewn  Timber, 

1  Near  the  present  site  of  Memphis.  The  Riviere  a  Margot  was 
either  the  Nonaconnah  River  or  Indian  Creek,  or,  if  some  old  maps 
are  to  be  trusted,  the  Coldwater  then  running  northward  into  the 
Mississippi.  2  Yazoo. 

3  The  "  Petit  Gouffre  "  was  near  Rodney  in  Jefferson  County, 
Mississippi ;  the  other  at  Grand  Gulf  in  Claiborne  County. 

479 


TRAVELS  IN  THE  AMERICAN   COLONIES 

was  only  deficient  in  one  Side  of  Five,  which  is  it's  Figure ; 
Several  of  the  Walls  of  the  Houses  and  some  of  the  Roofs 
were  Entire,  and  the  Bridge  tho'  not  very  sound,  Served  by 
being  a  little  supported.  It  was  lucky  this  condition  was 
such,  had  it  been  otherwise,  the  want  of  either  Artifices,  Ma 
terials,  or  Tools,  would  have  put  the  Detachment  to  great 
Inconvenience.  The  Situation  of  this  Place  is  high  and  Pleas 
ant,  Commanding  a  Prospect  of  a  very  large  and  handsome 
Country,  in  many  Places  Cleared,  diversified  with  gentle  ris 
ings,  which  are  covered  with  Grass,  and  other  Herbs  of  a 
fine  Verdure.  It  is  f  of  a  Mile  from  the  River,  and  cannot 
Command  the  Craft  that  lays  under  the  Bank,  a  lookout  for 
a  Serjeants  or  Corporals  Guard  must  be  built  for  that  Purpose. 
The  Natchez  was  among  the  first  Settled  Spots  in  Louisi 
ana  ;  The  Soil  is  good  on  the  highest  Grounds,  black  and 
light,  and  properly  Exposed  for  the  growth  of  the  Vine. 
Indigo  will  prosper  on  the  flat  Parts,  or  even  on  the  ridges 
for  some  time ;  The  Number  of  Mulberries,  and  the  Climate 
are  favorable  for  Silk,  and  Tobacco  would  be  a  mere  Drug 
there.  The  Place  from  the  goodness  of  the  Water,  and  Soil, 
must  have  good  Air.  It  is  in  Latitude  32°  25',  yet  the 
Winters  Cold  is  Considerable.  The  Distance  from  New 
Orleans  is  94  Leagues,  and  50  of  them  above  their  highest 
Settlement  at  Point  Coupee,1  (the  few  Banditti  at  Arkansas, 
don't  deserve  the  name  of  Settlement)  which  most  probably 
will  be  the  highest  for  many  Years.  This  is  a  proper  dis 
tance  to  Attack  from,  but  not  Easily  to  be  Attacked  up  such 
a  Stream.  The  common  Communication  to  the  Natchez 
is  up  the  Mississippi,  but  it  may  be  supported  down  the 
Ohio,  and  a  Force  sent  from  thence,  that  will  be  truly 
formidable  to  our  Neighbors  below ;  Such  is  the  Natchez. 
It's  only  Disadvantage  is  a  Port  to  the  Sea,  the  free  Navi 
gation  of  the  Mississippi  is  a  Joke,  no  Vessel  will  come  to 
Ibbeville2  from  Sea,  it  was  once  done  and  found  merely 

1  Pointe  Coupee  was,  and  is,  on  the  west  bank  of  the  Mississippi, 
a  few  miles  below  the  mouth  of  Red  River. 

2  I.e.  no  vessel  will  come  up  the  Mississippi  to  the  mouth  of 
the  Iberville. 

480 


JOURNAL  OF  CAPTAIN  HARRY  GORDON 

Possible  at  the  King's  Expence.  Neither  is  there  any 
Restriction  by  the  Treaty  from  Building  what  Forts  they 
Please  at  the  Bar  or  on  the  River,  as  will  certainly  be  done 
when  the  Spaniards  get  the  Dominion.1  In  time  of  War 
they  probably  will  make  use  of  these  Forts  to  keep  us  out 
of  the  Mississippi,  which  may  be  possible  to  do,  as  Vessels 
must  Warp  up  to  New  Orleans. 

The  8th  We  passed  the  River  Rouge,2  50  Leagues  up  it 
the  French  have  a  Fort  at  Natchitoche.  The  Spanish 
Governor3  went  up  to  Visit  this  Post,  as  it  is  the  nearest 
Place  to  Mexico,  and  not  very  distant  from  the  out  Posts 
of  the  Spaniards. 

The  Qth  We  went  a  Shore  on  the  French  Settlement  of 
Point  Coupee.  It  Consists  of  no  Families,  who  live  much 
at  Ease ;  Their  produce  is  at  present  only  Tobacco  and 
Corn,  they  likewise  cut  Some  Lumber.  They  are  not 
Strong  Enough  in  Negroes  to  Attempt  making  Indigo, 
which  is  the  only  Reason  they  don't,  Their  Situation  is 
low,  and  [they]  are  obliged  to  have  Levee's  of  Earth  to  keep 
off  the  Floods  :  These  People  are  much  displeased  at  the 
Approach  of  Spanish  Government.  There  is  here  a  small 
ruinous  Stockade  Fort  with  i  Officer  and  10  Men  in  it. 

The  loth  in  the  Morning  we  Visited  Fort  Bute  4  which  is 
12  Leagues  below  Point  Coupee;  This  is  a  Square  with  half 
Bastions  (they  had  better  been  whole  ones)  of  bad  Stock- 

1  Though   Louisiana  was  assigned   to  Spain  by  the   treaties   of 
1763,  Spanish  occupation  of  Louisiana  did  not  begin  till  March 
1766,  when  a  governor  arrived,  but  without  power  to  rule. 

2  Red  River. 

3  Don  Antonio  de  Ulloa,  who,  though  without  power  to  rule, 
went  about  at  once  upon  a  general  inspection  of  posts. 

4  Fort  Bute  was   at  the  junction  of  the  Mississippi   and  the 
Iberville,  the  latter  being  an  overflow  stream  of  the  Mississippi 
and  connecting  it  in  time  of  high  water  with  Amite  River  and 
Lakes   Maurepas    and    Pontchartrain.     At   other   seasons   goods 
were  carried  from  the  Amite  to  Fort  Bute  along  the  path  follow 
ing  the  winding  course  of  the  Iberville,  a  distance  of  ten  or  twelve 
miles.     There  was  at  this  time  a  project  for  connecting  the  Mis 
sissippi  with  the  Amite  by  a  canal  twelve  feet  in  both  width  and 
depth. 

481 


TRAVELS  IN  THE  AMERICAN  COLONIES 

ades.  There  are  Huts  in  the  inside  for  Officers  and  Men, 
for  100  in  Number.  The  Intention  of  this  Post  is  to  cover 
our  Communication  to  the  Mississippi  by  Ponchartrain 
and  Maurepas  Lakes,  and  thro'  the  Gully  or  Ditch  of  the 
Ibbeville,  when  there  is  any  Water  in  it  which  is  only  the 
case,  when  the  Floods  come  down  the  river.  The  Bed  of 
this  was  now  24  Feet  under  that  of  the  Ibbeville.  We 
Endeavored  to  View  the  clearing  of  this  last,  but  were  only 
able  to  go  along  it  for  3  Miles,  on  account  of  the  Rankness 
of  the  Weeds,  thro'  which  there  is  no  Path.  The  Bottom 
of  the  Ditch  in  that  Space  was  pretty  clear,  only  some  Logs 
cut  up,  that  are  not  cleared  away.  Had  there  been  any 
Craft  at  the  other  End,  I  would  have  Endeavored  to  pene 
trate  to  it,  and  Viewed  the  Obstructions  between  the 
Amit,1  and  Lake  Maurepas.  Those  are  now  the  principal, 
and  by  Mr.  Robertson  Engineer's  Report  of  them,  they  will 
require  a  great  deal  of  Labor  to  remove ;  It  is  now  to  deter 
mine,  whether  that  is  to  be  done,  or  continue  at  the  option 
of  the  French  or  Spaniards,  for  our  Communication  by 
Boats  up  the  Mississippi ;  while  they  indulge  us,  they  make 
us  Pay  for  it,  as  I  fancy  the  Expence  of  Our  Equipments  at 
New  Orleans  will  Confirm. 

The  i^th  we  were  within  2  Miles  of  New  Orleans,  we  did 
not  make  this  Day  above  10  Miles,  with  all  our  Strength 
of  Oars,  of  which  we  rowed  8,  our  People  having  mostly 
recovered,  so  Strong  the  Easterly  Wind  blew.  The  Colony 
of  New  Orleans  is  inhabited  20  Leagues  above  the  Town  on 
each  Side  the  River,  which  is  to  within  10  Leagues  of  the 
Ibbeville.  A  little  below  this  last  place,  the  Mississippi 
Stream  is  less  Rapid,  the  River  Widens,  the  Banks  are  lower, 
and  the  whole  appears  more  pleasant.  The  upper  Settlers 
of  the  Colony  are  just  Planted,  consisting  of  Poor  Acadians 
for  the  most  part.  But  40  Miles  above  the  Town,  You  See 
well  Built  Houses,  many  Negroes,  and  Several  Indigo  Works 
in  good  Order.  Of  this  last  there  is  a  Quantity  made,  and 
is  Reckoned  good  of  it's  kind.  The  Plantations  continue 

1  Amite. 
482 


JOURNAL  OF  CAPTAIN  HARRY  GORDON 

well  Improved  towards  the  Town,  whither  We  arrived  the 
i^ih  in  the  Morning.  There  are  no  Nations  of  Indians 
below  the  Ilinois  on  the  Mississippi,  'till  You  come  to  the 
Arkansas,  they  live  up  the  Branches  of  the  Arkansa  River 
near  the  French  Post,  which  is  Half  way  to  New  Orleans. 
They  consist  of  150  Men.  The  Mississippi  in  Floods  runs 
round  the  Island  formed  by  the  two  Branches  of  this  River. 
The  Next  Nation  of  Indians,  is  the  Tonicas  1  below  the 
Natchez,  a  small  Nation  of  about  30  Men ;  Then  the 
Oumas 2  and  Alibamous  of  about  150  both  :  The  last  has 
settled  here  lately,  having  withdrawn  from  the  River  of 
that  Name,  when  we  took  Possession  of  West  Florida. 

Neither  the  French  nor  Spanish  Governor  were  in  Town  ; 3 
The  great  aversion  the  Inhabitants  had  Shewed  to  be  under 
the  Spanish  Dominion,  and  their  Remonstrances  against 
the  Ordinances  he  Published,  had  Chagrined  him  so  much, 
as  to  be  the  principal  Reason  of  his  Stay  so  long  at  the 
Balise.4 

New  Orleans  is  but  a  small  Town,  not  many  good  Houses 
in  it,  but  in  general  healthy  and  the  Inhabitants  well  looked ; 
It's  principal  Staple  is  the  Trade  for  Furrs  and  Skins  from 
the  Ilinois,  their  want  of  Negroes  keep  back  the  Indigo 
making :  They  have  Attempted  Sugar,  and  there  are  now 
Five  Plantations  that  produce  it,  but  they  do  not  make  it 
turn  out  to  great  Account.  There  is  only  a  Stockade  round 
the  Place  with  a  large  Banquet,  their  Dependance  for  the 
Defence  is  the  Difficulty  of  Approach,  that  up  the  River 
is  tedious  and  easily  opposed,  particularly  at  the  Detour 
d'Anglois,  and  there  is  only  12  Feet  Water  on  the  Bar. 
The  Military  Force  at  this  Place  is  at  present  Small,  not 
above  eighty  Spaniards  remain  of  those  brought  with  their 
Governor ;  He,  it  was  said,  Expected  1000  Men,  300  of 
which  would  be  Sent  to  the  Ilinois,  whether  that  Reinforce 
ment  was  to  Come  from  Old  Spain  or  the  Havannah,  I  could 
not  learn  with  Certainty. 

1  Tunica.  2  Huma  Indians. 

3  The  French  governor  was  the  Sieur  d'Aubry. 

4  Balize,  at  the  bar  near  the  mouth  of  the  Mississippi. 

483 


TRAVELS  IN  THE  AMERICAN  COLONIES 

Our  Boat  and  Baggage  being  carried  to  the  Bayoue  de  St. 
Jean,1  for  which  we  Paid  20  Dollars  for  the  Boat  alone,  and 
is  only  2  Miles  distance ;  We  left  New  Orleans  the  i$th  in 
the  Evening,  and  lay  that  night  at  the  Bayoue.  To  this 
Place  the  Trade  from  Mobile  comes,2  and  all  manner  of 
Smugling :  There  are  Three  Schooners,  constantly  ply[ing] 
between  the  East  Side  of  Lake  Ponchartrain,  and  here, 
Employed  in  bringing  Tar.  There  is  a  good  Harbour  for 
Craft  here. 

The  i6th  in  the  Afternoon  We  went  along  the  Bayoue, 
which  is  2  Leagues  long,  and  only  Twenty  Five  Feet  wide 
in  many  Places ;  It  is  deep  enough  but  the  Windings  are  so 
Short  sometimes,  that  a  Schooner  has  Difficulty  to  turn ; 
The  Grounds  on  Each  side  were  under  Water  Except  in 
three  or  four  Places  where  Rice  had  been  cut  off,  and  in 
general  the  Country  is  Overflowed,  between  Lake  Ponchar 
train  and  the  Mississippi,  to  within  2  Miles  of  the  last; 
this  particularly  in  high  Easterly  Winds,  which  was  now 
the  cause  of  the  Waters  Height.  At  Dusk  we  passed  the 
Blockhouse  at  the  Opening  into  Lake  Ponchartrain,  in 
which  was  a  Serjeant  and  12  Men,  French  and  Spaniards, 
and  some  small  Cannon  Mounted ;  We  continued  Rowing 
till  II  o'clock  and  rested.  Next  Day  by  Noon  we  were 
across  the  Lake,  the  Wind  in  our  Teeth.  That  afternoon 
we  went  down  the  Regolets  which  is  the  Communication 
between  the  Lake  and  the  Sea  ;  It  is  2-J-  Leagues  long  and  deep 
from  4  to  5  Fathom.  In  Crossing  the  Lake,  We  saw  several 
Smokes  on  the  East  Side,  which  we  were  told  by  our  Pilot 
was  as  many  Tar  Kilns  ;  Part  of  the  Produce  we  saw  un 
loading  at  the  Bayoue ;  We  continued  Coasting  along  until 
the  2$th  when  we  reached  Isle  Dauphine,  the  Wind  con 
trary  the  whole  Way ;  We  Landed  several  Times,  but  were 
always  carried  or  went  in  a  Canoe,  the  Coast  being  so  flat 
as  seldom  to  permit  Our  Boat  that  only  drew  27  Inches  of 

1  Bayou  of  Saint  John. 

2  This  trade  route  passed  along  the  Gulf  Coast,  up  the  channel 
to  Lake  Pontchartrain,   and   across  that  lake  to  the  Bayou  of 
Saint  John. 

484 


JOURNAL  OF  CAPTAIN  HARRY  GORDON 

Water  to  come  near  the  Shore,  one  Place  Excepted,  which 
was  during  the  Storm  on  the  22d  when  the  Ferret  a  little 
way  without  us  lost  her  Masts  :  We  Landed  several  Times, 
and  Saw  the  Shore  the  whole  way,  it  is  covered  with  Pines, 
and  in  general  barren  Land,  but  good  for  Pasturage.  The 
few  Inhabitants  being  only  Six  on  this  Tract  of  Country, 
that  is  near  100  Miles  in  Length,  have  Numbers  of  Black 
Cattle ;  Any  Quantity  of  Tar  or  Turpentine  may  be  easily 
made ;  One  Crips,  employs  a  dozen  of  Negroes  on  this 
Commodity,  which  he  sends  to  New  Orleans,  to  a  good 
account.  There  are  a  Number  of  Cattle  on  Isle  Dauphine, 
the  only  Stock  [that]  can  live  on  it,  its  Soil  is  like  that  of 
the  Coast  already  described. 

The  26th.  We  Entered  Mobile  Bay  and  got  to  the  Fort  the 
28th  which  is  160  Miles  Distance  from  New  Orleans ;  The 
Soil  on  the  West  Side  the  Bay,  is  better  than  that  on  the 
Coast,  it  will  fetch  Corn  and  Cotton,  Garden  Stuff  and 
Excellent  Pasturage.  An  Inhabitant  called  Rochon,  has  by 
Repute  above  1000  Head  of  black  Cattle,  he  has  likewise  a 
Number  of  Negroes,  who  he  chuses  chiefly  to  Employ  on 
the  Tar  and  Lumber  Way. 

There  are  Several  good  Houses  near  the  Fort  at  Mobile ; 
This  is  a  Square  with  4  Bastions,  built  of  Brick  in  the  Way 
of  Revetment,  with  a  Counterscarp  of  Brick  and  Glacis ; 
The  Barracks  in  the  Fort  are  so  low,  that  they  are  deprived 
of  air,  and  are  mere  Ovens  in  the  Summer  time,  from  the 
Reflexion  of  the  Sun.  60  Men  will  defend  the  Fort  against 
Indians ;  The  Navigation  up  the  Bay,  Ten  Leagues  long, 
is  not  to  be  attempted  by  Strangers,  and  it  is  only  capable 
of  Receiving  Small  Sloops ;  There  are  a  great  many  King's 
Houses  outside  the  Fort,  that  will  be  of  but  little  Use,  if  a 
larger  Garrison  than  the  above  is  not  kept  there ;  Two 
Rivers  run  into  the  Bay  from  the  Chactaw  Countries,  but 
I  am  informed  most  of  the  Trade  of  that  Nation  is  carried 
by  French  Traders  across  Lake  Ponchartrain,  and  up  the 
Bayoue  to  New  Orleans. 

The  joth.  Sailed  for  Pensacola,  whither  we  arrived  only 
the  4th  of  November,  altho'  the  Distance  is  but  13  Leagues 

485 


TRAVELS  IN  THE  AMERICAN  COLONIES 

between  the  Bars ;  I  should  have  gone  much  sooner  in  my 
Boat  that  I  left  at  Mobile.  We  carried  3^  Fathom  over  the 
Bar. 

Pensacola  Bay  is  a  very  good  Roadsted,  yet  2  Brigs,  and 
4  Schooners  and  Sloops,  were  drove  from  their  Anchors  and 
Wrecked,  [in]  the  Storm  of  22d  last  Month,  altho'  the  Height 
of  the  Gale  [was]  off  the  Nighest  Shore. 

On  Entring  the  Fort  I  was  Astonished  to  see  the  poor 
Huts  that  are  in  it ;  but  much  more  so  when  viewing  the 
Condition  of  them,  and  that  of  the  Poor  Soldiers  who  in 
habit  here.  Their  Barracks  are  covered  with  Bark  on  the 
Sides  and  Roof,  which  naturely  Shrivels  in  a  short  time  by 
the  heat  of  the  Sun,  which  was  the  case  now.  The  Firma 
ment  appeared  thro'  the  Top  and  on  all  sides,  The  Men 
were  walking  About  like  Ghosts  on  a  damp  Sandy  Floor, 
that  is  near  a  Foot  under  the  Level.  They  were  repairing 
the  Roofs,  but  this  has  been  the  Bane  of  Cost,  and  but  a 
short  Time  serving  as  a  Cover  never  to  keep  out  the  Rain 
from  those  large  Buildings ;  Some  of  the  Officers  Huts  were 
Similar,  only  the  difference  of  a  few  Boards  laid  over  the 
sand  to  tread  on,  others  of  the  Officers  were  well  enough 
Lodged,  but  this  the  fewest  part ;  The  Hospital  has  only 
the  distinction  of  always  being  first  Covered,  and  the  Pro 
vision  Stores  that  of  being  the  last.  The  Destruction  of  the 
best  Regiments  is  thus  accounted  for,  without  the  Climate, 
which  yet  I  am  apt  to  believe  also  does  its  Part. 

It  is  high  Time  to  fix  the  Necessary  Garrison  for  this 
place,  and  as  soon  as  that  is  done,  to  Erect  proper  Barracks 
for  them.  The  Rooms  should  be  raised  at  least  5  Feet 
above  the  Ground,  there  will  be  more  and  better  Air,  and 
I  am  Convinced  be  Healthier.  In  the  furnishing  of  them, 
Attention  Should  be  had  in  those  Parts  to  prevent  the  Men 
from  being  Tormented  in  their  Beds  by  the  Muskitos,  being 
open  to  them  as  they  now  are,  Exposes  them  like  the  Beasts 
of  the  Field,  to  the  Sting  of  these  Venomous  Insect  or  Fly, 
only  there  is  not  so  many  out  of  Doors,  as  Inside,  nor  do  the 
Beasts  Eat  Salt  Meat,  as  the  Soldiers  are  obliged  to  live 
on,  and  therefore  not  so  much  Inflamed  by  their  Poison. 

486 


JOURNAL  OF  CAPTAIN  HARRY  GORDON 

The  underparts  of  the  Barracks,  may  serve  for  Stores  of 
Different  kinds.  After  this  it  ought  to  be  considered  in 
what  manner  the  whole  is  to  be  inclosed ;  The  Stockades 
round  it  at  present,  are  and  will  be,  totally  rotten  by  next 
Year. 

While  We  remained  here  I  viewed  along  with  Brigadier 
Taylor,1  the  Country  adjoining  the  Town,  in  order  to  fix  on 
proper  Situations  for  3  Blockhouses  demanded  by  the 
Governor,  for  the  Protection  of  the  Town  from  the  Creek 
Indians  ;  These  were  accordingly  fixed,  and  as  the  Situation 
of  2  of  them  will  probably  be  Healthy,  if  Executed,  They 
will  be  Convenient  for  Hospitals,  when  the  Creek  Alarm 
passes. 

Having  given  the  Acting  Brigadier  all  the  Intelligence 
demanded  of  me,  and  taken  the  proper  Inspection  and  In 
formations  at  this  Place,  and  a  Vessel  being  ready  to  sail,  that 
was  to  touch  at  the  Havannah,  [St.]  Augustine,  and  Georgia, 
with  the  Approbation  of  the  Brigadier  Mr.  Hutchins  and 
I  Embarked  the  I2th.  The  ijth  in  the  Morning  we  were 
off  the  Havannah,  but  the  Wind  blowing  fresh  at  N.  N.  W. 
we  could  not  land  with  our  Boat,  and  the  Master  of  the 
Vessel  having  been  threatened  to  be  fired  into,  from  the 
Moro,2  the  last  Time  he  was  at  the  Place  a  few  Months  ago, 
would  not  go  in  with  the  Vessel  This  Day  we  were  off 
and  on  Sometimes  within  f  of  a  Mile  of  the  Moro  I  could 
Discover  very  plainly  the  ground  of  the  Cavannas,  and  all 
that  from  the  Moro,  to  where  our  Encampment  was,  that 
the  Artillery  and  Stores  were  Landed  at. 

The  Moro  itself  is  Compleatly  repaired,  several  Case- 
mated  Cannon  added  towards  the  Sea.  The  Piece  of  Rock 
by  favor  of  which  the  Assault  was  given  3  is  blown  level  with 
the  Bottom  of  the  Ditch.  The  Counterscarp  and  Covered 
Way  in  good  order,  and  considerably  Raised ;  and  a  Re- 

1  Colonel  William  Taylor  was  acting  brigadier-general  in  charge 
of  the  southern  department.  2  Morro  Castle. 

3  The  reference  is  to  the  action  of  July  30,  1762,  in  which  the 
British  regular  and  colonial  troops,  then  besieging  Havana,  took 
the  Morro  Castle  by  storm. 

487 


TRAVELS  IN  THE  AMERICAN  COLONIES 

doubt  as  before,  in  the  Point  towards  the  Sea  with  4  Em 
brasures  ;  A  Counter  guard  or  Fleche  now  making  before 
the  left,  or  Bastion  next  the  Town.  There  is  a  very  large 
Work  Erected  on  the  Cavannas,  which  by  the  Gentry  places 
on  the  Angles,  I  take  to  be  a  Horn  Work,  with  a  double 
Branch  towards  the  Ground  before  the  Moro.  This  Work 
is  very  nigh  Compleat ;  The  Bastions  of  the  Town  are  raised 
Considerable,  and  a  large  New  Work  raised  on  Mount  Jesus, 
the  Form  of  which  being  at  a  greater  Distance,  I  could  not 
Ascertain.  The  Punto  and  North  Gates  are  Compleatly 
repaired. 

The  28th,  2pth,  and  part  of  the  $oth  in  the  Latitude  of 
Augustine,  but  the  Wind  did  not  permit  us  to  Visit  that 
Garrison,  of  likewise  a  Battalion  ;  which  altho'  not  in  His 
Excellency's  Instructions,  should  gladly  have  seen.  Prob 
ably  such  a  Dimunition  of  Numbers  may  Safely  be  made  of 
Troops  and  Staff  in  these  Floridas,  as  will  defray  the  Ex- 
pence  of  Accommodating  them  that  Remain. 

The  $oth  being  very  Short  of  Provisions,  and  the  Wind 
just  permitting  to  lay  a  Course  for  Charlestown,  we  steered 
for  that  Place,  whither  we  arrived  with  some  Difficulty  the 
6th  December. 

A  TABLE  SHOWING  THE  DISTANCES  OF  THE  REMARKABLE 
PLACES  ON  THE  OHIO,  AND  MISSISSIPPI  RISERS 

MILES  MILES 
From    Fort    Pitt    to    Logs                    From  Fort  Chartres,  to  Cas- 

Town 185  casquia  River      ...  24 

Big  Beaver  Creek       .     .         29^          Ohio 114^ 

Little  .  .  Do 42  Mine  au  Fer       ....  129^ 

Yellow  Creek     ....         52  River  Dartaguet     ...  23  6 J 

Mingo  Town      ....         71  £  River  Margot     ....  300$ 

Long  Reach       ....  123^  River  St.  Francois  ...  371^ 

End  of  Do 138  River  Arcansas       .     .     .  479? 

Muskingum  River      .     .  161  River  Yazous     ....  637^ 

Little  Kanhawa  River     .  172!  Grand  Gouffie    ....  684 

Hockhoking  River      .     .  186  The  Natches       ....  729 

Big  Kanhawa  River    .     .  266^  Au  Roche  D'Avion      .     .  772^ 

Guyandot  River     .     .     .  308  River  Rouge       ....  783 

Big  Sandy  Creek   ...  321  Center  of  Tonicas  Village  8ii| 

488 


JOURNAL  OF  CAPTAIN  HARRY  GORDON 

A  TABLE  SHOWING  THE  DISTANCES  OF  THE  REMARKABLE 
PLACES  ON  THE  OHIO,  AND  MISSISSIPPI  RIFERS 

(CONTINUED) 


From  Fort  Pitt  to  Scioto 
River  ...... 

Big  Buffaloe  Lick       .     . 

Little  Mineami  River      . 

Licking  Creek    .... 

Great  Mineami  River      . 

Where  Elephants  Bones 
are  ....... 

Kentucke  River     .     .     . 

The  Falls      ..... 

Beginning  of  the  low 
Country  ..... 

Large  River  on  East  Side 

Ouabache  River     .     .     . 

Big  Rock       ..... 

Shawanoe  River     .     .     . 

Cherokee  River      .     .     . 

Fort  Massiac     .     .     .     . 

Mouth  of  Ohio       .     .     . 


MILES 

366 
390 
492| 


527 

560^ 

604 

682 

83  7$ 
902^ 
999! 
1042 
1094$ 
1107! 
iiiSf 
1164 


MILES 

From  Fort  Chartres  to  Be 
ginning  of  Settlement 
of  Point  Coupee  .  .  .  813 

The  Fort 828 

End  of  the  Settlement     .      832^ 
Center  of  les  ecors  du  lait      83  5 1 
River  Ibbeville  ....      867 
Village  of  the  Oumas       .      903  j 
Beginning  of  German  Set 
tlements     

The  Fort        

End  of  Settlements     .     .      941 
New  Orleans       ....      963 1 


[Signed]  HARRY  GORDON. 


Endorsed  Captn  Gordons  Journal  1766  In  Majr  Genl  Gage's  (No.  5) 
of  the  22d  Febry  1767. 


489 


JOURNAL  OF  DAVID  TAITT'S  TRAVELS  FROM 
PENSACOLA,  WEST  FLORIDA,  TO  AND 
THROUGH  THE  COUNTRY  OF  THE  UPPER 
AND  THE  LOWER  CREEKS,  1772 


INTRODUCTION 

CAPTAIN  JOHN  STUART,  Superintendent  of  Indian  affairs 
for  the  Southern  District  from  1762  to  the  close  of  the 
Colonial  era,  experienced  in  that  office  some  of  his  greatest 
difficulties  with  the  Creek  Indians.  The  traders  had  pro 
moted  drunkenness  and  insolence  among  them.  They 
were  habitually  at  war  with  the  Choctaws.  They  were 
frequently  robbing  and  murdering  white  people.  They 
resorted  to  Pensacola  in  great  numbers  for  provisions  and 
other  presents.  In  November,  1771,  Captain  Stuart,  with  the 
advice  of  Governor  Peter  Chester  of  West  Florida,  attempted 
to  negotiate  with  the  chiefs  of  the  nation  for  a  strip  of  land 
extending  thirty-five  miles  up  the  Scambia  River  and  four 
miles  back  on  each  side,  the  alleged  purpose  being  the 
growing  of  rice  and  corn  where  it  could  be  purchased  for 
the  Indians  at  reduced  prices.  But  the  chiefs  who  came  to 
Pensacola  in  response  to  summons  for  this  purpose  alleged 
upon  their  arrival  that  they  were  "without  authority  to 
transact  the  business  they  came  upon." 

To  bring  the  Creeks  to  a  willingness  to  cede  that  land, 
to  promote  peaceful  relations  among  the  Indians  and  be 
tween  the  Indians  and  whites,  and  to  inquire  into  the  rela 
tions  between  the  Creeks  and  the  Spaniards,  Stuart  sent 
David  Taitt  on  the  mission  of  which  his  journal  is  an  account. 
In  a  letter  to  Hillsborough,  dated  Jan.  6,  1772,  regarding 
these  affairs  Stuart  added  :  "  As  Taitt  is  a  good  surveyor  and 
a  man  of  prudence,  he  will  answer  the  purpose  of  observing 
the  disposition  of  the  Indians  and  obtaining  some  knowl 
edge  of  their  intrigues  with  the  Spaniards  and  the  western 
tribes  as  well  as  giving  a  more  perfect  idea  of  the  geography 
of  the  country  in  which  all  the  printed  maps  are  shamefully 
defective." 

493 


TRAVELS  IN  THE  AMERICAN  COLONIES 

After  Taitt's  return  Stuart  wrote  to  Hillsborough,  June 
13,  1772  :   "The  Upper  Creeks  in  a  general  meeting  refused 
to  cede  the  lands  which  was  asked  of  them  upon  the  River 
Scambia,  which  Mr.  Taitt  attributes  to  the  machinations 
of  the  traders,  who  grossly  insulted  him  in  the  presence  of 
all  the  Indian  chiefs  upon  a  supposition  that  he   was    to 
oppose  the  cession  of  land  in  their  favor.     Indeed  the  most 
dangerous  consequences  may  be  justly  apprehended  from 
their  licentious  behaviour."     The   I9th  of  July  he  wrote 
-again  to  Hillsborough:    "I  .  .  .  submit  to  your  Lordship 
•Mr.  Taitt's  journal  of  his  journey  through  and  proceedings 
in  the  Upper  and  Lower  Nations  as  well  as  copies  of  his 
letters  to  me  from  thence ;  by  which  the  licentious  behavior 
of  the  traders  as  well  as  the  temper  of  the  Indians  will 
' appear  to  your  Lordship.     In  the  present  situation  of  affairs 
-I  think  it  necessary  to  send  Mr.  Taitt  again  to  the  nation. 
^His  presence  will  be  some  restraint  upon  the  white  people 
>there  and  by  this  means  the  necessary  information  relating 
to  the  views  and  machinations  of  the  Indians  can  be  ob 
ained." 

Taitt  continued  to  serve  as  Stuart's  deputy  and  in  Octo- 

•ber,  1772,  the  Governor  and  Council  of  Georgia  appointed 

>him  a  justice  of  the  peace  in  the  Creek  country  to  preserve 

-order  among  the  traders  and  other  white  persons  and  to 

report  all  persons  trading  with  the  Indians  without  a  license. 

-During  the  War  of  Independence   Commissioners   of  the 

Continental  Congress  urged  the  Creeks  to  turn  out  Taitt, 

-telling  them  he  had  done  nothing  but  create  disturbances 

among  them,  but  Taitt  kept  the  Creeks  loyal  to  the  British 

and  led  them  in  arms  against  the  Americans.     In  1777  he 

was  engaged  in  litigation  for  the  recovery  of  losses  sustained 

in  taking  up  seven  negro  slaves  in  the  Creek  country  who 

;  had  escaped  from  their  masters  in  Georgia. 

An  original  copy  of  his  journal  is  preserved  in  the  Public 
Record  Office,  London:  C.  O.  5,  73,  pp.  551-617,  and  a 
transcript  of  this  is  in  the  Library  of  Congress. 


494 


INTRODUCTION 

Instructions  to  Mr.   David  Taitt 

MOBILE  20  January  1772. 

I  think  it  necessary  for  the  Good  of  His  Majestys  Service 
in  the  Department  entrusted  to  my  Management  to  be 
very  attentive  to  the  Transactions  of  the  Upper  and  Lower 
Creek  Indians ;  particularly  as  I  have  received  Credible 
Information,  that  Messengers  have  lately  been  in  said 
Nations  from  the  Great  Western  Confederacy  of  whose 
Business  it  is  of  importance  to  the  Public  Tranquility  of  the 
Southern  Provinces,  that  I  do  endeavour  to  learn  and 
acquire  full  Information.  I  therefore  have  determined  to' 
send  you  as  a  person  well  qualified  and  in  whom  I  repose 
full  Confidence,  and  you  are  to  proceed  as  soon  as  possible 
with  the  Inclosed  Letters  to  the  Chiefs  of  the  Tallipousses; 
Abekas,  and  Alibamons  to  the  Upper  Creek  Nation  and  at) 
your  arrival  in  any  of  the  Villages  of  said  Nation  you  will 
apply  to  Mr.  Joseph  Cornal  the  King's  Interpreter  for  said: 
District  who  will  be  aiding  and  assisting  to  you  in  Conveen- 
ing  the  Chiefs  and  Headmen  together  at  some  Convenient1 
Place  to  whom  you  will  Cause  my  Talks  or  Letters  to  be. 
read  and  Interpreted,  and  you  will  Carefully  and  particu 
larly  take  down  in  writing  their  Answers  as  well  as  any 
other  Message  or  Talk  they  may  have  to  send  me. 

You  will  by  all  prudent  and  proper  Means  without  excit 
ing  the  Jealousy  of  the  Indians  Endeavour  to  Learn  the 
Business  of  the  Northern  Messengers  as  well  as  their  dis 
position  towards  us  and  any  Connection  they  may  have 
formed  or  be  about  to  form  with  any  other  Nation  of  In 
dians. 

You  will  in  a  Particular  Manner  address  Yourself  to 
Emistisiguo  and  the  Second  Man  of  the  Little  Tallassies 
upon  your  arrival  in  The  Nation,  whose  Advice  and  Coun 
tenance  will  be  of  great  service  to  you. 

After  having  delivered  the  Letters  and  Talks,  and  made 
the  Enquiries  Recommended,  You  will  proceed  to  the 
Coweta  Town,  and  after  summoning  all  the  principal 
Chiefs,  You  [wi]ll  Explain  to  them  the  Letters  for  them  which 

495 


TRAVELS  IN  THE   AMERICAN   COLONIES 

you  Receive  Herewith,  and  Endeavor  in  all  your  Power  to 
Promote  the  Business  therein  Recommended. 

As  I  have  Received  Information  that  there  has  been  for 
some  time  past  an  Intercourse  and  Correspondence  between 
the  Lower  Creeks  and  Spaniards,  at  the  Havannah  you  are 
to  use  every  prudent  means  possible  to  acquire  Information 
of  this  Correspondence  and  the  Views  of  the  Spaniards  and 
Indians  and  for  this  Purpose  you  will  apply  to  Captain 
Aleck  Great  Medal  Chief,  Talleache  also  Great  Medal 
Chief  and  the  Pumpkin  King. 

You  are,  if  it  is  possible  to  be  Effected  without  giving 
Umbrage  or  Raising  Jealousy  in  the  Indians,  [to]  Ride  thro'  all 
the  Indian  Villages  of  the  Upper  as  well  as  the  Lower  Creek 
Nation,  and  take  particular  Notice  of  their  Situation  and 
make  such  observations  as  may  enable  you  to  draw  a  Plan 
of  the  Country  and  of  the  Rivers  etca.  You  will  take  par 
ticular  Notice  of  the  Behavior  of  the  Traders  and  their 
Method  of  Traffick  and  upon  the  whole  be  Particular  in 
every  usefull  Observation  of  all  which  keep  a  Diary  or 
Journal  to  be  delivered  to  me  when  the  Service  you  are 
going  upon  shall  be  performed. 

After  you  have  executed  the  above  Instructions  you  will 
proceed  to  Charlestown  and  Report  to  me  which  I  expect 
will  be  in  the  Month  of  May  next,  and  you  will  be  allowed 
after  the  Rate  of  Fifteen  Shilling's  sterling  p[er]  day  for  your 
Trouble  and  all  Expences. 

You  will  be  very  Particular  in  your  Remarks  upon  the 
Rivers  the  Depths  and  Courses  and  the  distances  of  the 
Roads  and  every  Information  which  may  enable  you  to  lay 
down  the  situation  of  the  Country  of  the  Villages  and  of 
the  Roads,  you  shall  Travel  as  well  from  Pensacola  to  the 
Nation  as  from  thence  to  Charlestown. 

If  Mr.  Cornall  be  necessarily  Employed  and  prevented 
from  accompanying  you  to  the  Lower  Creeks,  you  must 
apply  to  Some  Able  Person  to  undertake  that  Service  in 
Case  Stephen  Forrest  should  not  be  upon  the  Spot  and  you 
will  agree  with  such  Person  for  a  Certain  Sum  for  which 
you  will  give  an  Order  upon  me.  [No  signature.] 

496 


JOURNAL  OF  DAVID  TAITT'S  TRAVELS  FROM 
PENSACOLA,  WEST  FLORIDA,  TO  AND 
THROUGH  THE  COUNTRY  OF  THE  UPPER 
AND  THE  LOWER  CREEKS,  1772 

JANRY  JOTH  7772.  I  left  Pensacola  about  five  OClock  this 
afternoon  and  went  to  the  six  mile  Creek,  where  a  Mr. 
Cameron  and  two  hirelings  (who  came  to  Pensacola  with 
Mr.  Joseph  Cornal  his  Majestys  Interpretor  for  the  Upper 
Creeks)  were  Encamped,  about  12  Mr.  Cornal  came  out 
of  Pensacola  and  rested  at  this  place  all  Night. 

Janry  jist.  I  sett  out  this  Morning  in  Company  with 
the  four  persons  before  mentioned  to  the  dividing  paths 
going  to  Mobile  and  the  Upper  Creek  Nation,  and  from 
thence  took  the  bearings  and  distance  of  the  Creek  path 
which  runs  mostly  North  and  by  West  along  the  south 
side  of  the  Conica  or  Scambia  l  River,  in  the  Evening  we 
Encamped  at  a  Cane  branch  about  26  Miles  from  Pensacola. 

Febry  ist.  I  sett  out  this  Morning  four  minutes  before 
Eight  and  took  the  Course  and  distance  of  the  path  untill 
f  past  two  when  we  Encamped  at  a  Cane  branch,  we  travelled 
about  Nineteen  Miles  this  Day  mostly  North  west  and  by 
west  Crossing  Several  little  runs  and  bogey  branch's  of  the 
Scambia  River ;  about  seven  OClock  at  night  it  began  to 
rain  and  Continued  to  rain  very  hard  all  night. 

Febry  2d.  We  set  out  this  morning  fourteen  minutes  after 
Eight  and  Continued  our  Course  NW  b[y]  W  about  Eight 
miles,  and  then  NNE  Nine  Miles  and  Sixty  Eight  Chains 
further,  Crosing  severall  small  Creeks  and  bogey  runs, 
which  fall  into  Scambia  River,  it  Continued  raining  all  this 
Day. 

1  The  Escambia  of  Florida  and  the  Conecuh  of  Alabama. 

497 


TRAVELS  IN  THE  AMERICAN  COLONIES 

Febry  $d.  This  morning  we  had  some  snow  and  a  very 
hard  frost,  we  set  out  Seven  minutes  after  Eight  and  Ar 
rived  at  the  little  Scambia  1  or  Weoka  Twenty  minutes 
past  ten  being  six  miles  and  sixty  Chains  NE  from  last 
Camp ;  the  River  was  greatly  swelled  with  the  rains  that 
fell  the  two  preceeding  days,  which  Obliged  the  people  to 
Carry  over  the  baggage  and  provisions]  on  their  backs ; 
walking  on  a  logg  that  lay  three  feet  under  water  and  aCross 
the  Channells  of  the  River.  The  River  is  divided  into  2 
Channells  by  a  small  Island  about  fifty  yards  Long  and 
thirty  yards  broad,  each  Channell  being  forty  feet  broad, 
and  Six  feet  and  a  half  water  in  them  at  this  time ;  but  in 
dry  Seasons  the  river  is  fordable  at  the  South  East  End  of 
the  Island  ;  on  Each  Side  this  River  is  a  low  Swampy  thicket 
allmost  two  hundred  yards  broad  and  very  difficult  to  pass 
through  in  wet  weather,  after  Crossing  the  River  we  Travelled 
about  f  mile  N  b[y]  W  to  a  little  run  where  we  Encamped 
about  half  past  one  and  in  the  Evening  Mr.  Cornel  Shote  a 
Large  buck,  the  Land  from  Pensacola  to  this  place  is  all  a 
pine  barren,  and  in  Severall  places  a  brown  Gravley  Soil, 
With  a  number  of  little  Creeks  and  Cane  branches  which 
cross  the  path  and  fall  into  the  River  Scambia. 

Febry  4th.  We  set  out  this  Morning  twenty  Minutes 
past  nine,  the  Horses  having  strayed  off  in  the  Night  de 
tained  us  latter  than  usual,  we  went  along  the  path  NNE 
one  mile  and  a  Quarter,  where  we  came  up  with  Mr.  Cornall 
who  went  off  before  us  and  had  Shote  another  buck ;  here 
we  Stoped  at  the  side  of  a  run  (being  the  same  where  we 
were  Encamped  last  night)  to  Dry  the  venison  and  wait  for 
an  Observation  which  I  took  at  twelve  OClock  and  found 
to  be  in  Latitude  31°  14  minutes  North;  being  43  miles 
to  the  Northward  of  Pensacola  Answering  to  49!  English 
Statue  miles,  we  stayed  at  this  place  all  night. 

Febry  ^th.  We  sett  out  this  morning  two  Minutes  after 
Eight  and  took  the  Course  and  distance  of  the  path  untill 
fourteen  minutes  past  two  when  we  Encamped  at  a  Cane 

1  Now  the  Escambia  of  Alabama. 
498 


JOURNAL  OF  DAVID  TAITT 

branch  Riming  NW  b[y]  W  into  Weoka  or  Little  Scambia. 
We  went  this  Day  mostly  North  and  be  l  East  18  miles  along 
a  Ridge  between  the  branches  of  the  Weoka  and  Scambia 
River.  This  Day  Mr.  Cornall  shote  two  young  bucks 
and  brought  the  Ranches  to  Camp  leaving  the  body  in  the 
woods. 

Febry  6th.  We  set  out  this  Morning  Nine  Minutes  past 
Eight  and  Travelled  till  Twenty  Nine  Minutes  past  three 
mostly  NNE  Twenty  three  Miles  Twenty  Chains,  to  a 
Cane  branch  Runing  NW  b[y]  N  into  Coosa  River,  This  Day 
we  passed  through  some  Oak  and  Hickory  Land  of  a  Light 
Sandy  Soil ;  In  the  Evening  Mr.  Cornall  shot  a  Turkey  hen 
and  brought  to  Camp. 

Febry  jih.  We  sett  out  this  Morning  fifteen  Minutes 
past  Eight  and  Travelled  Mostly  NNE  Twenty  one  Miles 
and  a  half  to  a  small  branch  of  Coosa  River ;  where  we 
Encamped  in  a  strong  Clay  ground  having  very  little  mould 
on  its  surface.  The  path  in  this  Days  March  is  on  a  Ridge 
between  the  branches  of  Scambia  and  Coosa  2  Rivers,  and 
mostley  thro  a  pine  barren. 

Febry  8th.  We  set  out  this  Morning  a  quarter  before 
Eight  and  Travelled  North  East  Twenty  Eight  Miles,  and 
three  Quarters  between  the  branches  of  Coosa  and  Scambia 
Rivers  and  mostley  Pine  Barren. 

Febry  gik.  Last  Night  three  horses  strayed  off  and 
Could  not  be  found  till  Eleven  OClock  this  forenoon  ;  when 
I  sent  off  the  packhorses,  but  stayed  with  Mr.  Cornall  and 
Observed  in  Latitude  31  degrees  54  Minutes  North.  I  then 
set  out  and  Travelled  NE  near  Twelve  miles  to  a  hill  where 
a  hurricane  has  broke  down  and  blown  up  by  the  Roots, 
great  Numbers  of  Large  Oak  Trees ;  for  the  disstance  of  a 
mile  and  a  half  in  a  strong  Clay  ground.  We  Travelled  on, 
Six  miles  further,  NE  to  a  small  run,  going  into  a  branch  of 
Coosa  River.  About  a  mile  from  last  Camp  we  left  the 
pine  barren ;  and  four  miles  from  this  Crosed  the  last 

'By. 

2  Now  the  Alabama  up  to  the  junction  of  the  Coosa  and  Talla- 
poosa. 

499 


TRAVELS  IN  THE  AMERICAN  COLONIES 

branch  of  Scambia  which  this  path  Crosses ;  the  ground 
here  is  of  a  very  Strong  Red  Clay  having  about  three  Inches 
of  black  Mould  on  its  Surface. 

Febry  loth.  We  set  out  this  Morning  ten  Minutes  be 
fore  Eight,  and  went  NNE  Thirteen  miles  and  a  Quarter 
to  a  riseing  ground  Clear  of  Trees  or  brush  wood,  for  the 
disstance  of  \  mile  in  length,  from  East  to  West,  and  half 
a  Quarter  from  North  to  South.  Here  I  Observed  in  Lati 
tude  32  Degrees  3  minutes  North,  after  taking  this  Obser 
vation  I  went  about  NE  b[y]  E  Eight  miles  to  a  Large  Creek  1 
forty  feet  broad  and  Nine  feet  two  Inches  deep ;  runing 
NNW  into  Coosa  River;  here  we  were  obliged  to  Unpack 
the  Horses  and  Swime  them  over;  we  walked  upon  a  Log 
that  lay  aCross  the  Creek,  and  then  went  NE  b[y]  N  Three 
miles  and  a  half  to  another  Large  Creek  30  feet  broad  and 
Nine  feet  Deep,  runing  NNE  into  Coosa  River ;  we  were 
Obliged  to  Swime  our  horses  here  also,  one  of  the  Pack- 
horsemen  fell  from  the  Log  Laying  aCross  the  River  and 
lost  two  Kegs  of  Rum  which  he  was  Carrying  on  his  Shoulder ; 
but  was  taken  out  himself  by  another  man  who  went  to  his 
assistance,  we  Encamped  on  the  North  East  side  of  the 
Creek  in  a  Large  Cane  Swamp  and  Continued  here  all  this 
night. 

Febry  nth.  The  Creek  having  fell  Considerably  since 
last  night  the  man  went  in  Search  of  his  Rum  and  found  it 
(about  J  mile  from  the  place  it  was  Lost)  hanging  to  a  Raft 
of  Wood  under  water,  we  then  went  on  our  Journey  NNE 
about  Eleven  Miles  to  a  Large  Creek  Called  Cathoma 
Runing  WNW  into  Coosa  River,  and  is  about  50  feet  broad 
and  fifteen  feet  Deep  at  present,  but  is  fordable  in  Dry 
Seasons,  between  this  Creek  and  last  Camp  we  passed  thro 
several  little  Savannahs  entirely  Clear  of  Trees  or  under 
wood  in  the  Middle,  and  Surrounded  with  rows  of  trees 
between  Each  Savannah  making  a  very  pleasant  prospects 
for  a  Considerable  distance  and  appearing  more  like  the 
works  of  Art  than  of  Nature,  about  a  mile  from  Cathoma 

1  Big  Swamp  Creek. 
500 


JOURNAL  OF  DAVID  TAITT 

Creek,  on  the  South  west  side  of  it,  we  met  some  Shawnees, 
and  one  McFall  a  Virginia  man,  going  out  to  hunt  Deer. 
We  went  NNE  about  six  miles  further  to  the  side  of  a  Clear 
Savannah  where  we  Encamped  all  this  Night.  Mr.  Cornall 
the  Interpreter  having  got  Drunk  with  the  Indians  which 
we  met  set  out  for  the  Nation  by  himself  and  left  us  with 
out  any  guide. 

Febry  I2th.  I  sett  out  this  morning  with  the  three  people 
that  remained  with  me,  and  went  mostley  NNE  Thirteen 
Miles  to  the  Coolamie  Old  Town  l  on  the  south  side  of  the 
Tallapuse  River.  It  was  with  a  good  deal  of  difficulty  that 
we  Could  find  out  the  proper  fording  place,  as  the  River 
was  Considerably  Swelled  with  the  late  rains,  and  over 
flowed  several  places  where  the  principal  path  Croses.  We 
however  at  last  arrived  at  a  James  Germanys  plantation 
whoes  Negroes  Carryed  over  my  baggage  etca.  in  a  Canoe 
and  Swame  the  Horses  over  the  Tallapuse  River  which  is 
about  200  yards  aCross  and  about  Twenty  feet  Deep  at 
this  time  but  is  fordable  in  the  Summer  Season ;  after 
geting  every  thing  over,  I  set  out  for  the  Tuckabatchie 
Town,2  about  16  miles  North  from  this  and  on  the  North 
West  side  of  the  same  River,  and  arrived  there  at  ten 
OClock  at  Night. 

Tuckabatchie  i^th  Febry  1772. 

I  went  this  Day  and  viewed  this  Town  which  Stands 
upon  a  point  of  Land  on  the  North  west  side  of  the  River, 
the  Town,  or  village  is  Scattered  along  the  banks  of  the 
River  for  the  space  of  three  Miles  round  Each  side  of  the 
point ;  which  is  from  J  to  2  miles  broad  and  nearley  Cut 
off  from  the  main  by  a  Creek  Called  Wallhatchie  which 
falls  into  the  Tallapuse  River  about  two  miles  and  a  half 

1  Kulumi,   an  Upper   Creek  town  on   the   south   bank  of  the 
Tallapoosa  River,  about  ten  miles  northeast  of  the  present  city 
of  Montgomery,  Alabama. 

2  Tuckabatchi,  on  the  Tallapoosa  River  between  the  present 
town  of  Tallassee  and  the  mouth  of  Wallahatchee  Creek. 

501 


TRAVELS  IN  THE  AMERICAN  COLONIES 

below  the  point.  The  Land  here  is  in  Several  places 
Sixty  feet  above  the  Common  Surface  of  the  River,  but  was 
Overflowed  about  two  years  ago  and  did  Considerable 
damage  to  several  villages  and  plantations.  On  the  sides 
of  this  River  the  soil  is  of  a  Dark  brown  Colour,  and  pro 
duces  Indian  Corn  Extreemly  well;  and  would  answer  for 
any  kind  of  European  Grain ;  in  the  Spring  all  the  fields 
are  Covered  over  with  Strawberries  and  wild  Onions  but 
the  good  Lands  do  not  Extend  above  two  miles  back  from 
the  side  of  the  River  in  any  place  Excepting  at  some  par 
ticular  points;  in  this  Town  are  about  120  Gun  men  and 
two  Traders.  On  the  South  East  side  of  the  River  round 
the  point  of  Tuckabatchie  stands  the  great  Tallassie  Village 
which  formerly  Contained  about  one  hundred  men  but  now 
not  above  thirty  the  rest  having  settled  two  other  villages 
one  at  the  distance  of  Eight  the  other  Twenty  five  miles 
from  the  Tallassies. 

Tuckabatchie  i^th  Febry  1772. 

I  went  this  morning  to  the  Town  hot  House  where  was 
only  a  few  Old  Men  sitting  and  smoking  Tobacco.  When 
I  went  in  the  men  present  came  a[nd]  shook  hands  with  me 
and  offered  me  their  Tobacco  to  smoke,  afterwards  they 
presented  me  with  a  Calabash  filled  with  black  drink  made 
from  the  leaves  of  Casina  which  they  parch  in  an  Earthen 
pot  till  they  are  of  a  Dark  brown  Colour,  they  then  put 
water  upon  them  and  boil  it  up  till  it  is  very  Strong.  They 
afterwards  put  a  Strainer  made  of  Split  Canes  into  the  pot 
and  so  take  the  drink  out  of  the  Strenner  1  with  a  Calla- 
bash,  entirely  free  from  any  leaves,  they  cool  it  in  a  Large 
Earthen  bowle  by  heaving  it  up  with  gourds  or  Callabashes 
till  they  raise  a  froth  on  the  Top  as  Strong  as  that  on  porter, 
when  it  is  Cool  enough  they  fill  some  gourds  with  [it]  and 
Carry  it  into  the  hot  house  in  winter  or  Square  in  Summer, 
and  present  it  to  the  head  man  or  King  of  the  Town  first 
and  likewise  to  any  Stranger  that  is  present  two  or  three 

1  Strainer 

502 


JOURNAL  OF  DAVID  TAITT 

men  Singing  while  the  others  Drink.  As  soon  as  they  have 
done  Singing,  they  Receive  the  Callabashes  from  head  man 
and  Stranger  and  Exchange  them  that  they  may  drink 
together,  then  it  is  handed  all  round  to  every  person  present 
without  the  Ceremoney  of  Singing  or  Exchanging  Cups. 
The  Square  is  formed  by  four  houses  about  forty  feet  in 
Length  and  ten  wide.  Open  in  front  and  devided  into  three 
different  Cabins  each.  The  seats  are  made  of  Canes  Split 
and  worked  together  raised  about  three  feet  off  the  Ground  ; 
and  half  the  width  of  the  House,  the  back  half  being  raised 
above  the  other  about  one  foot ;  these  Cabins  serve  for  beds 
as  well  as  seats  in  Summer.  The  hot  house  is  generally 
built  at  the  north  west  Corner  of  the  Square  having  the  door 
fronting  the  South  East.  The  one  in  this  Town  is  a  Square 
building  about  30  feet  diameter  rounded  a  little  at  the 
Corners ;  the  walls  are  about  four  feet  high ;  from  these 
walls  the  roof  rises  about  twelve  feet,  terminating  in  a  point 
at  top.  The  door  is  the  only  Opening  in  this  house  for  they 
have  no  window  nor  funnell  for  the  smoke  to  go  out  at,  there 
is  a  small  entry  about  ten  feet  long  built  at  the  out  side  of 
the  door  and  turned  a  little  round  the  side  of  the  house  to 
keep  out  the  Cold  and  prevent  the  wind  blowing  the  fire 
about  the  House;  they  make  a  Circle  of  pitch  pine  Split 
small ;  or  in  lieu  of  the  pitch  pine  they  use  small  dry  Canes, 
leaving  a  small  space  of  the  Circle  Open  where  the  fire  is 
lighted,  still  keeping  some  person  Employed  to  add  pitch 
pine  or  Canes  to  one  part  of  the  Circle  while  the  fire  Con 
sumes  the  other.  In  this  house  the  Indians  Consult  about 
the  affairs  of  their  Nation  in  the  Winter  Season  and  in  their 
Square  in  Summer. 

Tuckabatchie  i$th  Febry  1772. 

I  went  this  Morning  to  the  Hot  house  and  Stayed  there 
about  two  hours  Smoking  and  drinking  black  drink  in  the 
usual  Manner,  and  about  twelve  OClock  I  went  aCross  the 
River  to  the  great  Tallassie  Town  which  Stands  on  a  fine 
plain  along  the  bank  of  the  River,  and  Surrounded  by  Little 

503 


TRAVELS  IN  THE  AMERICAN  COLONIES 

hills  which  begin  to  rise  about  half  a  mile  from  the  River; 
in  the  Tallassies  and  Tuckabatchie  there  is  about  one  hun 
dred  and  fifty  Cattle.  While  I  was  at  the  Tallassies  the 
Dog  Lieut,  of  the  Ottesey  l  Town  came  to  me,  and  wanted  to 
give  up  a  Commission  which  he  had  Received  from  Capt. 
Stuart 2  at  last  Meeting  at  Pensacola.  He  said  that  his 
Uncle  wanted  to  have  the  Commission  given  to  his  son  which 
Caused  severall  disputes  between  them  and  as  he  Received 
it  from  Captn.  Stuart  he  desired  that  I  would  take  it  for 
him  again  as  he  did  not  Like  to  be  at  variance  with  his 
Uncle.  I  desired  him  to  keep  it  till  I  Could  have  an  Oppor 
tunity  of  Seeing  his  Uncle,  in  the  Evening  I  went  back  to 
the  Tuckabatchies. 

Tuckabatchie  i6th  Febry  1772. 

This  day  I  went  down  to  the  River  side  under  the  bank 
on  the  south  side  of  the  point  and  Observed  for  the  Lati 
tude  of  this  Town  which  I  found  to  be  in  32  Degrees  26 
minutes  North  Latd. 

Febry  ijth.  This  Morning  I  went  to  Survey  part  of  the 
River  round  this  Town  taking  a  Mr.  Cameron  with  me  to 
watch  the  Indians  while  I  took  the  Course  of  the  River  and 
made  the  necessary  Remarks,  which  I  did  partly  from  a 
small  Mount  near  the  Interpreters  house,  this  mount  as 
well  as  Severall  others  is  of  a  Circuler  form  being  about  one 
hundred  feet  diameter  at  bottom  rising  about  20  feet  Sloap- 
ing  towards  the  top  till  it  is  about  50  feet  diameter.  This 
mount  has  lost  great  part  of  the  North  side  by  the  River, 
these  Mounts  are  Artificial  but  the  Indians  cannot  give  any 
Account  of  the  Reasons  of  their  being  made.  I  was  pre 
vented  going  up  the  side  of  the  River  so  far  as  I  intented  3 
having  met  with  a  party  of  Indians  who  were  all  very  drunk 
they  were  accompanyed  by  one  Francis  Lewis,  who  was  in 
the  Same  Condition  as  themselves,  this  Lewis  who  is  a  hire- 

1  Atasi ;  on  the  Tallapoosa,  opposite  present  Sistrunk,  Ala. 

2  John  Stuart,  Superintendent  of  Indian  Affairs  for  the  Southern 
District.  3  Intended. 

504 


JOURNAL  OF  DAVID  TAITT 

ling  to  Mr.  George  Galphin  at  Silver  bluff,1  According  to  his 
usual  Custom  had  met  with  the  Indians  (last  night  as  they 
came  into  Town  with  their  Skins  from  hunting)  and  Supplyed 
them  plentifully  with  rum  on  purpose  to  get  what  skins 
they  had  brought  in,  and  deprive  the  other  Trader  of  any 
part  of  them.  This  man  makes  it  a  Common  practice  to 
give  Rum  to  his  wench  for  to  purchase  back  the  goods  from 
the  Indians,  which  he  has  before  sold  or  Trusted  them  with, 
so  that  he  is  Obliged  to  fitt  them  out  a  Second  time  on 
Credit,  which  greatly  increases  their  Debts  to  his  Employer, 
but  is  a  great  profit  to  himself  as  the  Skins  that  he  purchases 
with  Rum  or  goods  bought  with  it  he  Claims  as  his  own ; 
this  I  have  been  informed  is  a  common  practice  with  hire 
lings  in  this  Country. 

Tuckabatchie  i8th  Febry  1772. 

I  went  this  Day  with  Mr.  Cornall  to  the  Ottesey  Town 
about  five  Miles  down  this  River  and  on  the  South  side  of 
it,  here  I  met  with  the  Dog  Lieut,  but  as  soon  as  his  Uncle 
saw  me  come  into  the  Town,  he  went  and  hid  himself  being 
ashamed  of  the  dispute  between  them.  I  desired  the  Lieut, 
to  Keep  the  Commission  as  he  is  the  only  good  man  that 
can  be  depended  upon  in  this  Town ;  in  the  Evening  I  re 
turned  to  Tuckabatchie  where  a  young  man  who  I  had  sent 
two  Days  ago  with  a  Message  to  Emistisiguo  and  2d  Man 
of  the  Little  Tallassies  was  Returned  with  a  Message  from 
the  later  desiring  me  to  stay  where  I  was  untill  Emistisiguo 
returned  from  the  Upper  Towns,  when  they  would  come 
and  see  me. 

Febry  igih. 

This  Morning  a  Mr.  Vanden  Velden,  a  Clerk  belonging 
to  a  Mr.  Mackay  of  Augusta,2  came  from  the  Little  Tallas- 

1  Silver  Bluff,  S.   C.,  on  the  left  bank  of  the  Savannah  about 
twenty-five  miles  below  Augusta,  Ga.,  was  the  seat  of  the  trading- 
post  of  George  Galphin  who  has  been  styled  "  a  merchant  prince 
of  the  Georgia  forest." 

2  Mackay's  trading  house  was  a  half-mile  west  of  Augusta. 

505 


TRAVELS  IN  THE  AMERICAN   COLONIES 

sies1  with  a  Message  from  Emistisiguo  for  me  wherein  he 
said  that  when  he  had  any  talks  to  deliver  to  his  Father 
Captn.  Stuart  he  went  and  delivered  them  himself  and  if  I 
had  any  from  his  father  to  him,  he  Expected  that  I  should 
go  to  him,  this  Message  being  very  different  from  what  I 
Received  from  the  2d  man  last  night,  I  supposed  it  to  be 
Mr.  Veldens  own  as  he  seems  to  be  a  man  that  loves  to 
hear  himself  speak  and  would  wish  to  be  thought  of  Conse 
quence  amongst  the  Indians.  I  desired  him  to  acquaint 
Emistisiguo  that  I  should  be  at  the  little  Tallassies  in  two 
Days. 

Febry  2Oth. 

This  Morning  I  sent  to  the  half  way  house  about  twenty 
five  Miles  from  this,  for  the  King  of  the  great  Tallassies  desir 
ing  him  to  come  in  to  his  Town  that  I  might  Talk  to  him 
there  before  that  I  went  to  the  Little  Tallassies  as  there  was 
so  much  rain  last  night  which  Swelled  the  Creeks  so  much 
that  I  Could  not  Cross  them  to  Day. 

Tuckabatchie  2ist  Febry  1772. 

This  Morning  I  went  to  Cross  the  River  at  the  great 
Tallassies  but  Could  not  get  a  Canoe  and  was  told  that  the 
Tallassie  King  was  not  come  into  the  Town.  I  returned  to 
the  Square  in  this  Town  and  after  black  drink  sent  a  man 
for  my  horses  that  I  might  go  to  the  little  Tallassies  in  the 
Morning. 

Little  Tallassie  22d  Febry. 

I  sett  out  in  Company  with  the  Interpreter  for  this  place 
which  lays  about  west  north  west  Twenty  five  miles  from 
Tuckabatchie  ;  about  two  Miles  from  the  Interpreters  house 
in  Tuckabatchie  Came  to  a  Creek  Called  Wallhatchie  which 
was  so  much  Swelled  with  the  late  rain  that  we  Could  not 
Cross  it ;  but  were  Obliged  to  go  Round  almost  to  its  head. 
I  took  the  Course  and  distance  of  the  path  as  we  went  along 
till  I  arrived  at  this  place  which  is  a  small  village  on  the 

1  Little  Tallassie  stood  near  present  Wetumpka,  Ala. 

506 


JOURNAL  OF  DAVID  TAITT 

East  side  of  Coosa  River  about  ten  Miles  above  its  Con 
fluence  with  the  Tallapuse  River.  I  went  to  a  house  of  Mr. 
Mackays  where  I  was  met  by  the  2d  man  of  this  Town  and 
Mr.  Velden,  Mr.  Mackays  Clerk,  who  Intertained  me  very 
well  with  some  fresh  pork  and  fowles,  but  in  the  Evening 
when  the  grog  begun  to  Operate  in  his  brain  he  was  Exceed 
ing  Troublesome  in  his  discourse  which  was  Chiefly  about 
the  Indians,  afirming  that  he  Could  make  them  as  Obedient 
and  Submissive  as  any  Civillized  Nation  in  the  world ;  and 
that  only  in  the  Space  of  Six  Months  ;  without  any  Expence 
to  government,  a  thing  impossible  to  be  done.  The  2d 
Man  Observed  that  Mr.  Velden  talked  a  great  deal  too  much 
and  that  he  wrote  all  his  own  talks  for  he  never  gave  any 
other  person  Opportunity  to  Speak,  this  Evening  the  2d 
Man  Sent  a  Run[n]er  for  Emistisiguo  who  lives  about  four 
Miles  from  this,  but  he  did  not  come  this  Night. 

Little  Tallassies  2^d  Febry  1772. 

This  Morning  the  Messenger  Returned  from  Emistisiguo 
desiring  me  to  go  to  the  Hickory  Ground  about  four  Miles 
Lower  down  this  River ;  the  2d  man  and  Mr.  Cornal  went 
with  me  and  when  we  Arrived  there  Emistisiguo  who  was 
sitting  in  the  Square  rose  from  his  seat  and  took  me  by  the 
hand  telling  me  that  he  had  Caused  his  Square  to  be  sweept 
Clean  to  Receive  me  and  that  it  was  now  white  as  well  as 
his  heart.  After  the  usual  Ceremoney  of  Smoking  Tobacco 
and  drinking  black  drink  I  informed  Emistisiguo  that  I  had 
brought  some  talks  from  His  father  Captain  Stuart,  for 
him  and  the  other  Headmen  of  the  Upper  Creeks.  He 
Observed  that  several  Talks  had  met  together  in  the  nation 
at  this  time  and  hoped  that  the  Day  would  Come  when  he 
shou'd  hear  them  all,  but  he  was  now  going  to  war  and  at 
his  Return  would  appt  a  meeting  for  that  purpose,  he  said 
that  there  was  a  Talk  from  the  Merchants  of  August[a]  which 
one  of  their  Traders  had  brought  into  the  nation,  desiring 
the  Creeks  to  Confirm  the  Lands  granted  by  the  Cherokees 
to  their  Traders,  and  promising  them  a  very  good  Trade  if 
2K  507 


TRAVELS  IN  THE  AMERICAN   COLONIES 

they  agreed  to  their  demands,  viz  a  Blanket  which  is  Com 
monly  sold  for  six  pound  of  drest  deer  skins  they  would  sell 
for  a  buck  skin  in  the  Hair ;  this  he  said  was  just  like  a 
man  telling  a  fine  storey  to  his  Children  to  make  them  Merry 
at  Night  but  in  the  Morning  would  be  foregot.  He  said 
that  one  of  his  people  had  lately  been  to  the  westward  of 
Mississippi  and  Observed  some  French  people  there  very 
poor  for  something  to  Cover  themselves  with  and  what 
little  Necessaries  they  had  were  Obliged  to  purchase  them 
from  the  English  in  the  same  manner  as  Indians,  viz  with 
Skins.  He  desired  to  know  the  Reason  of  their  poverty 
and  likewise  said  that  there  was  some  Indians  near  these 
people  who  had  only  a  little  Moss  to  Cover  their  nakedness. 
He  then  made  a  Complaint  against  a  James  Lesslie,  a 
Trader  in  the  Abicouchies,1  who  he  says  had  given  him  a 
very  great  affront  some  time  ago.  The  manner  of  it  was 
this,  Emistisiguo  being  in  the  Town  house  in  the  Abicouches 
was  Complaining  to  his  people  that  the  Traders  had  got 
a  good  Many  Cattle  in  the  Country  Contrary  to  the  Govr. 
of  Georgia's  promise,  to  him,  and  said  that  as  the  Govr.  had 
given  him  Liberty  to  Kill  any  Cattle  brought  into  his  nation 
by  the  Traders  without  his  Consent  he  wou'd  not  foreget 
the  talk.  Lesslie  asked  him  who  or  what  is  the  Governor  ? 
he  is  no  King  for  we  white  people  have  but  one  King  but 
in  this  nation  we  Obey  non[e]  but  the  Merchants  that  Supply 
us  with  goods.  Emistisiguo  said  that  he  was  always  told 
that  the  Governors  were  great  beloved  men,  and  desired 
that  I  should  ask  Lesslie  his  Reasons  for  despiseing  them  and 
Affronting  him  before  his  own  people ;  which  I  promised 
to  do  at  first  meeting  when  they  were  both  present.  About 
two  OClock  I  went  to  Emistisiguo's  House  where  he  had 
Caused  Dinner  to  be  provided  for  me  and  the  people  with 
me,  after  Dinner  I  desired  that  he  and  the  2d  man  might 
go  with  me  to  the  Coolamies,  a  village  about  12  miles  from 
the  Hickory  Ground  on  the  Tallapuse  River,  this  I  did  on 
pretence  of  giving  them  a  private  letter  from  Captain 

1  The  Abikudshi,  or  Abacoochees,  dwelt  in  a  town  on  Tallassee 
Creek  about  five  miles  from  its  junction  with  the  Coosa  River. 

508 


JOURNAL  OF  DAVID  TAITT 

Stuart ;  but  on  purpose  to  remove  any  Susspicion  that  might 
arise  from  my  going  to  the  different  Towns  to  make  the 
Survey  which  I  intend ;  Emistisiguo  Excused  himself  as  he 
was  going  to  war  in  a  few  Days  and  must  prepare  for  that 
purpose  but  desired  the  2d  man  to  go  with  me.  He  then 
desired  that  I  would  give  him  a  letter  desiring  the  Inhabit 
ants  about  Mobile  and  Tansa  1  Rivers  to  use  him  and  his 
people  well  in  case  he  should  be  Obliged  to  go  that  way 
and  be  in  want  of  any  thing ;  this  I  promised  to  give  him, 
telling  him  not  to  let  his  people  take  any  Indian  Slaves  or 
Kill  any  Cattle  or  Steal  horses  from  the  plantations  which 
he  promised  to  Observe,  in  the  Evening  I  set  out  with  the 
2d  man  and  the  Interpreter  for  the  Coolamies  where  we 
Arrived  after  Dark  and  Stayed  at  a  James  Germanys,  a 
Trader  in  this  village.  The  Indians  in  this  Town  were  all 
very  Drunk  but  not  any  way  Troublesome  to  me  this  Night. 

Tuckabatchie  24th^Febry*i?72. 

This  Morning  a  little  before  Day  Messrs.  Germany  and 
Cornall  and  2d  Man  of  the  Little  Tallassies  went  with  me 
into  the  Coolamie  Square,  where  the  Indians  were  at  black 
Drink.  The  Head  men  Received  me  after  their  usual 
manner  by  Shakeing  hands,  Exchanging  Tobacco  and  giving 
black  drink,  and  after  Day  Light  they  fired  a  Cow  horn  in 
the  Square.  I  then  sent  to  the  Mucklasses  2  for  some  of 
the  Head  men  of  that  Town  and  some  white  men  who  were 
Idleing  about,  against  whome  Complaints  were  made  by  the 
Indians  at  last  meeting  at  Pensacola  ;  about  ten  OClock 
the  Wolf  King  and  a  John  Adam  Tapley  came  from  the 
Mucklasses ;  after  the  Wolf  had  rested  himself  a  little,  He 
made  a  Complaint  against  a  John  Pigg,  a  Trader  in  the 
Coolamies,  accuseing  him  with  haveing  stole  two  horses 
from  him.  Pigg  denyed  the  Charge  but  accused  one  Aaron 
Whey,  a  Hireling  of  Mr.  Richard  Browns  in  the  Coosadas, 

1  Tensas. 

2  The  Mucklasses  had  a  settlement  on  the  Tallapoosa  River, 
three  miles  below  Kulumi. 


TRAVELS  IN  THE  AMERICAN   COLONIES 

who  lived  at  Piggs  house,  when  he  stole  one  of  the  horses, 
the  other  horse  the  Wolf  King  had  sent  with  a  James  Gray, 
about  two  Years  ago  to  Pensacola  to  Carrey  some  presents 
from  the  Governor  which  the  Wolf  King  had  sent  for.  Gray 
sold  the  Horse  to  Captain  Edward  Crafton  of  the  3ist  Regt. 
for  Seven  Guineas,  and  told  the  Wolf  King  that  his  horse 
had  Cut  one  of  his  feet  almost  off  by  some  broken  bottles  in 
the  Streets  but  gave  him  two  three  Gallon  Keggs  of  Rum  for 
him ;  some  time  after  the  horse  Returned  to  the  Muck- 
lasses  when  the  Wolf  King  took  him  again  into  possession, 
but  Pigg  hired  a  person  to  steal  him,  and  Carryed  him  down 
towards  Augusta  and  there  sold  him,  and  sent  the  wolf  King 
a  Kegg  of  Mixed  Rum.  I  told  the  wolf  King  that  I  should 
make  Whey  Return  the  horse  which  was  in  his  possession 
but  as  he  had  Received  pay  for  the  other  already  and  the 
horse  being  gon[e],  I  Could  not  get  him  restored.  I  Expected 
he  would  be  satisfyed.  Immediately  after  the  Wolf  King 
had  don[e],  a  head  man  from  the  Fushatchies,1  a  small  village 
about  f  mile  further  up  the  River,  came  and  Complained 
against  John  Pigg  for  Stealing  four  horses  from  his  Nephew, 
about  three  years  ago.  Pigg  Acknowledged  himself  guilty 
and  Accused  three  others  with  being  Concerned  with  him. 
I  Ordered  Pigg  to  pay  the  Indian  immediatly  for  his  horses, 
but  he  pleaded  his  unability  and  beged  that  the  others 
might  be  Obliged  to  pay  a  part  as  they  Received  part  of  the 
proceeds.  I  acquainted  the  Indian  that  I  should  Oblige 
them  that  had  stol[e]n  his  horses  to  pay  him  for  them  at  which 
he  was  very  well  satisfyed.  I  then  acquainted  the  Head 
men  what  bussiness  I  was  come  upon  into  their  Nation  and 
desired  their  Attendance  when  a  meeting  should  be  Called, 
which  they  promised  to  do.  About  twelve  OClock  I  left 
the  Square  and  went  with  the  Wolf  King  and  2d  Man  of  the 
Little  Tallassies  to  Mr.  Germaneys  where  we  dined,  after 
which  the  wolf  said  that  he  wanted  to  Speak  to  me  in  favour 
of  the  Traders  who  had  got  plantations  in  the  Nation.  I 
desired  him  to  wait  untill  the  meeting  when  all  the  Headmen 

1  Fusihatchi. 


JOURNAL  OF  DAVID  TAITT 

would  be  present  which  would  be  the  properest  time  for 
that  subject.  I  then  took  leave  of  him  and  the  2d  Man  and 
set  out  with  the  Interpretor  for  the  Tuckabatchies  where 
we  arrived  before  Dark.  When  we  entered  the  Town  an 
Old  Man  told  the  Interpretor  that  there  was  a  meeting 
apointed  by  the  Morter,  Gun  Merchant  and  Paya  Lucko, 
to  be  at  the  OakChoys1  in  fifteen  Days. 

Tuckabatchie  2$th  Febry  J//2. 

This  Day  I  Received  a  Letter  from  the  Morter  with  four 
teen  pieces  of  cane  for  a  meeting  to  be  at  the  OakChoys, 
and  desireing  me  to  send  him  a  small  drink  by  the  return 
of  the  Messenger  and  if  I  had  any  talks  for  them  this  would 
be  a  very  good  Opportunity  at  their  Meeting,  the  Messen 
ger  haveing  returned  last  night  I  Could  not  send  any  Answer. 

Tuckabatchie  26th  Febry  1772. 

This  Morning  I  sent  Emistisiguo  the  Letter  which  I  had 
promised  him,  Likewise  desireing  him  to  stay  untill  the 
Meeting  with  the  Morter  and  Gun  Merchant  was  over,  as 
I  thought  his  presence  Necessary  at  this  time. 

Tuckabatchie  2?th  Febry  1772. 

I  went  this  Morning  to  the  Square  to  black  drink  and  after 
breakfast  went  with  a  Mr.  Cameron  and  Surveyed  the  River 
as  far  as  the  great  fall  which  is  about  a  mile  and  half  above 
the  Uppermost  part  of  this  Town.  The  fall  is  about  one 
hundred  feet  high  over  Rocks  which  devid[e]  the  River  into 
three  Channels  when  the  River  is  high  and  two  when  Low. 
Below  this  fall  there  is  Several  little  falls  and  Rapides  for 
the  Space  of  a  mile  and  half  so  that  a  boat  cannot  go  further 
up  then  the  Uppermost  part  of  the  Town.  I  Caused  Mr. 
Cameron  to  watch  while  I  took  the  Course  and  distance  of 
the  River  etca. 

1  Okchayi,  an  Upper  Creek  town  on  Oktchayi  (now  Kialaga) 
Creek  in  the  southeastern  part  of  Coosa  County,  Alabama. 


TRAVELS  IN  THE  AMERICAN   COLONIES 

Tuckabatchie  28th  Febry  1772. 

This  forenoon  a  Richard  Baillie,  a  hireling  Trading  for 
Mr.  Mackay  in  the  Ottesey  Town,  came  here  from  Pensacola 
where  he  and  some  others  had  been  to  purchase  Rum  with 
Skins.  This  practice  is  Carryed  on  by  several  hirelings  to 
the  great  damage  of  their  Employers  as  they  Carry  off  the 
Skins  which  they  have  purchased  with  goods  and  barter 
them  at  Pensacola  for  Rum,  with  which  they  purchase 
more  Skins  or  the  Horses  which  are  Stolen  from  Indian 
Traders,  and  from  the  different  provinces,  but  for  fear  of 
being  detected  in  this  practice  themselves  they  give  the 
Rum  to  their  Wenches  who  purchases  these  things  as  their 
own  property,  thereby  depriveing  the  Merchant  of  his  just 
Right  and  preventing  any  Recovery  of  Stolen  horses  except 
[by]  paying  them  a  very  good  price  for  them.  William 
Simory,  another  hireling  for  Mr.  Mackay  in  the  Hochlawella 
Town,  came  here ;  this  man  is  accused  with  telling  the  In 
dians  that  the  white  people  was  going  to  war  with  them  this 
Spring ;  and  that  the  Trade  would  be  stoped,  that  Captain 
Stuart  had  been  Sailing  round  their  Land  making  Observa 
tions  of  their  Country ;  and  by  and  by  will  send  Troops  to 
their  Country  to  take  their  wives  and  Chilldren.  For  a 
proof  of  what  he  had  said,  he  and  the  traders  for  some  time 
past,  had  been  Ordered  to  Carry  very  little  Amunition 
amongst  them ;  this  every  trader  knew,  tho  no  one  would 
tell  them  of  it  but  himself,  for  he  was  a  Dead  man  altho  yet 
alive  amongst  them ;  as  he  had  been  formerly  a  Soldier  to 
the  great  King  and  run  away  from  him  and  would  now  live 
and  die  amongst  them.  When  he  came  to  me  he  behaved 
in  a  very  insolent  manner,  Riding  up  to  me  in  a  very  threaten 
ing  posture.  I  made  him  dismount  from  his  horse  and 
Ordered  him  to  atend  at  the  Meeting  at  the  OakChoys, 
there  to  Answer  before  the  Traders  and  Indians,  to  what 
was  aledged  against  him,  which  he  promised  to  do.  This 
Evening  Messrs.  Brown  and  Velden  came  here,  the  latter 
brought  me  a  letter  from  Emistisiguo  acquainting  me  that 
he  was  going  to  war  next  Day ;  and  that  the  2d  man  of  the 

512 


JOURNAL  OF  DAVID  TAITT 

little  Tallassies  would  be  with  me  soon  1  Days  before  the 
Meeting  with  the  letters  which  they  had  brought  from 
Pensacola. 

Tuckabatchie  2pth  Febry  1772. 

I  went  this  Morning  with  Messrs.  Brown,  Velden,  and 
Cornall,  the  Interpretor,  over  to  the  Great  Tallassies  where 
the  King  of  the  Town  and  head  men  were  in  the  Square  at 
black  drink.  After  the  usual  Ceremoneys,  one  of  the  Head 
men  said  to  the  Interpretor  that  the  Reasons  of  Calling  a 
meeting  by  the  Morter  and  head  men  of  the  Upper  Creeks, 
was  on  Account  of  a  Letter  from  the  Merchants  at  Augusta 
demanding  lands  for  the  payment  of  their  Debts ;  which 
Caused  a  great  Murmering  Amongst  them.  After  black 
Drink  one  of  the  head  men  intertained  us  at  his  house  with 
some  bears  meat  for  breakfast,  in  the  Evening  Mr.  Velden 
set  out  for  the  Lower  Creeks,  and  Mr.  Brown  for  Coosada. 


Tuckabatchie  1st  March  1772. 

This  Evening  the  2d  Man  came  here  from  the  Little  Tal 
lassies  and  Acquainted  me  that  Emistisiguo  was  gon[e]  to  war 
and  had  left  the  Letters  (which  he  brought  from  Pensacola) 
with  his  Speaker  to  Carry  to  OakChoys  to  the  meeting.  At 
night  we  were  alarmed  by  some  drunken  Indians  threatening 
to  Kill  a  white  Man,  and  promised  to  pay  the  Interpreters 
house  a  visit  for  that  purpose,  which  Obliged  him  and  the 
2d  man  to  go  to  Sleep  at  a  Corn  house,  a  little  distance  from 
his  house.  I  however  went  to  bed  as  usual,  but  about  ten 
OClock  the  fellow  who  had  been  before  threatning  was  set 
ting  out  to  pay  us  a  visit  and  luckily  tumbled  over  the 
threshold  of  the  Door,  and  two  of  his  Companions  Entering 
at  same  time,  one  of  them  struck  him  with  his  heel  in  the 
Stomach  which  nearly  deprived  him  of  life  and  prevented 
him  paying  us  the  disagreable  Compliment  which  he  in 
tended. 

1  Some. 
513 


TRAVELS  IN  THE  AMERICAN   COLONIES 

Tuckabatchie  2d  March  1772. 

I  went  this  Morning  to  the  Great  Tallassies  with  2d  man 
and  the  Interpreter.  The  Tallassie  King  and  2d  man  had 
a  great  deal  of  talk  about  the  meeting  apointed  by  the  Mor- 
ter  etca  but  Could  not  persuade  the  former  to  go  to  it  as 
he  seemed  doubtfull  of  some  bad  Talks  being  amongst  them. 
After  black  drink  I  went  with  the  Tallassie  King,  2d  man 
and  Interpreter  to  James  McQueens,  a  Trader  in  the  Tallas 
sies,  where  we  dined  and  Stayed  most  part  of  the  Day  on 
Account  of  the  Indians  being  Drunk  at  the  Tuckabatchies. 
In  the  Evening  I  went  over  and  was  again  desired  not  to 
Sleep  at  the  Interpreters,  as  the  Indians  still  threatened  to 
Kill  some  person  there.  I  was  informed  that  Francis  Lewis 
a  Trader  and  one  McFall  had  been  drinking  with  them  untill 
one  of  them  flashed  his  gun  at  McFall  and  would  afterwards 
have  Killed  him  had  not  some  Women  put  him  into  a  Canoe 
and  Carried  him  over  the  River  to  the  Tallassies.  As  non[e] 
of  them  had  been  about  the  Interpreters  house  to  Day  I 
desired  to  Sleep  here  this  night  also.  The  Interpreters 
Wench  then  said  that  I  was  like  a  person  Unacquainted  with 
padling  a  Canoe  but  after  being  overset  once  or  twice  will 
take  better  Care  in  futture.  The  2d  man  then  said  that 
he  would  sleep  in  the  room  with  me  and  when  any  person 
came  to  trouble  us  he  would  desire  them  to  burn  the  house 
with  us  both  but  we  were  not  disturbed  this  Night. 

Tuckabatchie  ^d  March  1772. 

This  Morning  the  2d  man  and  Interpreter  went  over  to 
the  Tallassies  to  black  drink,  where  the  2d  man  Ordered 
the  Interpreter  to  send  to  the  Head  men  of  the  Towns  on 
the  Tallapuse  River  and  desire  them  to  attend  at  the  Meet 
ing  which  the  Morter  had  Called,  and  there  hear  the  Talks 
which  I  had  for  them.  The  Interpreter  accordingly  did. 
I  sent  for  Frances  Lewis  and  acquainted  him  that  If  the 
Indians  were  Troublesom  hereafter  I  should  send  them  to 
his  house  and  Order  them  to  take  every  Kegg  of  Rum 


JOURNAL  OF  DAVID  TAITT 

which  they  Could  find  and  not  allow  them  to  pay  for  it. 
He  said  that  he  had  not  any  left  and  promised  that  non[e]  of 
them  should  be  made  drunk  by  him  during  my  stay  in  this 
Town. 

Tuckabatchie  j.th  March  1772. 

I  went  this  Morning  to  the  Hot  House  with  the  2d  man 
of  Little  Tallassies,  where  we  had  black  drink  and  after 
wards  bears  meat  and  Callavances  drest  in  Oil,  after  which 
the  2d  man  spoke  to  the  head  men  and  Warriors  of  this 
Town  saying  that  he  Supposed  they  wondered  at  his  not 
Comeing  into  there  Square  before  this  time,  but  when  he 
came  into  their  Town  he  saw  them  all  drunk  and  not  only 
so,  but  threatening  to  Kill  the  white  people  for  which  Reason 
he  should  not  have  come  now  had  not  I  brought  him.  He 
said  that  it  was  with  the  white  peoples  Rum  which  they  got 
Drunk  with,  and  if  they  brought  non[e]  amo[ng]st  them  they 
would  not  be  satisfyed,  and  they  Could  not  live  without  the 
white  people  altho  the  white  people  could  without  them 
and  Even  these  young  people  who  wanted  most  to  make 
war  with  the  white  people  would  be  the  first  to  draw  back 
when  their  Nation  stood  most  in  Need  of  them.  He  said 
that  he  Supposed  that  there  was  not  a  man  amongst  them 
but  would  like  to  have  a  blanket  to  Cover  them  and  likewise 
a  flap  for  their  wives  and  if  they  had  Children  would  like 
to  see  them  Cloathed.  He  Observed  that  they  were  already 
at  war  with  the  Choctaws  and  thought  these  Sufficient  with 
out  falling  out  with  the  white  people. 

Tuckabatchie  $th  March  1772. 

I  sent  this  Morning  for  my  horses  to  go  to  OakChoys 
but  they  Could  not  be  found  which  prevented  my  going 
this  Day.  In  the  Evening  the  Horses  were  found. 

Called  gee 1  6th  March  1772. 

I  set  out  this  Morning  with  the  2d  man  of  the  little  Tal- 
lassie  and  the  Captain  of  the  Hochlawella  Town,  and  the 

1  Kailardshi. 
515 


TRAVELS  IN  THE  AMERICAN   COLONIES 

Interpreter,  from  Tuckabatchie  for  this  place  which  lays 
NNW  Twenty  five  Miles  from  the  former.  This  village  is 
Scattered  along  the  sides  of  the  Oachoy  *  Creek  for  the  Space 
of  Eight  miles,  south  towards  its  Confluence  with  the  Talla- 
puse  River.  There  are  about  Seventy  Gun  Men  in  this 
Town  and  Plantations  and  one  Trader.  At  the  Traders 
house  I  met  with  Charles  who  had  brought  the  Letters  from 
Emistisiguo  with  the  white  wing  pipes  and  Tobacco  etca, 
which  he  Received  at  Pensacola  last  meeting  there.  As  soon 
as  I  arrived  at  the  traders  a  young  Indian  came  and  desired 
me  to  stay  with  them  this  night  and  go  to  their  hot  house 
to  black  drink  as  their  people  were  going  off  to  war  next 
Day.  He  went  to  the  Hot  house  and  some  time  after  sent 
another  to  Acquaint  me  that  black  drink  was  ready.  I  went 
with  the  Interpreter  and  Trader  etca  to  the  hot  house,  and 
after  the  usual  Ceremoney  of  Smoking  Tobacco  and  drinking 
black  drink  we  were  intertained  with  the  Warriours  and 
Women  danceing  Round  the  fire  in  the  middle  of  the  house, 
till  about  ten  OClock  when  I  left  them  and  went  to  the 
Traders  house  where  I  stayed  all  night.  While  I  was  in  the 
hot  house  I  Caused  the  Interpreter  to  speak  to  one  of  the 
head  men  who  was  not  going  to  war  and  desired  him  to 
Attend  at  the  meeting  at  the  OakChoys,  which  the  Indian 
promised  to  do. 

The  road  from  Tuckabatchie  to  this  place  is  pretty  good 
for  space  of  twelve  miles,  being  over  a  pine  barren.  It 
afterwards  goes  over  Several  little  broken  hills  covered  with 
Sharp  Stones,  very  Troubles[o]m[e]  for  horses  to  pass,  as  far 
as  a  Creek  Called  Chinahatchie,2  about  20  feet  wide  and  one 
foot  deep  at  present,  being  a  flat  Rockey  bottom.  The  Oak- 
Choy  Creek,  on  which  this  village  stands,  is  very  Serpentine 
and  runs  nearley  South  into  the  Tallapuse  River.  This 
Creek  is  40  feet  wide  and  2  feet  deep  but  not  Navigable  for 
Canoes  on  Account  of  Severall  Rocks  and  little  falls  which 
Cross  it. 

1  Kialaga.  2  Cedar  Creek. 

516 


JOURNAL  OF   DAVID   TAITT 

OakChoys  7th  March  1772. 

I  went  this  Morning  to  the  Cailedgee  hot  house  to  black 
drink  and  Stayed  there  till  ten  OClock,  at  which  time  I  set 
out  for  the  OakChoys,  three  Miles  North  of  Cailedgee  and 
on  the  north  East  side  of  the  same  Creek.  As  soon  as  I 
arrived  the  Gun  Mercht,  or  Mico  Lucko,  sent  for  me  to  the 
square  to  drink  black  drink  where  I  stayed  about  two  hours 
and  then  went  to  the  Traders.  In  the  Evening  the  Gun 
Merchant  came  and  Invited  me  to  the  Square  to  black  drink. 
This  Night  the  men  danced  three  or  four  times  Round  the 
fire  in  the  hot  house,  and  then  the  women  danced  the  Snake 
dance,  the  leader  haveing  her  legs  Covered  with  Turpin 
shells  which  is  filled  with  small  stones  on  purpose  to  make  a 
noise.  In  this  dance  there  is  two  men  sitting  on  a  Seat  with 
their  backs  to  the  fire  and  fronting  the  Women.  As  they 
come  Round  the  men  ratle  a  small  Callabash  in  their  hands 
singing  all  the  while  the  women  are  danceing  round.  This 
dance  lasted  about  two  hours,  when  I  left  the  house ;  but 
the  Indians  stayed  all  night. 

OakChoys  8th  March  1772. 

This  being  the  Day  appointed  for  the  meeting  of  the  head 
men,  but  the  Morter  and  several  others  not  being  come  no 
business  Could  be  done.  In  the  afternoon  I  went  about  three 
mile  further  up  the  Creek  to  see  a  Ball  play  between  the 
Men  of  this  Town  and  these  of  the  fish  Pond,  a  village  be 
longing  to  this  laying  about  Seven  Miles  North  East  on  a 
Creek  Called  Elkhatchie,  which  falls  into  the  Oakfuskee 
River  above  that  Town.  In  the  Evening  I  returned  to  this 
place  where  Paya  Lucko  was  Arrived  from  Oakfuskee. 

OakChoys  Qth  March  1772. 
I  waited  all  this  day  for  the  Morter  but  he  did  not  come. 

OakChoys  loth  March  1772. 

This  day  the  Morter  and  other  head  men  came  and  Like 
wise  severall  Traders  and  hirelings.  This  Evening  the  In- 

517 


TRAVELS  IN  THE  AMERICAN  COLONIES 

terpretor  spoke  to  Paya  Lucko,  about  giving  Satisfaction 
for  the  white  man  that  was  Killed  in  the  Hillabies,  and 
likewise  Concerning  some  Indians  threatening  his  life,  for 
demanding  Satisfaction  for  the  last  that  was  Killed.  Paya 
Lucko  said  that  it  was  part  of  the  bussines  of  this  meeting 
to  settle  every  thing  of  that  Kind  and  as  he  was  one  of  the 
heads  of  the  family  who  lost  the  last  man  for  Satisfaction, 
every  thing  should  now  be  settled  so  that  he  need  not  be 
any  more  affraid  of  his  life  on  that  Account. 

Oak  C 'hoys  nth  March  1772. 

This  Morning  after  the  headmen  had  finished  their  private 
bussines  the  Morter  desired  that  I  would  let  them  hear  the 
Talks  which  I  had  from  their  Father  for  them.  The  Gun 
Mercht  at  same  time  enquired  of  the  Traders  for  a  letter 
which  the  Merchts  at  Augusta  had  sent  into  the  Nation, 
but  the  Traders  denyed  knowing  any  thing  of  such  a  letter. 
I  delivered  the  Letters  which  Emistisiguo  brought  from 
Pensacola  in  Novr.  last  and  these  which  I  had  from  Captain 
Stuart 1  about  the  lands  on  Scambia,  which  the  Chiefs 
promised  to  answer  next  Day. 

1  With  his  instructions  Taitt  received  two  letters  to  the  Upper 
Creeks.  One  of  these  was  as  follows  : 

20th  January  1772. 

To  the  Great  and  Small  Medal  Chiefs  and  all  the  Head  men 
and  Leaders  of  the  Abekas,  Tallepusses  and  Alibamons  in  the 
Upper  Creek  Nation. 

FRIENDS  AND  BROTHERS, 

This  will  probably  meet  you  at  your  return  from  Hunting  and 
will  be  delivered  by  a  beloved  man  who  I  send  to  be  present  at 
your  meeting,  where  you  will  consider  of  and  answer  the  Message 
sent  you  by  Emistisiguo  and  your  other  Chiefs  who  were  at 
Pensacola,  who  no  Doubt  have  acquainted  you  of  our  Talks 
when  there,  and  which  I  hope  will  prove  agreeable.  The  Bearer 
Mr.  Taitt  will  immediately  send  off  an  Express,  to  Acquaint 
me  with  your  Determination  with  Respect  to  the  Scambia  or 
Conica  Lands. 

As  the  Parties  going  to  War  who  cross  over  to  our  Settlements 
on  the  West  side  of  Mobile  Bay  have  for  some  time  past  made 
it  a  practice  to  rob  and  plunder  the  Plantations,  and  Kill  poor 


JOURNAL  OF  DAVID   TAITT 

Oak C 'hoys  12  March  7772. 

This  Morning  I  went  to  the  hot  house  where  Mico  Lucko 
brought  in  a  white  Skin  with  some  Tobacco  and  a  Red  pipe 

Peoples  Cattle,  by  which  many  Families  have  been  greatly  dis 
tressed  I  send  the  Bearer  of  this  to  Speak  with  the  Chiefs  of  the 
Lower  Towns,  and  to  see  if  a  stop  can  be  put  to  such  proceedings, 
for  all  the  Parties  who  have  committed  such  Violences  came  from 
the  Lower  Towns,  and  as  you  know  that  such  Insults  are  incon 
sistent  with  the  Peace  and  Friendship  which  ought  to  subsist 
between  you  and  your  white  Brethren,  I  hope  you  will  Join  me 
in  endeavoring  to  prevent  and  stop  them  and  that  you  will  send 
a  Messenger  and  a  Talk  with  this  Beloved  man  to  the  Cowetas 
and  Lower  Towns  concerning  these  Robberies. 

When  Mr.  Cornal  Arrived  here  he  found  the  great  Leader  and 
other  Chiefs  of  the  Chickasaws  with  me.  Their  Talks  are  good 
as  they  always  have  been  they  acquainted  me  of  Several  Mes 
sages  sent  to  them  by  the  Northern  Indians  thro'  your  nation. 
They  also  desired  me  to  acquaint  you  that  as  you  and  the  Chac- 
taws  are  both  their  Friends,  they  hope  you  will  not  carry  on  the 
War  against  each  other  through  their  Towns,  but  find  another 
Road  to  your  Enemies.  That  if  your  parties  should  at  any  time 
be  Hungry  and  in  Want  of  provisions  they  will  be  glad  to  Treat 
you  as  Friends  and  supply  your  Wants,  but  they  will  not  suffer 
either  you  or  the  Chactaws  to  carry  Prisoners  thro'  their  Towns, 
they  will  not  meddle  with  Scalps  but  they  will  set  the  Prisoners 
taken  by  their  Nation  at  Liberty  if  they  are  carried  into  their 
Towns. 

I  recommend  to  you  to  pay  Attention  to  the  Talks  of  Paya 
Mattaha,  he  is  a  Warrior  of  great  Experience  and  Judgment,  and 
you  may  be  sure  he  will  always  Give  you  good  advice,  he  is  a 
Red  man  and  loves  the  Red  People,  and  for  their  sake  holds  me 
fast  by  the  hand  for  he  knows  that  I  am  the  Father  and  Friend 
of  Red  men. 

I  add  no  more  at  present  but  referr  you  to  my  former  Talk 
to  which  I  expect  a  favourable  answer. 

I  am 
Your  Friend  and  Brother 

signed  J.  S. 

The  other  letter  from  Stuart  was  in  part  as  follows : 

Jan.  20,  1772. 
To  the  Great  Chiefs  of  the  Upper  Creek  Nation : 

.  .  .  "You  acted  like  Good  and  just  Men  in  giving  satisfaction 
for  the  two  White  Men  Killed  on  the  Mobille  or  Chactaw  Road. 


TRAVELS  IN  THE  AMERICAN   COLONIES 

rolled  up  in  the  skin  which  was  sent  from  the  Quarpas  1  or 
Arkansaws  (a  small  nation  on  the  west  side  of  Mississippi) 
with  a  peace  talk  to  the  Chickasaws  and  from  thence  to 
this  place.  The  Morter  gave  me  some  of  the  Tobacco  to 
smoke  with  them  while  Mico  Lucko  delivered  the  talk  to 
the  Headmen  and  Warriours  but  as  the  Interpreters  went 
out  of  the  house  before  this  was  given  I  Could  not  learn 
what  it  was.  After  this  bussines  was  over,  the  Morter,  Mico 
Lucko,  and  Stocklitea,  or  white  Lieut.,  gave  me  an  Answer 
to  the  Letters  which  I  had  delivered  to  them  Yesterday  but 
desired  me  not  to  demand  Satisfaction  publickley,  but 
promised  to  give  it  as  soon  as  they  Could  get  an  Oppor 
tunity  to  do  it,  as  they  Could  not  Kill  any  person  publickley. 
In  this  Town  and  villages  belonging  to  it  is  about  70  Gun 

You  also  promised  Satisfaction  for  a  man  Killed  at  the  Hillabies, 
but  this  you  have  failed  in,  and  the  Murtherer  still  Lives.  Two 
men  have  since  been  Killed  upon  the  Occonies  :  so  that  there 
are  three  Murthers  unsatisfied  by  you.  You  say  you  lost  a  man 
at  Augusta  last  year,  and  that  he  was  beaten  by  a  white  man  in 
such  a  manner  as  to  cause  his  Death.  Governor  Wright  ac 
quaints  you  in  his  Talk  that  his  Death  was  Owing  to  Drunken 
ness  and  the  oversetting  of  a  Canoe  by  Accident ;  the  case  is 
not  Clear,  however  supposing  that  you  are  Right  and  that  it 
ought  to  pass  in  Satisfaction  for  one  of  the  three  Deaths  which 
you  Owe ;  Mr.  Cornal  says  that  a  Party  who  had  stolen  Horses 
from  the  Inhabitants  of  Little  River  was  pursued  by  the  owners, 
and  that  one  Man  of  yours  was  killed.  This  practice  of  Robbing 
the  Settlements  has  often  been  complained  of:  and  amongst  all 
Nations  killing  a  man  in  defence  of  a  Persons  Just  property  is 
allowed  of.  However  upon  the  present  Occasion  should  the 
Death  of  this  Robber  be  allowed  to  pass  as  further  satisfaction 
even  then  you  would  still  be  indebted  for  one  Murther  unattoned 
for.  Your  Justice  will  point  out  what  is  to  be  done  and  what  we 
expect.  .  .  . 

"I  have  often  told  you  that  no  Talks  about  Land  should  be 
Listened  to  except  what  should  come  from  me.  I  also  told  you 
in  my  former  Talks  and  to  your  Warriors  at  Pensacola  that  the 
Lands  Ceded  to  the  Traders  by  the  Cherokees  was  without  my 
knowledge  and  without  any  Orders  from  the  King.  I  had  re 
ceived  no  Orders  to  ask  those  Lands  of  the  Cherokees  —  I  have 
none  to  ask  them  of  or  take  them  from  You.  .  .  ." 

1  Quapaws. 

520 


JOURNAL  OF  DAVID   TAITT 

Men  and  one  Trader.     In  the  Evening  I  went  to  Cailedgee 
where  I  stayed  all  night. 

Tuckabatchie  i$th  March  1772. 

This  Morning  I  set  out  from  Cailedgee  with  the  Inter 
preter,  2d  man  of  the  little  Tallassies,  and  Hochlawella  Cap 
tain.  At  Cailedgee  I  was  Obliged  to  purchase  a  horse  from 
the  Trader,  having  delivered  one  to  the  Hochlawella  Cap 
tain,  and  which  I  bought  at  Mobile,  but  was  stolen  about 
three  years  ago  by  one  Colbert,  a  Trader,  in  the  Chickasaws 
when  he  passed  thro  the  Abicouches  to  that  Nation.  In  the 
Evening  we  Arrived  at  this  place. 

Tuckabatchie  i£th  March  1772. 

This  Day  the  2d  man  Returned  to  the  little  Tallassies  and 
the  Captain  to  Hochlawella. 

Tuckabatchie  i$th  March  1772. 

This  Day  I  wrote  a  Letter  to  Captain  Stuart  with  the 
Indians  Answer  to  him  about  the  Scambia  Lands,  and  In 
the  Evening  a  McFall,  whom  I  had  Engaged  to  go  to  Pen- 
sacola  with  them,  came  here  for  that  purpose. 

Tuckabatchie  i6th  March  1772. 

This  Morning  I  sent  off  McFall  with  the  letters  for  Pen- 
sacola  and  in  the  afternoon  the  Ottesey  Captain  (who  had 
been  appointed  by  the  Headmen  to  go  with  the  beaver 
Tooth  King  of  the  great  Tallassies,  to  the  Lower  Creeks, 
when  I  should  go  there)  came  here,  and  acquainted  me  that 
he  Could  not  go  to  the  Lower  Creeks,  as  he  must  go  to  war 
on  Account  of  his  Nephew  whose  life  was  in  danger  from 
having  Killed  an  Indian  in  Rum  drinking  a  little  time  ago.1 

1  On  this  day  Taitt  wrote  the  following  letter  to  Stuart : 

TUCKABATCHIE,  16  March  1772. 
SIR: 

I  arrived  in  this  Nation  the  I2th  of  Last  Month  and  on  the 
I4th  sent  a  Messenger  to  the  little  Tallassies  for  Emistisiguo  and 
the  2nd  man ;  the  2nd  man  sent  an  answer  by  the  Messenger 

521 


TRAVELS  IN  THE  AMERICAN   COLONIES 

Tuckabatchie  ijik  March  1772. 

This  Morning  I  sent  my  Servant  to  the  white  ground  with 
a  pack  horse  for  McFall  to  take  to  Pensacola. 

that  Emistisiguo  was  gone  to  the  Upper  Towns  and  as  soon  as 
he  had  returned  they  would  come  and  see  me;  the  Day  after  I 
had  Received  this  Answer  a  Mr.  Vanden  Velden  a  Cracked  brained 
dutchman,  Clerk  to  Mr.  Mackay  came  from  the  little  Tallassies 
with  a  message  from  the  big  fellow :  wherein  he  said  that  when 
he  had  a  Talk  to  Deliver  to  you  He  went  with  it  himself  and  if 
I  had  any  Talk  from  You  he  Expected  the  same  Compliment 
paid  to  him  and  that  he  was  going  to  war  in  a  few  days. 

I  looked  upon  this  Message  to  be  Velden's  own  as  he  was 
very  Solicitous  to  know  my  Business  here ;  on  Account  of  some 
Talks  which  the  Merchants  in  Augusta  has  sent  to  the  Upper  and 
Lower  Towns  ;  about  the  Lands  which  the  Cherokees  gave  to  their 
Traders ;  this  man  is  Employed  in  Rideing  about  the  nation 
with  an  Interpreter;  On  the  22nd  I  went  to  the  little  Tallassies 
where  I  met  the  2nd  man  with  whom  I  went  next  morning  to  the 
Hickory  ground  about  four  miles  Lower  down  the  Coosa  River 
where  the  big  fellow  lives ;  I  stayed  with  him  most  part  of  the 
day  but  could  not  give  him  your  Talk  on  Account  of  the  people 
present.  He  Acquainted  me  that  he  was  going  to  war  in  four 
days  and  as  soon  as  he  returned  he  would  appoint  a  meeting  of 
all  the  Upper  Creeks,  he  likewise  desired  that  I  would  give  him  a 
letter  desiring  the  Inhabitants  on  Mobile  River  to  use  him  Civilly 
in  Case  he  should  have  Occasion  to  go  that  way ;  in  the  evening 
I  set  out  with  Mr.  Cornell  and  2nd  man  and  went  to  the  Cool- 
limies  a  Small  Town  upon  the  Tallapuse  River  about  Twelve  miles 
distant  from  the  Hickory  ground ;  at  and  near  this  Town  lives 
most  of  the  Idle  people  and  Hunters  which  Complaints  were 
made  against  at  last  meeting  at  Pensacola,  which  was  the  reason 
of  the  2nd  mans  Comeing  here  to  speak  to  them,  Next  Morning 
The  Wolf  King  and  a  head  man  Called  The  Setter  came  to  this 
Town  and  made  a  Complaint  against  one  John  Pigg  a  Trader  for 
Stealing  five  Horses,  Pigg  acknowledged  to  be  concerned  with 
four  other  persons  in  Stealing  four  of  the  horses.  I  ordered  him 
to  restore  the  horses  that  was  in  any  of  their  possessions  and  to 
pay  for  what  might  have  been  sold  or  lost  by  him  and  his  ac 
complices  ;  As  I  have  no  authority  to  punish  ofenders  of  this 
kind  I  cannot  oblige  them  to  punish  Indians  unless  they  please, 
but  shall  do  all  I  can  to  persuade  them  as  Indians  will  certainly 
make  reprizals  if  they  cannot  get  their  own,  in  the  evening  the 
2nd  man  returned  to  the  little  Tallassies  as  did  Mr.  Cornell  and 
self  to  this  Town.  On  the  25th  I  received  a  letter  from  the  Morter 

522 


JOURNAL  OF  DAVID  TAITT 

Tuckabatchie  i8th  March  1772. 

This  Day  the  Indians  in  this  Town  being  all  very  drunk, 
I  went  over  to  the  Tallassies  where  I  stayed  most  part  of 

for  a  meeting  to  be  at  the  Oak  Choys  the  eight[h]  of  this  Month, 
the  Morter  had  heard  of  my  being  here  after  he  had  appointed 
the  meeting;  therefore  desired  if  I  had  any  Talks  to  give  them 
that  I  would  come  there  as  he  expected  the  lower  Creeks ;  I  sent 
a  Messenger  to  Emistisiguo  with  a  letter  desireing  him  to  stay 
till  this  meeting  was  over  before  he  went  to  War.  He  sent  for 
answer  that  I  now  had  an  opportunity  of  delivering  Talks  which 
I  had  brought  from  you  without  giving  myself  much  Trouble  or 
waiting  long  for  his  return  which  was  uncertain.  He  was  now 
pursuing  Steps  in  the  same  manner  as  white  people  who  never 
begin  a  work  and  leave  it  half  finished.  He  was  going  after  a 
single  life  at  which  he  would  be  satisfied.  He  likewise  Observed 
that  the  fighter  was  not  yet  come  that  when  he  Came  and  they 
went  to  run  the  line  the  Weather  would  be  very  hote  so  that  a 
great  allowance  of  Rum  must  be  given  them  such  as  Six  Hogs 
heads  three  or  four  would  not  do ;  He  said  there  would  be  Copers 
and  White  people  present  at  the  meeting  and  no  doubt  but  his 
Intentions  would  be  oposed  but  said  he  should  have  every  thing 
if  he  returned  alive. 

On  the  ist  Inst.  the  2nd  man  came  here  and  acquainted  me 
that  Esmistisiguo  was  gon[e]  to  war  and  had  left  the  Talks  etca 
which  he  brought  from  Pensacola  with  his  speaker  and  desired 
that  they  might  be  first  read  at  the  meeting ;  I  set  out  on  the 
6th  with  Mr.  Cornell  the  2nd  man  and  Captain  Tanahopaya  of 
Hochtawella  Town  for  the  Oak  Choys,  we  waited  there  four  days 
before  the  Morter  came;  on  the  nth  Inst.  after  they  had  settled 
the  Business  which  they  met  upon  which  was  in  regard  of  giving 
Satisfaction  to  pacify  those  families  who  had  lost  their  Relations ; 
the  Gun  Merchant  acquainted  me  that  they  had  finished  their 
bussiness  that  the  path  was  Clear  and  the  White  people  might 
now  pass  and  repass  in  safety,  The  Morter  then  desired  that  if 
I  had  any  Talks  I  might  read  them.  [At  the]  same  time  the 
Gun  Merchants  asked  the  traders  for  the  paper  from  Augusta 
but  they  denied  knowing  anything  about  it,  I  delivered  your 
letter  which  Emistisiguo  brought  and  then  Governor  Chesters 
about  the  Scambia  or  Conica  Lands  as  likewise  what  I  brought 
from  you  excepting  the  one  for  satisfaction  as  the  Morter  and 
Gun  Merchants  assured  me  that  that  bussiness  was  already 
agreed  upon  and  that  they  did  not  want  it  made  publick  for  fear 
of  the  Offenders  being  too  much  upon  their  guard  or  make  their 
escape,  On  the  I2th  I  received  the  answers  which  is  here  enclosed. 
2L  523 


TRAVELS  IN  THE  AMERICAN  COLONIES 

the  Day  and  in  the  Evening  I  sent  for  the  beaver  Tooth 
King,  and  desired  him  to  go  to  the  Lower  Creeks  and  deliver 
the  Message  which  he  had  Received  at  last  meeting ;  as  I 

The  whole  Chiefs  of  the  Abeckas  or  upper  towns  were  present,  five 
of  the  Tallapusses  and  two  Alibamons  but  none  of  the  lower 
Creeks,  You  will  plainly  observe  by  these  answers  that  the  Nation 
is  divided  one  part  against  another  which  is  caused  by  a  jelousy 
subsisting  between  the  Abeckas  and  Tallapusses  in  regard  of  the 
respect  that  has  been  of  late  showed  to  Emistisiguo,  who  unfor 
tunately  is  of  a  Slave  race ;  but  I  suppose  when  he  and  the  fighter 
comes  in,  the  scale  may  turn  as  the  Tallapusses  and  Alibamons 
seem  inclined  to  give  up  the  Land  that  you  have  asked  from  them, 
on  the  other  hand  the  Merchants  and  Traders  in  this  Nation  does 
all  in  their  power  to  make  every  measure  you  propose  prove 
abortive ;  the  Interpreter  seems  to  know  very  few  head  men  above 
the  Town  in  which  he  lives,  although  in  my  opinion  those  in  the 
Upper  Towns  carry  the  greatest  authority  I  have  not  as  yet  been 
able  to  compleat  the  Bussiness  which  I  came  upon  in  this  nation 
as  I  found  the  Indians  in  such  a  Situation  by  the  Idle  speeches 
of  some  unworthy  hirelings  to  whom  the  Merchants  in  Augusta 
had  made  known  some  of  their  Intentions  that  if  I  had  been 
observed  in  doing  the  smallest  matter  I  must  have  run  a  very 
great  risk  for  what  the  Indians  does  not  understand  themselves 
the  Traders  will  assist  them  and  you  know  the  Indians  jelous 
disposition ;  I  hope  to  complete  every  thing  before  the  Express 
returns  which  I  shall  wait  for  in  this  Nation,  as  I  have  no  author 
ity  to  make  any  demands  of  Land  from  the  lower  Creeks. 

Mr.  Mackays  Clerk  has  been  gone  to  them  some  time  to  try 
what  he  can  do  for  the  Merchants ;  their  meeting  in  the  upper 
Creeks  is  proposed  to  be  on  the  loth  April  and  in  the  Lower  on 
the  2Oth  of  same  month,  Mr.  Golphin  [George  Galphin]  has 
taken  upon  himself  to  get  the  Consent  of  the  Lower  Creeks,  and 
they  are  to  ask  for  some  more  Land  than  what  the  Cherokees 
gave  to  pay  the  Debts  due  by  the  Creeks  and  the  traders,  and 
in  case  of  a  Refusal  to  stop  sending  any  Goods  amongst  them 
this  summer  which  some  of  the  Traders  has  already  acquainted 
the  Indians  with,  some  of  the  Merchants  letters  I  have  seen, 
and  particularly  one  to  Mr.  Cornell  from  a  Mr.  Greerson 
[Grierson]  in  Augusta  acquainting  him  with  their  letter  which 
they  had  sent  into  the  Nation  by  a  Mr.  Rea  a  Trader  in 
a  small  Village  belonging  to  the  Oakfuskies,  whose  speech 
the  white  Lieutenant  delivers ;  Mr.  Greerson  first  desires  Mr. 
Cornell  to  give  them  all  the  assistance  in  his  power  withall 
threatening  him  with  the  heavy  debt  which  hangs  over  his  head 

524 


JOURNAL  OF  DAVID   TAITT 

Could  not  go  untill  that  I  heard  from  Captain  Stuart,  I 
likewise  desired  him  to  enquire  if  Stephen  Forest  was  come 

then  promising  the  forgiveness  of  all  his  debts  besides  pecuniary 
Emolument  in  case  he  succeeds,  this  Mr.  Greerson  says  is  the 
conditions  on  which  Mr.  Forester  is  to  go  to  the  lower  Towns; 
whether  Cornell  may  take  the  bait  I  cannot  tell  he  has  al 
ready  refused  to  go  to  the  Lower  Towns  because  I  told  him 
that  I  would  not  allow  him  to  give  out  the  Merchants  talk, 
after  he  had  promised  Mr.  Rea ;  I  should  not  have  Exposed 
Mr.  Greerson's  letter  till  I  had  the  pleasure  of  seeing  you  had 
not  his  brother  advised  some  of  the  head  men  whom  I  had 
asked  to  the  meeting  not  to  go,  telling  them  that  I  was  not  a 
beloved  man  but  some  runaway  he  took  care  not  to  make  his 
appearance  after  that  he  found  that  I  had  heard  his  talk.  The 
traders  in  this  Nation  excepting  a  very  few  are  Composed  of 
Deserters,  Horse  thieves,  half  breeds  and  Negroes.  They  all 
trade  without  any  Licenses  or  permits ;  the  Merchants  fits  out 
some  Traders  with  goods  on  their  own  acct.  and  others  they 
hire  to  trade  in  opposition  to  the  Traders ;  these  hirelings  fits 
out  others  which  they  find  Ideling  about  the  Nation  so  that  in 
some  Towns  there  is  three  or  four  Stores  where  one  would  be 
Sufficient,  all  Trade  without  any  Regulations  whatsoever  and 
undersell  one  another  to  that  degree  that  goods  are  sold  at  first 
cost  or  rather  given  away.  Some  indeed  will  give  a  Kegg  of  Rum 
to  every  fellow  that  will  sell  his  Skins  to  them.  Some  of  these 
hirelings  after  getting  a  few  Skins  with  the  Goods  which  the 
Merchant  has  entrusted  him  with,  Carrys  them  to  Pensacola 
where  they  Barter  them  with  the  Merchants  for  Rum;  with  it 
they  buy  the  Horses  which  the  Indians  steal  from  the  Settlements 
of  the  Different  Provinces.  Unless  there  is  a  Stop  put  to  sending 
Rum  in  such  large  quantities  amongst  these  Indians  no  man  will 
be  safe  amongst  them  for  after  one  trader  has  made  them  Drunk  he 
will  send  them  to  his  Neighbour  to  break  his  Doors  and  plunder 
him  which  has  been  attempted  to  be  done  in  this  Town  since 
my  comeing  here,  one  Francis  Lewis  a  Hireling  of  Mr.  Golphins 
had  near  thirty  Keggs  in  his  house  at  my  Arrival  which  has  keep't 
this  Town  Continually  Drunk,  there  is  many  others  in  the  Nation 
of  the  same  stamp  as  this  man,  Some  Carries  on  no  other  trade 
than  buying  of  Horses  with  Rum ;  These  men  I  think  should  be 
sent  to  some  other  place  as  the  Indians  are  Continually  Complain 
ing  against  them. 

There  was  a  talk  from  the  Quapas  with  a  White  Skin,  a  pipe 
and  some  Tobacco  delivered  to  the  head  men  at  this  Meeting ; 
about  Thirteen  Chickasaws  were  at  the  Abicouchies  lately  want- 

525 


TRAVELS  IN  THE  AMERICAN   COLONIES 

up  from  Augusta.  He  promised  to  set  out  in  a  few  Days, 
and  at  same  time  said  that  when  he  was  going  to  the  Meet 
ing  to  settle  in  this  Nation :  the  Head  man  of  that  Town  gave 
them  leave  to  settle  the  Ground  they  formerly  Possessed  on  Con 
dition  of  their  Continuing  in  this  Land,  they  returned  to  their 
own  lands  and  it  is  uncertain  whether  they  come  back.  There 
has  been  Complaints  made  to  me  by  the  Head  men  of  some  Towns 
on  this  River  against  their  having  to  many  Traders,  particularly 
the  Captn  of  Hocktawella  Complains  of  having  three  Traders 
in  his  Town  where  there  is  only  about  Seventy  Gun  men.  He 
says  that  when  the  last  Trader  came  there  which  is  about  two 
months  ago  the  head  men  advised  him  not  to  open  his  Goods 
but  go  somewhere  else,  but  their  advise  was  to  no  purpose,  he 
says  that  the  Young  Fellows  will  have  the  Goods  when  they 
are  brought  amongst  them  and  will  never  be  able  to  pay  for  them. 

I  have  made  the  Observations  recommended  by  you  in  respect 
to  the  Country  from  Pensacola  to  this  place  and  likewise  taken 
the  Latitudes  of  Different  places ;  about  two  miles  N  b[y]  E  from 
Crossing  little  Scambia  I  observed  in  Latitude  31.14.  This  Town 
is  in  Latitude  32.36  and  is  the  farthest  any  Boat  or  Canoe  can 
go  by  this  River  on  account  of  falls  which  begin  at  the  upper  end 
of  the  Town  and  at  ij  miles  above  the  Town  is  one  about  one 
hundred  feet  high.  My  Quadrant  is  now  of  no  use  the  Sun  being 
got  too  far  to  the  Northward  for  observing  by  Land. 

The  King  of  this  Town  desires  that  you  will  be  so  good  as  [to]  send 
a  small  drink  by  the  Bearer,  as  he  says  by  the  time  that  he  returnes 
Emistisiguo  will  be  come  in  and  we  shall  have  more  talks  which 
will  be  more  agreeable  to  you  than  these  you  now  receive ;  I  was 
obliged  to  give  a  kegg  of  Rum  in  lieu  of  the  wine  which  was 
promised  in  the  talk  that  Esmistisiguo  carried. 

The  bearer  is  McFall  who[m]  the  Complaints  was  made  against 
for  hunting ;  he  has  delivered  himself  up  and  promises  not  to  hunt 
any  more.  As  to  Horse  Stealing  I  do  not  find  that  ever  he  has 
brought  any  into  this  part,  if  you  have  any  Letters  to  send  I 
shall  be  obliged  to  you  to  dispatch  him  as  soon  as  possible,  any 
bussiness  you  think  proper  to  entrust  me  with  while  in  this  nation 
shall  be  punctually  executed  by  giving  me  proper  Authority. 
One  of  the  lower  Creeks  killed  a  man  down  at  the  Ogeechie  some 
time  agoe.  I  hear  that  Mr.  Habersham  had  desired  Mr.  Golphin 
to  send  and  demand  Satisfaction.  Whether  it  has  been  done  or 
not  I  cannot  say  but  the  murderer  still  lives. 

I    remain   with    the   greatest    Esteem, 

Sir  your  Most  Obedt  and  most  hum[ble]  S[ervan]t 

(Signed)  DAVID  TAITT. 

526 


JOURNAL  OF  DAVID  TAITT 

ing  at  OakChoys  he  Called  at  the  Upper  EufFallas  l  where 
he  saw  a  Trader  named  Thomas  Greerson,2  who  desired  him 
not  to  go  to  any  meeting,  telling  him  that  I  was  not  a  beloved 
man  but  some  runaway  who  wanted  to  Oppose  them  in 
their  Land  affair  by  saying  that  I  had  Letters  for  the  In 
dians.  The  beaver  Tooth  King  answered  Greeson  saying 
that  he  knew  that  the  white  people  had  Laws  to  punish 
any  person  that  offered  to  Commit  such  things  as  he  had 
mentioned,  and  he  had  already  seen  me  and  was  sure  that 
Greeson  durst  not  tell  me  so,  but  he  would  the  first  time 
he  saw  me,  this  he  had  told  all  the  head  men  at  OakChoys 
while  I  was  there ;  but  I  being  a  little  bussie  then  did  not 
rememb[e]r  it. 

Tuckabatchie  iQth  March  ,1772. 

This  Morning  I  intended  to  go  to  the  Upper  Towns  but 
it  begun  to  rain  about  six,  and  Continued  so  all  morning. 
In  the  forenoon  I  Reed  a  letter  from  James  Germaney,  a 
Trader  in  the  Coolamies,  informing  me  that  he  Could  get 
proof  of  William  Simorys  being  guilty  of  high  Treason,  and 
likewise  of  his  Stirring  up  the  Indians  by  Speaking  disre 
spectfully  of  the  Governors  and  Superintendant  of  Indian 
affairs.  This  Day  I  heard  from  the  Lower  Creeks  by  two 
Eutchies  3  who  informed  me  that  the  man  who  Killed  the 
white  man  at  Ogechee,  had  been  Killed  by  his  own  people  in 
the  Geehaws. 

Tuckabatchie  2Oth  March  1772. 

I  sent  this  Morning  for  my  horses  to  go  to  Survey  the 
Upper  Towns  but  they  had  strayed  off  in  the  night  and 
Could  not  be  found  till  late  in  the  afternoon  which  prevented 
me  going  this  Day. 

1  Upper  Eufaula  was  situated  on  Eufaula  Creek  a  few  miles  south 
of  the  present  town  of  Talladega,  Talladega  County,  Alabama. 

2  Thomas  Grierson. 

3  The  Eutchies,  or  Uchees,  had  a  settlement  on  the  west  bank 
of  the  Chattahoochee  River  at  or  near  the  mouth  of  Big  lichee 
Creek  in  Russell  County,  Alabama. 

527 


TRAVELS  IN  THE  AMERICAN  COLONIES 

Cailedgee  2ist  March  1772. 

I  sett  out  this  Morning  with  my  servant  to  Survey  the 
road  etca  to  this  place,  the  Interpreter  refuseing  to  go  on 
pretence  that  he  did  not  know  the  road.  I  however  pro 
ceeded  to  take  the  Course  and  distance  of  the  roads  and 
Creeks  etca,  my  servant  who  is  a  Spaniard  and  has  resided 
in  this  Country  several  years  knowing  the  roads  to  the 
different  Towns.  I  stayed  at  this  Town  all  this  Night. 

Oakfuskee  22d  March  1772. 

This  Morning  I  went  to  the  Square  in  the  Cailedgees  where 
the  Indians  had  prepered  black  drink  for  me.  After  I  had 
drank  some  with  them  I  went  to  the  OakChoys  taking  the 
bearings  and  distance  of  the  path  etca.  I  stayed  in  this 
Square  with  Mico  Lucko  some  time,  Smoking ;  and  drinking 
black  drink  and  then  sett  out  for  the  Euffallas  1  about  Eight 
miles  East  by  South  from  the  OakChoys  and  on  the  North 
west  side  of  the  Oakfuskee  or  Tallapuse  River.  The  road 
from  OakChoy  to  Euffalla  is  over  Several  little  Stoney  hills 
very  bad  for  horses  traveling.  The  Euffalla  Town  is  Situ 
ated  on  a  low  point  of  land  surrounded  by  high  barren  hills 
on  the  west  side  and  by  the  river  on  the  East.  I  rested  here 
about  two  hours  and  then  set  out  for  Oakfuskee  about  five 
miles  NNW  of  Eufalla  and  on  a  point  on  the  west  side  of 
same  River.  This  Town  some  years  ago  was  the  Largest 
in  the  Upper  Creeks,  Containing  three  hundred  Gun  men, 
but  now  not  above  thirty,  the  Inhabitants  having  Scattered 
about  the  Hunting  grounds  on  Account  of  Plantations.  I 
stayed  at  this  Town  all  night. 

Oakfuskee  2$d  March  1772. 

This  Morning  I  went  to  the  Square  in  this  Town,  with 
one  of  the  headmen  Commonly  Called  Wills  friend.  He  sent 
for  Paya  Lucko  desiring  him  to  come  to  the  Square,  but  he 
declined  coming  on  Acct.  of  some  dispute  amongst  them- 

1  Eufaula,  on  the  Tallapoosa  River,  in  Tallapoosa  County ;  not 
to  be  confused  with  Upper  Eufaula. 

528 


JOURNAL  OF  DAVID  TAITT 

selves ;  but  after  black  drink  he  came  to  meet  me  at  the 
Traders  where  Wills  Friend  had  Caused  some  fowles  to  be 
prepered  for  breakfast.  Paya  Lucko  behaved  very  Civilly; 
and  seemed  willing  that  I  should  stay  some  Days  in  his 
town ;  but  Observed  that  at  present  they  had  but  very 
little  to  Intertain  me  with.  About  Eleven  OClock  I  set  out 
for  a  small  village  Called  Elkhatchie,1  about  four  miles  NNW 
from  Oakfuskee,  situated  at  the  mouth  of  a  Creek  of  the 
same  name,  runing  ENE  into  Oakfuskee  River.  The  Creek 
is  about  30  yards  wide  and  12  ft.  Deep  at  this  village,  which 
Consists  of  four  or  five  houses,  but  about  half  a  mile  up  the 
Creek  is  fordable.  After  Crossing  in  a  Canoe  I  went  to  Secus- 
poga,  another  village  of  the  Oakfuskee  Indians  about  five 
Miles  NNE  from  Elkhatchie,  and  on  a  point  on  west  side  of 
Oakfuskee  River.  This  village  stands  on  a  level  piece  of 
ground  about  half  a  mile  broad  bounded  by  hills  on  the  west 
side.  There  is  about  forty  five  Gun  men  in  it  and  one  Trader, 
named  Robert  French,  a  hireling  of  Messrs.  Campbell  and 
Son  in  Charlestown.  From  this  Trader  I  received  a  Large 
Silver  medal,  and  Commission  which  the  Morter  had  given 
to  him  about  Eighteen  Months  ago,  desiring  him  to  Carry 
it  to  Mr.  Mackay  at  Augusta  and  give  it  to  him  for  Captn. 
Stuart.  This  French  had  done  but  Mr.  Mackay  refused  to 
accept  of  it,  and  desired  him  to  Give  it  to  the  Morter  again 
when  he  returned  to  the  Nation ;  but  the  Morter  would 
not  take  it,  saying  that  the  promises  made  to  him  when 
he  Received  it  at  Pensacola  were  not  fullfilled.  I  reproved 
Mr.  French  for  keeping  it  so  long  without  acquainting 
the  Interpreter  or  bringing  it  to  me  at  last  meeting. 
The  Interpreter  he  said  he  never  shou'd  have  acquainted 
any  thing  about  it,  but  intended  to  have  brought  to  me  at 
the  meeting  but  had  forgot  it  untill  he  had  got  to  the  fish 
pond  (about  seven  mile  from  OakChoys)  where  he  returned 
from  without  Seeing  me.  In  the  Evening  I  went  to  the 
Square  where  Paya  Lucko's  Son  came  from  Oakfuskee  and 
acquainted  the  headmen  that  the  Little  Tallassie  people 

1  Island  Home,  Ala. 
529 


TRAVELS  IN  THE  AMERICAN   COLONIES 

had  brought  in  a  Chactaw  prisoner  and  burned  him  in  that 
Town. 

Hillabies  24th  March  1772. 

This  Morning  I  went  to  black  drink  in  the  Square  at 
Socuspoga,  where  I  stayed  till  ten  OClock  and  then  set  out 
for  this  place.  Paya  Lucko's  son  went  with  me  on  pretence 
of  being  my  guide  but  I  suppose  this  piece  of  kindnes  was 
the  Effect  of  jealousey  and  not  intended  as  any  Service  to 
me.  I  made  him  ride  on  before,  and  keept  my  Servant 
between  him  and  me,  thereby  preventing  him  from  seeing 
me  take  Observations  of  the  Course  of  the  path  and  Creeks 
as  we  past.  This  Town  is  about  ten  Miles  NNW  from 
Socuspoga,  on  the  branches  of  a  Creek  Called  Yallafattee,1 
which  falls  into  the  Oakfuskee  River.  Above  Socuspoga 
there  is  Several  little  villages  or  plantations  Scattered  about 
the  branches  of  this  Creek,  which  is  Confined  between  high 
hills  on  Each  side  having  very  little  planting  Land  Except 
ing  what  is  about  the  sides  of  the  Creek.  In  this  Town  and 
villages  are  about  one  hundred  gun  Men,  one  Trader,  and 
one  Indian  factor.  This  Evening  I  went  with  Mr.  Scot,  the 
Trader,  to  the  hot  house  where  was  only  a  few  Young  Men, 
the  rest  being  all  gon  to  war  against  the  Chactaws.  Amongst 
the  Young  Men  that  are  here  is  the  one  who  Killed  Mr. 
Scots  Servant  some  time  ago,  and  for  whom  Satisfaction  has 
been  promised.  At  Night  I  went  to  Mr.  Scots  house  where 
I  stayed  this  night. 

Hillabies  2$th  March  1772. 

I  stayed  at  this  Town  all  this  Day  and  Surveyed  the  dif 
ferent  branches  of  the  Creek  etca. 

Natchie[s]  26th  March  1772. 

This  Morning  I  set  out  from  the  Hillabies,  Mr.  Scot 
accompanying  me  to  the  little  OakChoys,  a  small  village 
about  three  miles  WSW  from  the  Hillabies,  and  on  a  branch 

1  Hillabee  Creek. 

530 


JOURNAL  OF  DAVID  TAITT 

of  Yallafattee  Creek  wh[ich]  joins  the  other  branch  at  the 
west  End  of  the  Hillabies.  In  this  village  lives  the  Morter 
and  about  twenty  OakChoy  people.  I  went  to  the  Morters 
Summer  house  where  the  people  were  at  black  drink,  but 
the  Morter  had  been  gon[e]  a  hunting  for  some  Days.  After 
drinking  some  black  drink  etca  I  set  out  for  the  Natchies, 
a  small  village  of  the  remnant  of  a  people  of  that  name  who 
were  drove  from  the  Mississippi  by  the  French.1  This  village 
is  about  Twenty  seven  Miles  NW  of  the  Hillabies  and  on 
the  south  side  of  a  Creek  Called  Clanahumgey  2  which  falls 
into  the  Coosa  River  about  nine  miles  west  north  west  from 
this.  About  Eight  miles  South  East  from  this  I  Crosed 
over  a  high  hill  very  steep  and  Covered  over  with  Sharp 
Stones  ;  this  hill  which  Continues  nearly  South  west  towards 
the  Coosa  River  is  part  of  the  great  mountains  which  devide 
the  Northern  and  Southern  part  of  America.  From  the 
Top  of  this  hill  is  a  very  beautifull  prospect  over  the  Tops 
of  hills  all  round  this.  I  Arrived  at  this  Town  abt  five 
OClock  in  the  afternoon  and  went  to  a  Traders  house  where 
I  stayed  all  this  Night. 

Natchie[s]  2jih  March  1772. 

I  went  this  morning  to  black  drink  to  the  Square  where 
I  was  very  kindley  Received  by  the  head  men  of  the  Town 
who  told  me  to  look  on  myself  as  being  amongst  my  friends 
and  not  to  be  affraid  of  any  thing,  for  their  fire  was  the 
same  as  Charlestown  fire  and  they  never  had  Spilt  the  blood 
of  any  white  Man ;  after  that  I  had  Smoked  Tobacco  and 
drinked  black  drink  with  them  they  desired  that  I  might 
Stay  in  their  Town  all  day  as  they  were  building  a  hot  house 
and  Should  have  a  dance  in  the  Evening  which  they  wanted 
me  to  see.  In  the  Evening  I  went  to  the  Square  where 
thirteen  Chickasaws  had  joined  the  Natchies  and  Creeks 
for  the  dance,  (these  Chickasaws  are  making  a  Settlement 

1  The  Natchez  Indians  were  driven  from  their  home,  near  the 
site  of  the  present  city  of  Natchez,  Miss.,  by  the  French  in  1730. 

2  Tallassee  Creek  in  Talladega  County. 


TRAVELS  IN  THE  AMERICAN  COLONIES 

on  the  side  of  a  Creek  Called  Caimullga  1  about  15  miles 
north  from  this,  and  falling  into  the  Coosa  River  at  the 
Chickasaw  Trading  path,  about  a  mile  above  Clamahumgey) 
The  women  being  dressed  like  Warriours  with  bows,  hatchets, 
and  other  weapons  in  their  hands,  came  into  the  Square 
and  danced  round  the  fire,  the  pole  Cat  dance,  two  men 
Singing  and  ratling  their  Callabashes  all  the  time.  In  this 
Town  is  about  thirty  gun  Men,  Natchies  and  Creeks  and 
one  Trader. 

Abicouches  28th  March  1772. 

This  Morning  I  left  the  Natchies  and  came  to  this  place 
which  is  about  three  miles  NW  b[y]  N  from  the  former  and  on 
the  North  side  of  same  Creek.  As  soon  as  I  Came  into  the 
Town  I  went  to  the  hot  house  where  Machbichemalla, 
Commonly  Called  Mcbeans  friend,  and  Effatiskiniha,  or 
Mackays  friend,  wellcomed  me  to  their  Town  telling  me 
that  I  was  amongst  my  friends  on  the  west  side  of  the  great 
hill  who  never  had  spilt  the  blood  of  any  white  man  but  had 
always  held  them  fast  by  the  hand,  and  they  looked  [upon] 
their  fire  and  [that  of]  the  Natchies  [as]  the  same  as  [the] 
Charlestown  fire.  Effatiskiniha  said  that  most  of  the  old 
people  were  dead  and  he  was  the  only  one  left  in  his  Town 
to  protect  the  white  people,  which  he  would  do  as  Long  as 
he  lived,  and  said  that  there  was  men  growing  up  amongst 
them  which  he  hoped  would  protect  [them]  when  he  wasgon[e]. 
I  told  him  that  I  had  heard  that  he  and  his  people  had  always 
behaved  very  well  to  the  white  people  and  desired  to  know 
if  he  thought  any  thing  deficient  on  our  side.  He  said  that 
he  Supposed  I  was  now  tired  with  my  journey,  and  would 
not  at  present  say  any  more,  but  would  meet  me  in  the 
Evening.  I  desired  him  to  send  for  the  head  man  of  Tal- 
lassiehatchie,  a  small  village  about  three  miles  further  down 
this  Creek,  that  I  might  enquire  of  him  the  reasons  for  his 
people  breaking  their  Traders  doors,  and  Turning  him  out 
of  their  town,  which  he  promised  me  to  do.  I  likewise  sent 

1  This  settlement  was  at  or  near  the  site  of  the  present  town  of 
Kymulga  on  Talladega  Creek  in  Talladega  County,  Alabama. 

532 


JOURNAL  OF  DAVID  TAITT 

for  Mr.  Cuzens,  a  Trader  in  the  Natchies,  to  Interpret  be 
tween  me  and  the  Indians.  In  the  Evening  Mr.  Cuzens 
and  the  head  man  of  Tallassiehatchie  came  and  went  with 
me  to  the  hot  house  where,  after  the  Ceremoney  of  drinking 
black  drink  and  Smoking  with  the  head  man  of  Tallassie 
hatchie,  I  asked  him  about  the  affair  of  John  Bell,  his 
Trader.  He  said  that  his  Young  people  had  broke  Bells 
doors  and  destroyed  his  household  utensils  such  as  pots, 
bowles  etca  and  Spoiled  all  his  victuals,  because  he  would 
not  give  them  such  a  good  Trade  as  the  people  of  the  puckan- 
tallahassie  did,  which  sold  Stroud  and  duffle  Blankets  at 
Six  pound  leather  each  and  every  thing  else  in  proportion, 
and  took  their  buck  Skins  at  five  pounds  and  doe  at  three. 
But  as  for  his  part  he  was  the  man  that  brought  a  white 
man  to  his  Town  as  he  was  very  poor  for  one  before  he  got 
him  and  is  now  poor  since  he  left  them.  He  said  that  he 
was  a  very  good  white  man  and  not  any  wise  Cross  so  that 
he  loved  him  very  much,  but  did  not  desire  him  to  stay 
after  his  people  had  used  [him]  so  very  111  nor  did  he  desire 
him  to  go  back  as  something  bad  might  happen  for  which  he 
should  blame  himself  if  he  desired  him  to  stay.  As  the  men 
were  dancing  and  making  a  noise  round  the  fire  in  [the]  hot 
house,  I  went  out  into  the  Square  with  Mr.  Cuzens,  Mckays 
and  Mcbeans  friends  etca,  Mackeys  friend  acquainted  me 
that  he  had  a  small  favour  to  ask  of  his  father  Captain 
Stuart  which  in  the  first  place  was  a  Stand  of  Colours  to 
Show  that  he  was  an  English  Man  and  a  friend  to  the  white 
people,  next  a  bag  of  powder  and  two  bags  of  ball,  some 
flints,  and  a  box  of  paint,  as  they  were  often  very  poor  for 
these  things,  being  much  Exposed  to  their  Enemy  by  being 
the  outside  Town  of  their  Nation,  and  their  Traders  being 
often  Robed  of  their  horses  etca  before  they  Could  Cross 
the  great  hill.  He  likewise  Observed  that  there  was  not  a 
great  Coat  in  the  Town.  Mcbeans  friend  desired  me  to 
acquaint  Captain  Stuart  that  he  was  the  man  who  talked 
to  him  at  Augusta  about  the  Chactaw  war  as  1  some  things 


533 


TRAVELS  IN  THE  AMERICAN   COLONIES 

in  private,  and  when  I  should  mention  that,  Captain  Stuart 
would  remember  who  he  was.  This  man  was  the  first  that 
Killed  a  Chactaw  and  brought  prisoners  into  this  Town. 
He  says  that  he  made  war  on  purpose  to  keep  his  Young 
people  from  falling  out  with  the  English  and  as  soon  as  his 
Nation  makes  peace  with  the  Chactaws  he  will  Spoil  it 
again  as  he  knows  they  must  be  at  war  with  some  body. 
In  this  Town  is  about  forty  five  Gun  men  and  two  Traders. 

Abicouchie  2pth  March  1772. 

I  went  this  Day  to  Tallassiehatchie  about  three  Miles 
west  North  west  from  this  and  on  the  South  side  of  Clana- 
humgey  Creek.  I  stayed  some  little  time  with  the  head 
men  viewing  the  Creek  and  village,  and  went  to  the  mouth 
of  Caimullga  Creek  where  it  joins  the  Coosa  River  about 
half  a  mile  above  the  Coosa  Old  Town  and  two  Miles  west 
North  west  from  Tallassiehatchie.  On  East  side  of  Coosa 
River  is  very  good  Level  Land  for  a  Considerable  distance 
up,  and  on  the  East  side  of  the  River,  between  Caimullga 
and  Clanahumgey,  is  a  fine  Tract  of  Land  where  the  Coosa 
Old  Town  formerly  Stood  but  now  mostly  grown  over  with 
small  Oaks.  Some  people  from  Tallassiehatchie  are  now 
building  house[s]  and  making  plantations  where  the  old 
Town  formerly  stood.  In  the  Evening  I  returned  to  this 
place  where  I  stayed  all  night. 

Wakokays  1  joth  March  1772. 

I  set  out  this  morning  from  Abicouchie  and  after  Crosing 
part  of  the  large  mountains  Arrived  at  this  village  which 
is  thirty  Miles  SSE  of  Abicouchie  and  Situated  on  a  branch 
of  hatchet  Creek,2  Surrounded  by  high  barren  hills  very 
Rockey.  There  is  plantations  Scattered  along  the  sides  of 
the  Creek  for  Eight  or  ten  Miles  down  towards  Puckantal- 
lahassie.3  This  Creek,  which  falls  into  the  Coosa  River 
about  1 8  miles  South  west  of  this,  is  about  60  feet  broad  in 

1  Wakokayi.  2  Ponchishatchee  or  Hatchet  Creek. 

3  Pakan-Tallahassee. 

534 


JOURNAL  OF  DAVID  TAITT 

most  places  but  not  navigable,  being  full  of  Rocks  and  Shoals. 
In  this  Town  etca.  is  about  one  hundred  Gun  men  and  two 
Traders,  who  Keep  four  Trading  house  in  the  Town  and 
plantations. 

Wakokays  $ist  March  1772. 

This  Morning  it  rained  very  hard  which  prevented  me 
from  going  to  Puckantallahassie,  the  people  belonging  to  this 
Town  are  mostly  gon  to  war  so  that  I  Could  not  see  any  of 
the  head  men. 

Weoka  ist  April  1772. 

I  set  out  this  Morning  from  Wakokays  having  one  Camp 
bell,  a  Trader  in  the  Puckantallahassie,  for  my  guide  to 
that  place,  which  is  about  fourteen  Miles  South  west  from 
the  former  and  on  the  west  side  of  hatchet  Creek.  The 
path  goes  mostly  along  side  of  the  Creek  and  Croses  it 
several  times  keeping  along  the  tops  of  very  Steep  hills. 
When  I  Arrived  at  puckantallahassie  I  was  met  at  the 
Traders  house  by  four  Old  men  being  all  that  were  in  the 
Town,  Devals  Landlord  and  the  rest  being  gon[e]  to  war. 
This  Town  is  within  four  miles  of  Coosa  River;  and  has 
twenty  Gun  men  and  two  Trading  houses  in  it.  From  thence 
I  set  out  for  Weoka,  a  small  village  Situated  on  a  Creek  of 
the  same  name  about  Twelve  Miles  South  East  be  East 
from  the  Puckantallahassie.  The  road  (Except  the  first 
four  miles  from  thence  being  very  hilly)  is  very  good  being 
mostly  thro  an  Open  pine  barren.  I  arrived  at  night  at  a 
house  belonging  to  Mr.  Greerson  where  I  stayed  all  this 
Night. 

Coosada  2d  April  1772. 

I  sett  out  this  morning  from  the  Weokas  which  is  a  small 
village  Surrounded  by  hills  having  very  little  low  land  for 
planting  Excepting  a  narrow  Stripe  along  the  sides  of  the 
Creek  where  it  is  Situate  upon.  I  took  the  Course  and  dis 
tance  of  the  path  to  the  little  Tallassies  which  is  about  13 
miles  South  be  East  from  the  former,  the  path  going  thro  a 

535 


TRAVELS  IN  THE  AMERICAN  COLONIES 

level  pine  barren.  From  the  Tallassies  I  went  to  the  Hickory 
ground  and  in  my  way  thither  met  with  a  young  Indian 
going  to  Tuckabatchie.  I  desired  him  to  send  the  Inter 
preter  to  meet  me  at  Coosada  to  morrow,  I  then  went  into 
the  Square  where  Emistisiguo  and  his  Warriours  who  had 
returned  last  night,  were  sitting.  As  I  had  no  Interpreter 
I  Could  not  have  any  Conversation  with  him.  I  however 
drank  some  black  drink  and  eat  some  bears  paws  etca.  and 
then  set  out  for  this  place  which  [is]  Situated  in  the  forks  of 
the  Coosa  and  Tallapuse  Rivers  about  a  Quarter  of  a  mile 
below  the  Old  French  fort.1  In  this  Town  is  forty  Ali- 
bamons  and  one  Trader. 

Coosada  $d  April  1772. 

I  sent  my  Servant  this  morning  to  the  white  ground,  a 
village  about  Eight  miles  up  the  Tallapuse  river,  to  Enquire 
if  McFall  had  returned  from  Pensacola,  my  servant  returned 
and  told  me  that  he  arrived  last  night  and  was  gon  this 
Morning  to  Tuckabatchie.  In  the  afternoon  I  went  with 
Mr.  Brown,  a  Trader  in  this  Town,  and  Surveyed  part  of 
the  Rivers  Coosa  and  Alibama  below  this  Town. 

Coosada  4th  April  1772. 

I  went  this  Morning  to  Wetunkey,  a  small  village  about 
one  mile  ESE  from  this,  up  the  Tallapuse  River,  where 
Emistisiguo  and  the  fighter,  viz,  Toopoya  and  Several  other 
headmen  were  present  at  the  building  of  a  new  hot  house. 
In  this  village  after  black  drink  I  went  to  a  Thomas  Mosleys, 
a  Trader  in  this  Town,  where  Emistisiguo  came  likewise.  I 
desired  a  Jacob  Monthack  to  Enquire  of  Emistisiguo  where 
he  and  his  people  had  been  and  what  he  had  done  since  he 
went  to  war,  he  said  that  he  was  amongst  the  settlements 
at  Tansa  and  at  Monsr  Badons  Opposite  Mobile  and  some 
of  his  people  had  been  there,  but  did  not  see  any  Enemy. 
He  said  that  the  Inhabitants  used  him  very  well  giving 
what  provisions  he  Stood  in  need  of,  but  after  he  left  the 

1  Fort  Toulouse,  or  Alabama  Fort,  erected  in  1714. 

536 


JOURNAL  OF  DAVID  TAITT 

settlements  some  of  his  people  were  in  want  and  had  Killed 
one  beeve,  and  he  sent  the  marks  of  it  to  Tansa  by  a  white 
man,  but  the  Coolamie  people  having  Seperated  from  him 
had  Killed  three  Cattle  and  Stole  three  horses,  which  he 
was  very  Sorry  for,  and  promised  to  get  the  horses  again 
and  Carry  them  down  to  their  owners.  In  the  Evening  I 
went  again  to  Wetunkey  Square  where  men  and  women  were 
all  danceing,  about  Nine  OClock  I  Received  the  Letters 
which  McFall  brought  from  Pensacola.  Emistisiguo  being 
gon[e]  I  desired  Toopoya  to  send  for  the  2d  man  to  Come  here 
on  the  morning  that  we  might  appoint  a  meeting  to  give 
Captn  Stuarts  Talks  to  them.  I  then  Returned  to  Coosada 
where  the  Interpreter  was  Arrived. 

Tuckabatchie  $th  April  1772. 

This  Morning  I  went  with  Mr.  Brown  and  the  Interpreter 
to  Wetunkey  where  Emistisiguo  desired  to  hear  the  Talks 
from  Pensacola,  saying  that  there  was  now  a  good  many 
head  men  present.  I  acquainted  him  that  the  Talks  were 
for  the  head  of  the  whole  Nation  and  that  I  Could  not  read 
them  to  a  part,  but  when  the  2d  man  came  they  might  ap 
point  a  Day  to  meet  at  the  Oak  Choys.  After  black  drink  I 
went  to  Coosada  where  I  stayed  about  two  hours  and  then 
returned  to  Wetunkey  where  the  2d  man  came.  We  then 
Appointed  a  meeting  to  be  at  OakChoys  in  Eleven  Days 
from  this.  Emistisiguo  made  Eleven  pieces  of  Cane  which 
I  sent  with  a  letter  to  the  gun  Merchant  desiring  him  to 
send  to  all  the  Towns  above  him.  About  two  OClock  I 
set  out  for  this  place  in  Company  with  Messrs.  Brown, 
Mosley  and  Cornal ;  at  the  white  ground  I  met  McFall  who 
says  that  about  one  hundred  miles  from  this  nation  he  was 
Robed  by  113  Chactaws,  some  of  them  held  him  fast  to  the 
ground  while  others  took  the  Cock  off  his  riffle  and  Sixteen 
Carrots  of  Tobacco  and  some  Sugar  etca.  but  did  not  take 
any  rum.  From  the  white  ground  I  went  to  the  fushatchies  1 
about  two  miles  further  up  the  river;  here  the  Indians  pre- 

1  Fusihatchi. 

537 


TRAVELS  IN  THE   AMERICAN   COLONIES 

pared  black  drink  and  desired  me  to  stay  and  drink  with  them. 
I  went  to  their  Square  where  they  hoisted  an  Old  ragged 
Jack  on  a  pole  telling  me  that  they  had  no  better  Collours 
to  adorn  their  Square  with.  After  drinking  with  them  I  set 
out  for  this  place  where  I  arrived  about  nine  at  night. 

Tuckabatchie  6th  April  1772. 

I  sent  a  letter  by  one  Perkens  to  Stephen  Forest  at  the 
Eutchies,  Ordering  him  to  Call  a  meeting  of  the  Lower 
Creeks  on  the  23d  Inst.  Mr.  Cornal  acquainted  me  with  the 
Answer  which  the  Lower  Creeks  sent  to  the  upper  in  regard 
of  Satisfaction  etca.  which  I  wrote  down.  The  Made  l  Dog 
of  this  Town  is  very  bussie  preparing  Physick  and  Causing 
the  people  to  dance  every  night  on  purpose  to  bring  back  to 
life  their  fire  Maker  who  was  killed  six  months  ago  by  the 
Chactaws  and  by  them  Skined,  but  his  wife  who  is  Sisster 
to  the  Mad  Dog  perswades  the  people  that  he  comes  to  her 
sometimes  in  the  night  and  that  he  keeps  about  the  Square 
and  hot  house  and  will  soon  make  his  Appearance  in  pub- 
lick  if  they  make  the  Physick  strong  Enough,  and  take 
proper  care.  To  Day  the  King  of  the  Town,  being  tired 
with  fasting,  eat  some  victuals,  which  spoild  the  Physick,  and 
prevented  the  fire  maker  coming  this  night  but  the  Mad 
Dog  desired  that  the  people  might  attend  every  night  in 
the  Square,  untill  the  fire  maker  did  come  which  he  assured 
them  would  be  soon. 

Tuckabatchie  7th  April  1772. 

It  rained  very  hard  all  day  which  prevented  me  from 
going  to  make  any  Observations. 

Tuckabatchie  8th  April  1772. 

This  Morning  Messrs.  Brown  and  Mosley  went  to  the 
Coosadas,  the  former  having  agreed  to  send  me  a  man  for  a 
guide  to  go  along  the  river  side  from  this  place  to  Wetunkey. 

1Mad. 

538 


JOURNAL  OF  DAVID  TAITT 

Tuckabatchie  pth  April  1772, 

„  This  Day  the  beaver  Tooth  King  and  Mad  Dog  of  this 
Town  came  and  Smoked,  and  Talked  with  me  Concerning 
the  Traders  having  Cattle  amongst  them.  The  mad  Dog 
is  very  much  against  it,  and  says  they  were  poor  before  the 
white  people  came  amongst  them,  and  they  will  remain 
poor,  and  if  the  Traders  were  not  poor  they  would  not 
come  amongst  them,  therefore  if  they  do  like  not  their 
method  of  living  they  may  return  to  their  own  Country 
again.  I  desired  the  Mad  Dog  to  go  to  the  meeting  and 
there  speak  any  thing  which  he  had  to  say  before  his  own 
people  which  he  promised  to  do. 

Tuckabatchie  loth  April  1772. 

This  Day  McFall  brought  me  some  thing  which  he  had 
left  in  the  woods  after  being  Robed.  In  the  Evening  I 
went  to  the  Square  where  both  Sexes  were  dancing  round  a 
fire,  the  Mad  Dog  stood  up  and  said  that  he  was  uncertain 
as  to  the  time  when  the  fire  Maker  would  come,  but  said 
that  it  might  be  three  or  four  nights,  and  Ordered  them  all 
to  attend  untill  he  came.  The  mad  Dog  is  a  very  Artfull 
fellow  and  is  trying  to  impose  on  the  Credulity  of  his  people 
on  purpose  to  free  his  Sisster  from  her  widow  hood,  who  by 
their  Laws  must  remain  a  widow  four  years. 

Tuckabatchie  nth  April  1772. 

This  Morning  one  Howard,  a  half  breed,  came  from  the 
Geehaws  and  Complained  against  one  Hugh  Simpson,  a 
Trader  in  the  Tallassies,  for  Stealing  a  horse  from  him  some 
Days  ago.  This  Howard  is  the  person  that  held  the  Mur 
derer  untill  two  others  Stabed  him  with  their  knives  in  the 
sides.  I  went  this  forenoon  to  the  Great  Tallassies  to  make 
some  Observations  on  the  Town  and  Creeks  etca.  In  the 
Evening  Lave,  a  hireling  of  Mr.  Browns  at  Coosada,  came 
to  be  my  guide  by  the  river  side  to  Wetunkey. 

2M  539 


TRAVELS  IN  THE  AMERICAN  COLONIES 

Tuckabatchie  I2th  April  1772. 

This  Morning  I  went  down  the  south  side  of  the  Talla- 
puse  River,  and  Surveyed  as  far  as  the  Otteseys,  about  five 
miles  SSW  from  this  and  on  the  South  side  of  the  River. 
The  Town  stands  on  a  fine  plain  Close  by  the  bank  of  the 
River ;  there  is  about  Sixty  gun  men  and  two  Traders  in  it 
at  present.  I  Crossed  the  River  a  little  above  the  Town, 
and  went  up  the  North  side  of  it  to  this  place  having  my 
Servant  who  is  a  Spaniard  for  my  guide.  This  Day  a  Thos 
Jones  came  here  from  Pensacola,  and  says  that  he  had  letters 
from  Mr.  Charles  Stuart  *  for  me,  but  was  met  about  fifty 
Miles  from  the  Nation  by  Nine  Chactaws  who  Robed  him 
of  his  horse,  gun,  Cloaths,  provision  and  Money,  and  tore 
the  Letters  in  pieces.  Their  leader  had  a  small  Medal  and 
spoke  a  little  English ;  he  took  Jones  Blanket  and  hat  from 
him  and  throwed  him  down  an  Old  Soldiers  blanket  and  hat. 

Coolamies  ijth  April  1772. 

I  set  out  this  Morning  with  Lave  for  my  guide  and  took 
the  bearings  and  distance  of  the  path  and  river  as  far  as  the 
Hochlawella,  and  from  thence  to  this  place,  where  I  stayed 
at  Mr.  Germaneys  all  night. 

Coosadas  iflh  April  1772. 

I  went  this  Morning  to  the  Coolamie  Square  to  black 
Drink  where  John  Pigg  came,  and  informed  me  of  three 
Negro  men,  which  were  brought  into  this  nation  about  three 
years  ago  by  some  men  from  Mississippi,  and  [that]  there 
was  a  Mr.  Weldren  who  had  been  formerly  in  the  Chactaw 
nation  but  then  resided  at  Wetunkey  who  wrote  a  letter  in 
the  name  of  Lieut.  Govr.  Durnford 2  Offering  a  reward  for 
apprehending  the  men  and  Negroes  on  which  the  men  run 
off  and  the  Negroes  were  taken  by  Mr.  Richard  Brown  and 

1  Charles  Stuart  was  a  Deputy  Superintendent  of  Indian  Affairs 
for  the  Southern  District. 

2  Elias  Durnford,  governor  of  West  Florida  1769-1770. 

540 


JOURNAL  OF  DAVID   TAITT 

Thos.  Mosley  and  by  them  Carryed  down  to  Silver  bluff 
and  Sold  to  Mr.  George  Galphin  as  their  Own  property  for 
six  hundred  pounds  South  Carolina  Currency  and  Eight 
horses ;  this  James  Germaney  Likewise  declared  to  be  true. 
The  head  men  of  this  Town  were  so  much  ashamed  of  the 
behavour  of  their  people  in  Stealings  horses  etca.  from  the 
Settlements  that  they  went  out  of  the  Square  without  speak 
ing  to  me.  I  went  to  Mr.  Germaneys  to  Breakfast  and  then 
set  out  with  him  to  the  Mucklasses,  a  small  village  three 
miles  farther  down  the  River,  where  the  wolf  King  lives, 
to  whoes  house  I  went  and  after  Smoking  with  him,  he  said 
that  he  wanted  to  send  to  Pensacola  for  a  little  Rum  and 
some  other  little  things  from  the  Governor  and  beged  that  I 
wou'd  write  a  letter  for  him,  which  I  promised  to  do  pro 
vided  that  he  would  go  with  me  to  the  Meeting  at  OakChoy 
and  get  the  Land  granted  which  Captn  Stuart  and  the  Govr. 
of  Pensacola  had  asked  from  them.  He  said  that  for  his 
part  he  would  give  his  Consent  and  was  sure  all  the  Talla- 
puses  would  do  the  same,  but  he  was  not  able  to  Ride  so 
far  as  the  OakChoys  but  would  send  his  Nephew.  He  then 
beged  that  John  Pigg  might  not  be  allowed  to  remain  in 
the  Nation  as  he  had  no  goods  and  was  a  very  great  horse 
thief,  having  already  stole  one  from  him  and  was  affraid 
that  he  would  Steal  every  one  that  he  had ;  he  likewise  had 
told  the  Indians  that  I  was  come  to  Spy  their  land  before 
the  white  people  made  war  with  them.  I  desired  Mr.  Ger 
maney  to  send  Pigg  to  me  in  the  Morning,  and  then  set  out 
for  this  place  taking  the  Course  and  distance  etca. 

Coosada  i$th  April  1772. 

I  went  this  morning  to  the  Tuskigie  1  Square  to  black 
drink.  The  Square  is  about  a  Quarter  of  a  mile  above  this 
Town  on  the  south  side  of  Coosa  River,  and  near  the  Old 
French  fort.  The  Inhabitants  of  the  Tuskigees  are  a  rem 
nant  of  Northen  Indians  and  speak  a  different  Language  from 
the  Creeks  ;  there  is  but  twenty  five  gun  men  and  one  In- 

1  Tuskegee. 


TRAVELS  IN  THE  AMERICAN   COLONIES 

dian  factor  in  the  Town.  After  black  drink  Emistisiguo 
and  Toopoya  came  to  me  at  this  place  and  likewise  John 
Pigg  from  the  Coolamies.  I  then  asked  Emistisiguo  and 
Toopoya,  (having  Jacob  Moniack  for  Interpreter,)  if  they 
would  Suffer  Pigg  to  be  taken  and  sent  to  Pensacola  as  they 
knew  what  Complaints  had  been  made  against  him  both  by 
their  own  people  and  the  Traders.  Emistisiguo  said  that 
he  looked  upon  me  as  having  the  same  power  as  if  Captain 
Stuart  was  present,  and  that  I  might  do  what  I  thought 
proper  for  they  knew  Pigg  to  be  a  bad  man.  I  then  sent 
for  Pigg  and  Told  him  what  was  alledged  against  him  and 
then  took  him  prisoner,  [at  the]  same  time  Offering  him  his 
Liberty  to  go  to  Silver  bluff  upon  his  finding  Security  for  his 
appearance  at  Augusta  to  Answer  to  what  he  was  accused  of ; 
after  some  time  Messrs.  Brown  and  Mosley  were  Security 
and  gave  their  Obligation  for  his  appearance. 

OakChoys  i6th  April  1772. 

I  set  out  from  Coosadas  about  one  oClock,  with  Toopoya 
and  a  white  man  for  a  guide  and  arrived  here  in  the  Evening. 

OakChoys  i?th  April  1772. 

This  Morning  I  sent  to  the  little  OakChoys  for  the  Mor- 
ter  and  in  the  Evening  the  Messenger  returned  and  told  me 
that  the  Morter  would  be  here  to  morrow  morning.  This 
afternoon  the  Interpreter  and  the  beaver  Tooth  King  came 
from  Tuckabatchie  but  did  not  bring  the  Mad  Dog  with 
them,  he  being  affraid  to  leave  his  women  after  the  Tricks 
he  and  them  has  been  playing. 

OakChoys  i8th  April  1772. 

This  morning  the  Morter  came  and  after  black  drink  I 
delivered  Captain  Stuarts  Letters  to  the  Chiefs  who  as 
sembled  at  the  Gun  Merchants  house  for  that  purpose. 
They  promised  to  give  me  an  Answer  next  Day  about  the 
Land  but  Could  say  nothing  about  the  Slave  as  it  was  the 
Lower  Euffalla  people  who  Murdered  him.  I  Ordered  Mr. 

542 


JOURNAL  OF  DAVID  TAITT 

Cornall  to  go  with  me  in  the  Evening  to  the  fish  pond  about 
seven  miles  off,  this  he  refused  thinking  it  no  part  of  his 
duty  as  Interpreter.  After  I  had  delivered  the  Letters 
which  I  had  for  the  Indians,  Mr.  Thomas  Graham,  one  of 
the  traders,  desired  leave  for  the  Interpreter  to  deliver  a 
Letter  from  the  Merchts  at  Augusta  to  the  Upper  Creek 
Indians.  This  I  told  Mr.  Graham  was  Contrary  to  any 
regulations  made  by  the  Government,  who  did  not  allow 
any  person,  or  body  of  them,  to  treat  with  Indians  about 
Lands,  Excepting  the  Superintendants  appointed  for  that 
purpose ;  but  if  there  was  nothing  in  the  Letter  that  inter 
fered  with  the  duty  of  the  Superintendant  or  the  Governors, 
I  should  have  no  Objection  to  let  it  be  read,  otherwise  I 
would  not  allow  it.  He  assured  me  that  it  was  only  to 
desire  payment  of  their  Debts.  I  then  allowed  Mr.  Cornal 
to  deliver  it.  The  first  part  was  telling  the  Indians  that 
they  had  received  a  letter  from  them  demanding  Satisfac 
tion  for  some  of  their  people  who  had  been  Killed  by  some 
persons  in  Georgia.  This  they  said  was  in  the  Governors 
power  and  not  theirs  to  do.  They  then  ask[ed]  for  the  Lands 
above  little  River  which  the  Cherokees  gave  to  their  Traders 
and  likewise  for  the  Lands  on  the  East  side  of  Okono  * 
River,  as  far  as  the  Lower  Trading  path,  as  a  payment  for 
the  Debts  which  they  owed  their  Traders,  saying  that  it 
was  not  the  Superintendant  nor  Governors  that  Supplyed 
them  with  goods  and  unless  they  gave  them  the  Land  they 
would  not  be  able  to  Supply  them,  at  same  time  asking  [for]: 
the  Land  in  their  own  Names ;  which  was  read  to  the 
Indians. 

Tuckabatchie  igth  April  1772. 

This  Morning  the  Morter  came  to  me  at  Nicolas  Blacks 
house  in  the  OakChoys ;  soon  after  the  gun  Merchant  came 
and  desired  the  Morter  to  go  and  Consult  with  them  about 
the  Answer  which  they  were  to  give  to  day,  but  the  Traders 
having  given  him  three  or  four  drams  of  rum,  he  refused  to 
go.  I  then  went  into  the  Traders  Store  with  the  Morter 

1  Oconee. 
543 


TRAVELS  IN  THE   AMERICAN   COLONIES 

and  Gun  Merchant,  and  made  the  Interpreter  ask  the  first 
his  reason  for  giving  his  Medal  and  Commission  to  the 
Trader  in  the  Socuspoga.  While  the  Morter  was  telling  his 
reasons  one  Hugh  Simpson  (who  Trades  in  the  Great  Tal- 
lassies  as  a  hireling  to  Messrs.  Campble  and  son  in  Charles- 
town)  came  into  the  Store  and  carryed  out  a  Kegg  of  Rum. 
He  then  returned  into  the  Store  and  after  Staying  some 
time  said  that  he  was  going  to  Carry  the  Rum  into  the 
Square  to  the  Indians.  I  Ordered  [him]  at  his  peril  not  to  do 
it  untill  I  had  done  with  them.  He  returned  again  to  the 
house  and  told  me  that  I  had  no  Right  to  speak  to  any 
Indians  in  private  that  the  Rum  was  his  and  he  would  do 
as  he  pleased  in  this  Country ;  he  would  not  Obey  any 
Governor  Nor  Superintendant  nor  any  person  but  his  em 
ployer,  useing  a  great  deal  of  very  Abussive  Language. 
Upon  which  I  desired  the  Traders  present  to  give  me  assist 
ance  to  Secure  Simpson.  This  they  all  refused ;  at  same 
time  Simpson  said  to  Messrs.  Graham  and  Greerson  and 
several  others,  that  they  had  set  him  on  to  Abuse  me,  and 
now  they  were  affraid  to  speak  themselves.  The  Gun  Mer 
chant  said  that  I  now  saw  the  behavour  of  their  Traders, 
which  was  as  bad  as  any  of  their  Young  Men,  and  he  won 
dered  how  they  agreed  so  well  together.  I  gave  the  Morter 
his  Commission  and  Medal  which  he  accepted  off  on  Con 
dition  of  geting  a  riffle  and  some  Shells  which  he  alledged 
had  been  Long  promised  him.  I  then  went  to  the  hot 
house  where  I  Received  an  Answer  to  Captain  Stuartfs]  letter, 
and  in  the  Evening  I  came  to  this  place. 

Tuckabatchie  2Oth  April  1772. 

This  Morning  I  wrote  a  letter  to  Mr.  Charles  Stuart  at 
Mobile  acquainting  him  with  the  Indians  Answer  About  the 
Scambia  Lands,  and  sent  it  by  Jacob  Moniack  who  goes  in 
ten  Days  for  Mobile. 

The  Morter  came  to  me  this  morning  and  made  a  Com 
plaint  against  one  Pretor,  a  hireling  of  Mr.  Galphins,  who 
had  stole  some  horses  from  him,  and  likewise  to  get  his 

544 


JOURNAL  OF  DAVID  TAITT 

riffle  from  Cornal  which  had  been  sent  by  him  six  months 
ago  but  had  been  broke  in  Carrying.  The  Morter  received 
it  from  Cornal  but  desired  that  Captain  Stuart  might  send 
him  another,  and  Likewise  the  Shells  which  had  been  Long 
promised  him. 

LOWER  CREEKS. 

Chavac  ley  hate  hie,  or  Half  wayhouse  2ist  April  1772. 

This  Morning  I  set  out  from  Tuckabatchie  Leaving  the 
Morter  at  the  Interpreters  waiting  for  the  Return  of  Pretor, 
from  Silver  bluff,  that  he  may  get  paid  for  the  horses  which 
Pretor  Stole  from  him.  I  took  the  bearings  and  distance 
of  the  path  to  this  place  which  is  twenty  five  Miles  ENE 
from  the  Tuckabatchie,  situated  on  a  Creek  Called  Chavu- 
cleyhatchie  being  the  North  branch  of  Nufabee  Creek, 
which  emptys  itself  into  the  Tallapuse  River  at  the  great 
Tallassies.  In  this  village  which  belongs  to  the  Tallassies 
are  about  20  Gun  Men  and  one  Trader. 

Geehaws  1  22d  April  1772. 

I  set  out  this  morning  from  Chavucleyhatchie  taking  the 
Course  and  disstance  of  the  path  etca.  to  this  place,  which 
is  nearley  East  about  forty  five  Miles,  about  nine  OClock 
I  arrived  at  Mr.  Raes  Store  where  I  Stayed  all  this  Night. 


Geehaws  2^d  April  1772. 

This  Morning  Mr.  Rae  sent  to  the  Eutchie  Town  (about 
three  miles  up  the  Chatahutchie  river)  for  Stephen  Forest, 
the  Interpreter,  who  came  to  me  about  Eight  OClock,  when 
we  went  to  the  Square  and  Appointed  a  meeting  to  be  at 
this  place  on  the  26th  Inst.  Mr.  Forest  acquainted  me 
that  he  had  already  given  the  Merchants  Letter  to  the  In- 

1  Geehaws,  or  rather  Chehaw  or  Chiaha,  was  on  the  Chatta- 
hoochee  River  near  the  site  of  the  present  Columbus,  Ga.,  and  the 
crossing  of  the  Lower  Creek  trail  which  traversed  Georgia  in  a 
course  W.S.W.  from  Augusta. 

545 


TRAVELS  IN  THE  AMERICAN  COLONIES 

dians  who  had  assembled  together  and  insisted  on  hearing 
it ;  but  that  he  had  asked  the  Land  in  his  Majesty's  name 
and  not  for  the  Merchants. 

Gee  haws  24th  April  1772. 

This  Morning  I  went  to  the  Eutchies  in  Company  with 
Messrs.  Robert  and  James  Rae  and  stayed  about  two  hours 
at  the  Traders  house,  and  then  went  to  a  Ball  ground  at  the 
upper  End  of  the  worsitas  where  the  Eutchie  and  Geehaw 
people  were  playing  Ball.  After  Ball  play,  Tubahathee  or 
white  Cabin,  invited  me  to  his  house  to  eat  and  in  our  way 
thither  Shewed  me  the  place  where  the  Indian  was  Killed 
who  had  Murdered  the  white  Man  at  Ogechee,  there  was  a 
little  piece  of  ground  hoed  over  to  Cover  the  blood. 

Geehaw >s  2jth  April  1772. 

I  went  this  morning  in  Company  with  Mr.  Robert  Rae 
and  Survey'd  the  point  where  this  village  Stands,  which  is 
a  very  fine  level  piece  of  ground  from  30  to  60  feet  above 
the  common  Surface  of  the  River ;  but  about  two  years  ago 
was  all  overflowed  by  the  rising  of  the  River  which  did  Con 
siderable  damage  to  the  houses  etca. 

Geehaw s  26th  April  1772. 

This  forenoon  I  delivered  Captain  Stuarts  letters  1  to  the 
Indians  that  were  met  in  this  Square  but  neither  the 

1  Taitt  received  from  Stuart  the  following  letter  along  with  his 
instructions. 

To  the  Great  Chiefs  and  Leaders  of  the  Lower  Creek  Nation. 

MOBILE,  2Oth  January  1772. 
FRIENDS  AND  BROTHERS  : 

I  send  you  this  Talk  by  a  Beloved  man  who  I  have  desired  to 
Smoke  and  Talk  with  you.  I  hope  you  will  take  him  by  the 
hand  and  Listen  to  him  with  Attention. 

In  the  month  of  September  last  the  white  King  of  the  Euphalies 
was  at  Pensacola,  he  and  I  talked  together  for  I  took  him  to  be  a 
man  of  Sense.  I  then  sent  you  a  Talk  by  him  informing  you  of 

546 


JOURNAL  OF  DAVID  TAITT 

Euffalla  nor  Tamatly  people,  who  had  done  the  Murders 
and  Robed  the  plantations  did  appear,  so  that  I  Could  not 
Receive  any  Satisfactory  Answer  from  these  that  were  present. 

the  Robberies  of  some  of  your  People,  who  under  pretence  of 
going  to  war  have  for  some  time  past  made  it  a  practice  to  plunder 
our  plantations  and  settlements  to  the  Westward  of  Mobile  Bay. 
I  now  again  send  the  Bearer  to  speak  with  you  upon  the  same 
Subject,  hoping  that  you  who  are  Governors  of  your  nation  will 
put  a  Stop  to  such  Violent  proceedings,  which  are  inconsistent 
with  Friendship.  I  hope  you  have  not  forgot  the  Treaty  of 
Augusta  entirely ;  you  are  the  Chiefs  who  signed  the  Treaty.  I 
therefore  expect  that  you  will  stop  such  proceedings. 
MY  FRIENDS  : 

A  Party  of  the  Tomautley  People  some  time  ago  carried  away 
a  Family  of  Indians  Slaves,  who  belong  to  a  Planter  on  Pasca- 
gaula  River,  the  Man  they  Killed  or  Burnt,  the  Woman  is  still 
among  them  you  can  have  no  right  to  keep  this  Woman  and 
Children.  They  were  poor  defenceless  Slaves,  could  not  be 
your  Enemies  being  brought  from  a  Country  far  to  the  West 
ward  of  the  Mississippi  where  you  never  go  to  War.  I  wish  to 
Know  if  you  the  Chiefs  of  the  Nation  suffer  such  proceedings. 
There  is  no  honor  in  taking  and  Killing  a  poor  Slave  the  property 
of  your  Friends.  I  hope  you  will  send  your  Talk  that  the  Woman 
and  Children  may  be  restored  to  their  Master. 
FRIEND  AND  BROTHER  TALLEACHIE  : 

It  is  long  since  you  and  I  talked  together  but  one  Day  or  other 
we  shall  possibly  meet  and  renew  old  Talks.  You  know  it  was 
agreed  upon  that  we  should  not  Keep  any  thing  a  Secret  from 
each  other.  I  hear  that  there  are  many  Talks  between  your 
Nation  and  the  Spaniards,  I  hope  you  will  communicate  all  you 
Know  to  the  Beloved  messenger  who  carries  this.  I  likewise 
desire  to  Know  the  Messages  sent  in  by  the  Shawnese  and  West 
ern  Indians,  for  I  hear  that  you  lately  received  Talks  from  them. 
BROTHERS : 

I  have  not  forgot  the  old  Talks  at  Augusta  and  I  hope  you  re 
member  them  also,  we  then  agreed  to  keep  the  path  Clear  and 
free  from  thorns  and  bad  weeds,  and  that  you  and  I  should  Join 
in  Endeavours  to  keep  it  Straight  and  white.  I  hope  you  are  of 
the  same  mind  still,  and  that  you  will  send  me  a  good  Talk  by 
the  Bearer  which  I  will  accept  of  and  hold  Fast  for  the  Good  of 
the  Red  as  well  as  of  the  white  People. 

I  am 

Your  Friend  and  Brother 

Signed  J  :  S  : 
547 


TRAVELS  IN  THE  AMERICAN  COLONIES 

Geehaws  27th  April  1772. 

This  Day  I  went  in  Company  with  Messrs.  Robert  and 
James  Rae  to  the  Hitchitas,  a  village  about  three  miles  SSW 
from  this,  and  on  the  East  side  of  Chatahutchie  River. 
The  village  is  situated  on  the  bank  of  the  River  and  Sur 
rounded  by  hills  on  the  East;  at  the  distance  of  half  a 
mile  there  is  about  Ninety  Gun  men,  and  two  white  Traders 
and  three  Indian  factors  in  the  village. 

Cowetas  28th  April  1772. 

I  set  out  this  morning  and  took  the  Course  and  distance 
from  the  Geehaws  to  the  Eutchies  1  where  I  met  the  Inter 
preter,  and  then  went  with  him  to  ClayCatskee,  a  village 
about  six  miles  further  up,  on  the  west  side  of  the  River. 
Here  I  met  with  Scutchabe,  the  Young  Lieut,  of  the  Cowetas, 
to  whoes  house  I  went,  and  after  Smoking  etca.  he  informed 
me  that  his  son  with  some  others  had  been  Over  at  Havannah 
about  a  Year  ago,  where  they  were  very  kindly  received  and 
Intertained,  but  he  did  not  think  that  the  Spanish  Governor 
had  taken  so  much  Notice  of  his  son,  as  of  the  others, 
although  he  had  sent  his  Commission  with  him.  He  says 
that  his  son  brought  over  two  Keggs  of  Rum,  one  Kegg  of 
wine,  Some  Snuff,  and  some  other  little  triffles,  and  the 
Governor  desired  he,  viz,  the  Lieut,  might  go  to  Havannah 
as  he  wanted  much  to  see  him  there.  He  says  that  he  had 
held  the  french,  English  and  Spaniards  by  the  hand  at  the 
same  time,  and  when  the  latter  was  at  St.  Augustine  and 
St.  Marks,  he  Received  presents  from  them,  which  he  says 
were  of  little  value,  and  not  equal  to  what  he  receives  from 
the  English  ;  but  as  the  Spanish  Govr.  had  such  a  desire  to 
see  him  he  intended  going  to  Havannah  this  Summer, 
Although  he  had  been  informed  that  the  sea  is  very  Moun- 
tanious  making  the  boat  go  from  the  Top  of  a  high  hill  into 
a  very  Deep  valley  with  great  Swiftnes ;  but  as  some  of 
their  Women  had  gon[e]  aCross  these  waters,  he  being  a  man 

1  See  p.  527  n.  above. 
548 


JOURNAL  OF  DAVID  TAITT 

was  not  affraid  ;  besides  he  was  now  Old  and  in  case  he 
should  be  drowned  all  his  Troubles  would  then  be  over. 
He  therefore  determined  to  go  and  if  he  returns  alive  will 
let  Captain  Stuart  know  every  thing  that  passes  between 
him  and  the  Governor,  and  will  hide  nothing  from  his 
Father.  He  says  that  there  is  always  vessels  fishing  and 
Cutting  Lumber  amongst  the  Keys  about  Cape  Florida  where 
he  will  go  and  meet  with  one  to  Carry  him  over. 

From  ClayCatskee  I  went  to  the  Little  Cowetas  and  in 
the  Evening  came  to  this  place  after  taking  the  Course  and 
distance  of  the  path  and  Creeks  etca.  In  ClayCatskee  are 
Sixty  Gun  Men  and  three  Indian  factors ;  in  the  Cowetas, 
Little  Cowetas,  and  Bigskin  Creek,  are  two  Hundred  and 
twenty  Gun  men,  two  Traders  and  two  Indian  factors. 

Geehaws  2Qth  April  1772. 

This  Morning  I  went  to  the  Coweta  Square 1  where  Scut- 
chabee,  Sempoyeffa,  and  some  other  head  men  were  present. 
After  drinking  black  drink  with  them  I  went  with  Scutcha- 
bee  and  SempoyefFa  to  a  half  breed,  named  Abraham,  at 
whose  house  we  breakfasted  on  Coffee,  Tea  and  fowles  etca. 
After  breakfast  the  Young  Lieut.  Ordered  two  young  men  to 
go  to  the  Cherokees  and  bring  two  of  their  head  men  to  the 
Cowetas  about  the  Time  of  their  busk  or  Green  Corn  dance 
(which  will  be  about  the  begining  of  August)  that  they 
might  Enquire  of  them  whether  they  had  given  the  Land 
above  little  River  to  the  white  people  or  not.  Sempoyeffa 
said  that  if  his  sons  had  not  been  gon[e]  to  war  he  would  have 
accompanyed  me  in  the  Canoe  to  Tamatley,  but  as  he  Ex 
pected  them  in  soon,  he  Could  not  be  absent.  About  twelve 
OClock  we  set  out  for  the  Cussitas,  a  village  about  five 
miles  down  the  River  from  the  Coweta  and  one  the  East 
side.2  As  soon  as  I  had  Crosed  the  River  and  Entering  into 
the  Cussita  Kings  yard,  he  Caused  a  Cow  horn  to  be  fired, 

1  Or   Kawita,  a    town    a    little  below  the   falls  of  the  Chatta- 
hoochee. 

2  In  present  Chattahoochee  County,  Georgia. 

549 


TRAVELS   IN  THE  AMERICAN  COLONIES 

and  one  when  I  went  into  his  house  where  I  Smoked  and  eat 
with  him,  and  then  went  to  his  Square  where  his  beloved 
men  and  Warriours  were  present.  After  Smoking  with 
them  I  went  with  the  head  warriour  to  his  house  on  the 
Top  of  a  high  hill  and  from  thence  viewed  the  Town  which 
Stands  on  a  fine  plain  Extending  along  the  side  of  the  River 
and  about  half  a  mile  back,  is  bounded  by  high  hills.  The 
flood  two  years  ago  overflowed  all  this  Town,  but  at  present 
the  banks  are  fifty  feet  above  the  Surface  of  the  water.  In 
the  Cussita  is  one  Hundred  gun  Men  and  two  Traders. 

Geehaws  joilfiApril  1772. 

I  went  this  Morning  to  the  Worsita  Square  (adjoining  this 
Town)  in  Company  with  a  Mr.  Scot  from  the  Hillabies.1 
After  Staying  a  little  in  the  Square,  Salegee  with  the  Inter 
preter  and  a  John  Miller,  a  Trader  from  the  Eutchies, 
came  into  the  Square.  Miller  read  a  Letter  from  Mr. 
Galphin  being  an  Answer  to  one  which  the  Indians  had  sent 
him  after  Killing  the  Murderer  at  this  Town.  Mr.  Galphin 
tells  them  that  they  did  very  Right  in  giving  Satisfaction 
and  that  he  had  sent  their  Letter  to  the  Governor  of  Sa 
vannah  ;  he  likewise  Says  that  he  had  turned  some  of  his 
Cattle  over  Ogeechee  on  the  Indian  Land,  but  was  now 
hunting  them  up  to  put  on  his  own  again,  the  Grass  being 
now  grown  up  after  being  burnt  at  the  time  of  puting  his 
Cattle  over  Ogeechee.  Mr.  Galphin  had  desired  Stephen 
Forest  to  ask  for  a  piece  of  Land  on  the  west  side  of  Ogechee 
for  his  Chilldren  and  their  Mother  to  live  upon,  this  the 
Indians  with  some  dificulty  granted  upon  Condition  that 
only  one  white  man  should  remain  on  the  plantation  to  take 
care  of  the  Negroes.  This  Afternoon  the  Interpreter  went 
to  the  Oakmulgeys  to  purchase  a  Canoe  for  me  to  go  to 
Tamatley  and  in  the  Evening  he  returned  and  acquainted 
me  that  he  had  purchased  a  new  one. 

1  Near  present  Ashland,  in  Clay  County,  Alabama. 


JOURNAL  OF  DAVID  TAITT 

Geehaws  ist  May  1772. 

I  went  this  Morning  to  the  Eutchies  Square  and  after 
some  Conversation  with  the  headmen  I  found  that  they 
were  not  guilty  of  Robing  the  plantations  along  shore  as 
mentioned  in  Captain  Stuarts  letter  to  them,  as  they  Never 
go  that  way  but  they  blamed  the  EufTalla  and  Okonay  people 
for  it.  After  I  left  the  Square  I  went  to  a  Mr.  Millers 
where  I  met  with  some  Geehaw  people  who  desired  me  not 
to  go  down  the  River  in  a  Canoe  as  they  alledged  there  was 
some  dangerous  Whirlpools  in  the  river  which  they  said 
would  sink  the  Canoe ;  in  the  afternoon  I  returned  to  the 
Geehaws. 

Geehaws  May  2d  1772. 

Earley  this  Morning  Taleachey  came  to  me  and  told  me 
of  the  danger  of  the  River  and  seemed  very  Much  against 
my  going  to  Tamatley.1  I  went  with  him  to  the  Square 
and  after  he  had  Smoked  with  me  he  went  to  the  head  war 
Cabin  where  he  Called  two  warriours  to  him  and  talked 
very  much  against  my  going  to  Tamatley  by  water.  When 
the  Interpreter  came  into  the  Square  they  acquainted  me 
that  the  Land  where  the  Euffalla  people  had  Killed  the 
Slave  and  burned  the  House  was  theirs,  and  not  belonging 
to  the  English,  being  on  the  south  side  of  yellow  water  bay, 
and  not  where  the  Yamasee  Indians  formerly  lived ;  they 
also  denyed  knowing  any  thing  of  the  grant  given  to  Stephen 
Forest  of  two  miles  Square  on  the  bay  of  St.  Rosa.  In 
the  afternoon  Taleachey  and  Salegee  came  to  me  and  pro 
posed  to  send  two  head  men  to  Tamatley  for  the  slaves,  and 
insisted  on  my  not  going,  alledging  the  danger  of  the  River 
and  badnes  of  the  people  there.  In  the  Evening  Mr. 
Richard  Brown  came  here  with  John  Pigg  in  his  way  to 
Augusta. 

Geehaws  $d  May  1772. 

This  Morning  I  went  to  the  Worsita  Square  where  I 
agreed  with  Taleachey  and  Salegee  to  send  two  head  men 

1  In  Russell  County,  Alabama. 


TRAVELS  IN  THE  AMERICAN  COLONIES 

to  Tamatley  for  the  Slaves.  They  wanted  me  to  send  for 
Emistisiguo  and  another  head  Man  from  the  Upper  Creeks 
to  know  of  them  what  Lands  were  given  on  the  south  side 
of  Pensacola  bay  in  1765  ;  this  I  did  not  agree  to,  as  I  was 
Certain  that  Emistisiguo  would  not  come.  In  the  after 
noon  I  went  to  the  Eutchies  to  see  a  ball  play  which  Ended 
in  favour  of  the  Geehaw  people  who  played  against  the 
Eutchies. 

Geehaws  May  ^.th  1772. 

I  went  this  Morning  with  the  Interpreter  to  the  Square 
but  the  Head  men  who  were  appointed  to  go  to  Tamatley 
did  not  come ;  they  afterward  came  to  me  at  Mr.  Raes 
where  I  agreed  with  them  about  going  and  gave  them  a  letter 
to  one  Burges,  a  Trader  there,  desiring  him  to  assist  them 
in  geting  the  Slaves  and  likewise  a  White  woman,  who 
Causes  great  disturbance  amongst  the  Indians  and  Traders, 
by  telling  the  first  that  the  goods  are  sent  amongst  them 
by  the  King,  and  the  Traders  deceive  them  by  Selling  the 
goods  whereas  they  are  intended  to  be  given  to  them. 

Topahatkee,  one  of  the  men  Appointed  to  go  Tamatley, 
acquainted  the  other  head  men  present  that  he  was  at  the 
Congress  at  Pensacola  in  1765  and  remembered  the  bound 
ary  that  was  then  Settled,  and  declared  that  the  plantation 
where  the  EufTalla  people  had  Killed  the  boy  was  within 
the  line  granted  to  the  white  people.1 

1  On  this  day  Taitt  wrote  Stuart : 

SIR: 

I  received  your  letter  and  Talk  of  the  25  March  which  I  de 
livered  on  the  1 6th  April  at  the  Oak  Choys  to  the  Upper  Creeks 
Emistisiguo  and  the  fighter  were  present  but  I  received  much  the 
[same]  answer  as  before  only  they  agreed  to  give  leave  to  people 
at  Pensacola  to  plant  on  the  lands  as  far  as  the  Spanish  Cowpen 
as  Land  lent,  and  the  Islands  in  the  Coosa  River  if  the  Governour 
would  accept  of  them ;  Emistisiguo  was  as  much  against  giving 
any  Lands  as  any  man  present,  but  said  that  he  would  go  and 
run  the  line  when  the  Mulberries  were  red,  they  have  agreed  to 
let  what  Cattle  the  Traders  have  in  this  nation  Remain  alive,  but 
no  more  to  be  brought  amongst  them  and  no  plantations  to  be 
made  by  the  Traders,  they  would  give  me  no  answer  about  the 

552 


JOURNAL  OF  DAVID  TAITT 

Gee  haws  $th  May  1772. 

This  Morning  Topahatkee  came  and  acquainted  me  that 
he  Could  not  go  to  Tamatley  to  Day,  the  Creeks  being  greatly 
swelled  with  the  rains  which  fell  last  night  and  this  Morning. 

Geehaws  6th  May  1772. 

This  afternoon  Topahatkee  and  Chimhuchi  set  out  for 
Tamatley ;  in  the  Evening  Mr.  Richard  Brown  set  out  for 
Silver  bluff  in  South  Carolina.  I  sent  a  letter  by  him  to 
Capt.  Stuart. 

Geehaws  7th  May  1772. 

Last  night  and  this  Day  it  Continued  raining  so  that  the 
River  Rose  about  four  feet. 

Geehaws  8th  May  1772. 

This  afternoon  John  Miller,  Trader  in  the  Eutchies,  came 
and  acquainted  me  that  he  should  set  out  to  morrow  for 
Silver  bluff. 

Boy  which  was  killed,  as  that  was  done  by  the  people  of  the  lower 
Eufallas,  the  Abeckas  desired  that  no  more  than  ten  Keggs  of 
Rum  might  be  brought  to  each  Town  by  their  Traders  and  the 
Tallapuses  desired  only  four,  as  some  of  their  men  had  been 
lately  killed  in  Rum  drinking  and  others  greatly  burnt.  After  I 
sent  the  Express  to  Pensacola  and  went  to  the  Upper  Towns  I 
received  the  Morters  Commission  and  Medal  from  a  Robert 
French  to  whom  the  Morter  gave  it  near  two  years  ago,  Saying 
that  you  had  throwed  him  away  in  not  Sending  him  the  rifle 
and  Black  drink  Cups  you  had  promised  him,  I  could  not  see 
him  when  I  went  to  his  Village  as  he  was  gone  ahunting,  but  at 
the  Meeting  I  talked  to  him  about  it,  when  he  gave  me  the  same 
reason  as  he  had  done  to  the  Trader.  I  however  got  him  to  accept 
of  his  Commission  etca.  again  on  promising  him  what  you  had 
done  should  be  performed.  The  riffle  he  has  since  got  from  Cornal 
[is]  in  very  bad  order  so  that  he  expects  another  in  its  place,  he  came 
to  the  Tuckabatchie  the  day  after  the  last  meeting  where  he  re 
ceived  his  riffle  from  Cornal  I  also  gave  him  a  Stroud  Blanket 
flap  and  Boots  and  a  Shirt  on  purpose  to  satisfy  him,  I  cam[e] 
down  here  the  22d  last  month  and  delivered  your  Talk  on  the 
26th  but  could  obtain  no  Satisfactory  answer  as  neither  the 
Eufalla  nor  Tamatly  people  were  present,  the  Eufalla  people 

553 


TRAVELS  IN  THE  AMERICAN  COLONIES 

Geehaws  Qth  May  1772. 

This  Day  Stephen  Forest  came  and  acquainted  me  that 
he  Should  go  from  the  Eutchies  to  the  Pallachocolas 1  to 
morrow  and  there  wait  the  return  of  the  Messengers  from 
Tamatley. 

Geehaws  loth  May  1772. 

In  the  afternoon  I  went  with  my  servant  and  Surveyed 
the  path  from  the  Eutchie  Creek  about  six  Miles  from  this 
place,  having  left  it  undon[e]  on  the  first  night  which  I  Came 
here. 

Pallachocola  nth  May  1772. 

This  Morning  Benjamin  Stedham,  the  Trader  in  this 
Town,  sent  a  Servant  with  a  packhorse  to  the  Geehaws  to 
Carry  my  baggage  to  this  place  and  in  the  afternoon  I  sett 

say  that  they  have  done  no  wrong  as  the  house  they  burnt  was 
on  their  own  land  but  this  I  shall  talk  to  them  about  in  a  few  days 
when  I  go  to  their  Town,  I  intended  to  come  down  the  River  to 
Tamatley  and  had  prepared  a  Canoe  for  that  purpose  by  per 
mission  of  the  Indians  here,  since  they  have  raised  many  objec 
tions  aledging  that  there  is  several  dangerous  whirlpools  in  the 
rivers  and  the  people  there  are  a  set  of  runagadoes  from  every 
Town  in  the  Nation,  but  I  believe  their  care  of  me  arrises  more 
from  Jelousy  than  any  other  thing,  This  day  I  shall  send  two 
head  men  from  this  Town  to  Tamately  for  the  two  Slaves  which 
are  alive,  although  the  Boy  is  sold  to  a  Trader  there,  the  Man  and 
Girl  they  murdered  at  the  place  where  they  took  them.  I  expect 
the  Messenger  will  be  back  in  ten  days  when  I  shall  set  out  for 
Augusta.  I  have  sent  down  a  John  Pigg  a  Trader  in  care  of 
Mr.  Brown  to  Mr.  Golphins,  when  I  have  the  pleasure  of  seeing 
you  at  Charleston  I  shall  let  you  know  the  reason  of  it  which 
I  believe  you  will  be  satisfied  with.  .  .  . 
I  am  with  greatest  respect 
Sir  Your  Most  Obedt  humble  Servt 

(signed)  DAVID  TAITT. 
Geehaws  4th  May  1722. 

P.S.  I  just  now  received  a  Letter  from  Emistisiguo  wherein  he 
says  that  the  Northward  Indians  had  sent  a  white  Skin  with  Red 
Borders  into  the  Cherokees  that  they  were  for  war  but  he  did 
not  believe  their  talk. 

1  Or  Apalachicola,  nearly  opposite  Columbus,  Georgia. 

554 


JOURNAL  OF  DAVID  TAITT 

out  with  my  Servant  and  took  the  Course  and  distance  of 
the  River  and  path  from  the  Geehaws,  which  lays  six  miles 
NNE  from  this. 

Pallachocola  I2th  May  1772. 

This  afternoon  Salegee  came  from  the  Geehaws  to  go 
with  me  in  the  morning  to  the  Lower  Euffallas.1 

Lower  Euffalla  i^th  May  1772. 

This  Morning  I  set  out  from  the  Pallchocolas  with  Messrs. 
Stedham  and  Forest,  and  Salegee,  for  this  place,  which  is 
about  twenty  three  miles  South  from  the  other  and  on 
the  west  side  of  Chatahutchie  River.  When  I  arrived  at 
the  Town  Edward  Hains,  the  Trader,  acquainted  me  that 
the  Indians  were  all  very  drunk,  the  Coosa  Kings  brother 
having  brought  five  Keggs  of  Rum  from  Pensacola,  to  buy 
horses  and  Corn  etca.  to  Carry  to  his  people  at  Chacta- 
hatchie  River ;  soon  after  the  Indians  came  to  the  Traders 
house,  they  were  all  very  drunk  but  behaved  very  well  for 
some  time,  but  while  the  White  King  and  some  other  Chiefs 
were  Smoking  and  talking  with  me  on  a  Cornhouse  Scaffold, 
a  young  fellow  run  against  one  of  the  Traders  doors  and 
broke  it  in  pieces  by  a  thrust  with  his  foot.  He  turned  to 
the  store  and  broke  it  likewise.  Some  other  Indians  then 
took  him  away  and  prevented  any  more  mischief  being  done 
at  this  time.  At  night  Messrs.  Stedham  and  Forest  went 
with  me  to  the  pine  barren  about  300  yards  from  Town 
where  we  Encamped  and  Stayed  all  this  night,  as  did  Like 
wise  the  Trader  and  his  family;  about  twelve  OClock  at 
night  the  Indians  returned  to  the  Traders  house  and  broke 
his  doors  again  but  Carryed  no  goods  off. 

Pallachocola  ifih  May  1772. 

This  morning  I  sent  Mr.  Forest  for  the  White  King  of  the 
Lower  Euffallas  and  Tomachichi,  the  Leader  of  the  party 
who  Killed  Mr.  Comyns's  boy  and  Robed  the  plantation  in 

1  In  Henry  County,  Alabama. 
2N  555 


TRAVELS  IN  THE  AMERICAN   COLONIES 

Pensacola  bay,  but  when  they  came  they  were  so  much  in 
Liquor  that  they  were  unfitt  to  do  any  kind  of  bussines.  I 
therefore  desired  them  to  come  to  this  place  to  morrow  which 
they  promised  to  do.  I  left  Salegee  on  pretence  of  Staying 
for  them  but  on  purpose  to  get  the  Course  and  distance  of 
the  path  along  the  River  side  thro  the  different  villages 
between  the  Euffalla  and  this  Town. 

Pallachocola  ijth  May  1772. 

I  went  this  morning  with  Mr.  Stedham  to  the  Square  to 
black  drink,  the  Interpreter  being  Indissposed  with  a  fever, 
could  not  go  with  me.  In  the  afternoon  Monjoy,  and  an 
other  head  man  came  here  from  the  Swaglehutchie.  Mon 
joy  Showed  me  a  Commission  which  his  father,  Tomeche, 
Received  from  Governor  Midleton  in  the  year  1726.  They 
stayed  here  all  night  waiting  for  Salegee  with  the  head  men 
from  the  Lower  Euflallas,  but  they  did  not  arrive  this  night. 

Pallachocola  i6th  May  1772. 

This  Day  Monjoy  and  the  other  headman  Returned  to 
the  Swaglehatchies  and  in  the  Evening  Salegee  came  from 
the  Lower  Euffallas  and  acquainted  me  that  the  white 
King  and  Tomachichi  would  come  here  tomorrow. 

Pallachocola  i?th  May  1772. 

This  Day  a  John  Dun  with  his  wife  and  Servant  boy 
came  here  on  their  way  to  Pensacola  from  Sundburry  *  in 
Georgia  and  in  the  Evening  Tomachichi  and  the  white 
King  arrived  from  the  Lower  Euffallas. 

Pallachocola  i8th  May  1772. 

I  went  this  Morning  to  the  Square  where  I  read  Captain 
Stuarts  Letter  to  the  Euffalla  head  men,  Salegee,  and  some 
of  the  Headmen  of  this  Town.  Tomachichi,  who  headed 

1  Sunbury.  . 

556 


JOURNAL  OF  DAVID  TAITT 

the  party  that  Killed  the  boy  and  plundered  the  plantation, 
gave  me  an  answer  to  the  Talk,  and  promised  to  take  better 
Care  for  the  futter,1  and  agreed  to  go  and  run  the  line  to 
prevent  any  more  Mistakes  happening,  as  they  alledged 
that  the  house  was  without  the  boundary.  After  that  I 
had  received  an  Answer  in  the  Square,  the  white  King  and 
Tomachichi  came  to  me  at  the  Traders  house  and  desired 
a  letter  to  Mr.  Charles  Stuart  which  they  promised  to  deliver 
to  him  when  they  went  to  run  the  line,  and  promised  to 
give  more  land  then  what  they  had  agreed  to  at  the  Con 
gress  in  1765  on  purpose  to  regain  their  Honnor,  which  they 
said  they  had  lost  by  Killing  a  Slave  boy. 

Pallachocola  igth  May  1772. 

This  Morning  John  Dun  with  his  wife  and  boy  set  out 
from  this  place  for  the  Tuckabatchies,  in  their  way  to  Pen- 
sacola.  I  sent  a  Letter  by  Dun,  to  be  forewarded  by  Mr. 
Cornal,  the  Interpreter,  to  Mr.  Charles  Stuart  at  Mobile, 
acquainting  him  with  the  Answer  which  Tomachichi  gave 
me  for  his  Killing  Mr.  Comyns's  Slave  boy.  I  went  this 
forenoon  to  view  the  point  where  the  Pallachocola  Town 
formerly  stood  about  a  mile  and  half  below  this,  but  Could 
not  get  an  Opertunity  to  Survey  any  part  of  it  on  Account 
of  ten  or  Twelve  Eutchie  Women  who  where  gathering 
Strawberries  all  over  the  Old  Town. 

Pallachocola  2Oth  May  1772. 

This  Morning  Salegee  came  to  me  from  the  Geehaws  and 
said  that  his  daughter  loved  a  little  paceing  horse  of  mine, 
and  had  sent  a  little  Stallion  by  him  to  give  me  in  Exchange ; 
this  I  exused  myself  from  doing  by  telling  him  that  I  was 
going  a  long  Journey  in  a  few  Days  which  the  Stallion 
would  not  be  able  to  perform  but  gave  him  a  Shirt  and  some 
Ribbon  for  his  Trouble  in  going  to  Euffalla  with  me. 

1  Future. 

557 


TRAVELS  IN  THE  AMERICAN  COLONIES 

Pallachocola  22d  May  1772. 

This  morning  the  Coweta  people  Returned  from  War 
and  brought  a  Chactaw  Scalp  into  their  Town. 

Pallachocola  22d  May  1772. 

I  went  this  morning  to  the  Old  Pallachocola  Town  below 
this,  and  Surveyed  it  and  the  River  round  the  point  where 
the  Town  stood.  About  one  OClock  Chimhuchi  and  Topa- 
hatkee,  whom  I  had  sent  to  Tamatley,  returned  with  the 
Slave  wench  which  I  sent  them  for.  Her  Husband  and 
daughter  were  Killed  when  first  taken,  and  the  boy  sold  to 
John  Meally,  a  Trader,  who  has  since  sold  him  to  Mr. 
Galphin  at  Silver  bluff.  The  white  woman  run  off  with  an 
Indian  who  is  her  husband,  so  that  they  Could  not  find  her. 

Chimhutchi  informed  me  that  when  he  went  first  to 
Tamatley  and  Demanded  the  Slave  two  of  their  head  men, 
viz  the  Tallassee  and  Ochissis  Kings,  raised  a  Quarrel 
amongst  the  people,  and  asked  him  how  he  Could  think  of 
asking  any  Satisfaction  for  the  white  people,  as  they  Sup 
posed  that  he  and  the  Upper  Creeks  must  have  heard  what 
had  passed  between  some  of  the  Tamatley  people  and  some 
Spaniards  at  Talagachapeapapea,  or  Pea  Creek  (on  the 
west  side  of  Cape  Florida).  Lately  the  Tamatley  people 
Carryed  one  of  their  Women,  who  speaks  Spanish,  with 
them,  to  be  Interpreter  between  the  Spaniards  and  them ; 
the  former  told  them  that  the  Kings  of  England  and  Spain 
had  laid  a  Considerable  wager  whereby  the  former  was  to 
Kill  all  the  Indians  of  this  nation  in  a  Certain  time,  which 
if  he  did  perform  was  to  be  paid  the  wager  by  the  King  of 
Spain  and  in  case  of  failure  was  to  pay  him  the  wager. 
They  likewise  said  that  the  time  was  now  at  hand  that  they 
had  agreed  upon  to  decide  the  wager,  and  the  English  would 
fall  upon  them  soon.  Chimhutchie  perswaded  them  that 
what  the  Spaniard  told  them  Could  not  be  true,  upon  which 
they  gave  him  the  Slave  wench  and  sent  me  a  letter  desiring 
a  pass  to  go  to  war  against  the  Chactaws  by  Water. 

558 


JOURNAL  OF  DAVID  TAITT 


Pallachocola  2^d  May  1772. 

This  Morning  I  sent  an  Indian  to  the  Euffalla  for  the 
white  King,  desiring  him  to  come  here  on  purpose  to  Carry 
the  Slave  wench  to  Pensacola  with  him.  I  likewise  sent  Mr. 
Forest  to  the  Coweta  to  see  if  he  could  learn  any  thing 
more  from  Scutchabee  about  the  Spaniards.  In  the  Eve 
ning  the  Indian  whom  I  had  sent  to  the  white  King,  arrived 
and  told  me  that  he  would  be  here  tomorrow. 

Pallachocola  24th  May  1772. 

I  went  this  Morning  to  the  Square  to  black  drink,  where 
Mr.  Forest  came  from  the  Coweta  about  Eight  OClock. 
He  had  seen  Scutchabee,  who  informed  him  that  a  Shawnee 
or  Savannah,  who  had  been  lately  at  New  Orleans,  came  to 
him  with  a  Message  from  thence,  wherein  he  told  him  that 
he,  viz  Scutchabee,  would  be  sent  for  to  [attend]  a  meeting 
at  the  Red  bluff  Opposite  Mobile,  where  he  Supposed  some 
French  beloved  man  would  be  present,  and  he  would  likewise 
be  sent  for  to  [attend]  a  meeting  with  some  Spaniards  to  be 
[held]  at  the  Mouth  of  Appalachacola  River,  or  somewhere 
there  abouts.  This  he  was  desired  by  the  Shawnee  to  eat 
down  into  his  belley  and  keep  Secret  untill  the  time  came,  as 
no  person  was  to  be  acquainted  with  it  but  him.  He  desired 
the  Interpreter  to  do  the  same,  and  Told  him  that  he  should 
hear  every  thing  about  it  when  next  he  came  into  the  Nation, 
and  said  that  he  looked  upon  him  as  one  of  themselves  and 
beged  of  him  not  to  speak  of  it  to  any  person  whatsoever. 
He  desired  to  be  Remembered  to  his  Friend  and  father, 
Captain  Stuart,  and  said  that  he  had  once  promised  him 
a  pair  of  Arm  plates  but  Supposed  that  he  had  forgot  them, 
and  desired  that  he  might  be  put  in  Mind  again.  In  the 
Evening  the  white  King  came  from  the  Euffallas. 

Pallachocola  2$th  May  1772. 

This  Morning  I  agreed  with  the  white  King  to  pay  him 
a  Sad[d]le  for  Carrying  the  Slave  wench  to  pensacola  with 

559 


TRAVELS  IN  THE  AMERICAN  COLONIES 

him,  and  gave  him  a  Letter  for  Governor  Chester  and  one 
for  Mr.  Charles  Stuart. 


May  26th  1772. 

I  went  this  Morning  to  the  Pallachocola  Square  to  black 
Drink  where  most  of  the  head[s]  of  the  Town  were  present. 
I  informed  them  that  I  was  going  off  this  Day  for  Augusta, 
and  desired  that  if  they  had  any  talks  to  send  to  Captain 
Stuart,  that  they  would  now  acquaint  me  with  them.  They 
said  that  I  had  been  in  their  Town  but  a  Short  time  but  had 
seen  Nothing  aMiss  in  their  behavour  to  me,  they  were  but 
a  poor  people  and  had  but  very  little  to  Intertain  me  with 
as  they  Could  wish,  but  any  thing  which  they  had  to  spare 
I  was  wellcome  to,  and  Likewise  to  Stay  in  their  Town  as 
long  as  I  pleased.  They  desired  me  to  acquaint  Captain 
Stuart  that  they  had  used  me  well  and  desired  that  the 
Trade  might  not  be  stoped.  They  were  now  planting  their 
Corn  and  as  soon  as  that  was  over  they  would  go  and  hunt 
to  pay  their  debts.  After  black  drink  I  set  out  with  Mr. 
Forest  and  my  Servant  to  the  Worsitas,  where  I  went  to 
the  Square  where  Salegee  and  some  others  were  at  black 
drink.  We  Stayed  with  them  untill  our  horses  and  baggage 
were  got  aCross  the  Chatahutchie  River,  and  about  Eleven 
OClock  proceeded  on  our  Journey,  taking  the  Course  and 
distance  of  the  path  as  we  went  along ;  at  a  Branch  of  a 
Creek  (which  joins  the  River  opposite  the  Eutchie)  Called 
the  twelve  mile  branch,  we  came  up  to  one  Howarth,  a  half 
breed  Indian  who  was  waiting  for  us  on  purpose  to  go  to 
Charles  Town  to  see  his  Father.  We  proceeded  on  to  an 
other  Branch  of  this  Creek  where  we  Encamped  all  night. 

Flint  River  Spring  2jih  May  1772. 

This  Day  we  Travelled  mostly  NE  to  this  place  which  is 
ten  miles  to  westward  of  Flint  River.  We  met  with  two 
Indians  with  four  horses  Loaded  with  Rum  etca.  from 
Augusta. 

560 


JOURNAL  OF  DAVID  TAITT 

May  28th  1772. 

About  Eight  oClock  this  morning  we  Crosed  Flint  River, 
which  is  about  200  feet  aCross  and  very  Rockey ;  at  present 
the  water  is  low  so  that  we  rode  over  it,  but  it  often  rises 
twenty  feet  above  its  present  Surface,  which  Obliges  the 
Traders  to  Carry  leather  Canoes  along  with  them.  The 
River  runs  nearly  SE  and  joins  the  Chatahutchie  River 
about  one  Hundred  miles  below  this  path  ;  these  two  Rivers 
make  the  Appalachacola  River.  I  proceeded  from  this 
river  taking  the  Course  and  distance  of  the  Path  which  goes 
mostley  ENE  this  Day. 

May  2Qth  1772. 

We  set  out  this  morning  taking  the  Course  and  distance 
of  the  path  etca.  to  the  Oakmullgey1  River,  which  is  the 
western  branch  of  the  Altamaha.  The  River  at  present  is 
not  above  three  feet  Deep  and  100  feet  wide  at  Crosing, 
having  a  firm  gravelly  bottom,  but  is  Seldom  fordable  except 
in  very  Dry  Seasons  ;  it  runs  mostly  SE  till  it  joins  the  Okono2 
River.  I  Stayed  at  the  East  side  of  the  River  waiting  for 
an  Observation  to  assertain  the  Latitude,  but  the  Day 
turned  very  Dark  and  Cloudy  which  prevented  one.  After 
two  OClock  we  proceeded  on  our  Journey  taking  the  Course 
and  Distance  etca. 

May  joth  1772. 

About  Eleven  OClock  this  Morning  we  came  to  the  Okono 
River  where  a  Robert  Tool  and  James  McQueen  (two 
Traders  from  the  Cowetas)  with  their  Packhorses,  were  just 
going  to  set  out.  McQueen  stayed  and  Sent  me  over  a 
Canoe  to  Carry  my  baggage  etca ;  here  we  were  Obliged  to 
swime  the  Horses,  the  River  being  twenty  feet  Deep  at  the 
Landing  and  about  50  yards  wide.  About  half  a  mile  above 
this  there  is  a  place  Sometimes  fordable.  I  Stayed  on  the 
East  side  of  the  River  to  rest  my  horses  and  view  the  land 

1  Ocmulgee.  2  Oconee. 

561 


TRAVELS  IN  THE  AMERICAN  COLONIES 

where  the  Old  Okono  Town  formerly  stood,  and  then  pro 
ceeded  to  Little  buffloe  Creek  where  Messrs.  Tool  and 
McQueen  were  Encamped.  They  informed  me  that  Wil 
liam  Simory  and  three  others  had  passed  by  them  on  their 
way  to  the  Upper  Creek  Nation,  having  a  few  horses  Loaded 
with  salt,  Amunition,  and  Rum,  but  turned  out  of  the  path 
on  hearing  of  me  being  behind,  as  they  were  Conscious  of 
their  own  bad  behavour  while  in  the  Nation. 

May  3 ist  1772. 

Having  lost  four  horses  in  the  night  detained  me  till  near 
one  OClock  this  Day  before  I  Could  find  them  to  set  out 
with ;  after  finding  them  I  proceeded  to  Ogeehee  where  I 
found  a  Israel  Folesum  with  his  wife  and  six  Chilldren  En 
camped.  He  had  thirty  three  head  of  Cattle  with  him, 
and  some  horses  which  he  intended  going  to  Pensacola 
with ;  but  meeting  with  some  traders  at  the  Okono  River, 
they  advised  him  to  turn  back,  telling  him  that  the  Indians 
would  Kill  his  Cattle  and  Steal  his  horses  etca.,  upon  which 
information  he  was  returning  back  and  intended  to  go  to 
Mississippi  by  the  way  of  Holston  River. 

June  ist  1772. 

Sett  out  this  morning  from  Ogeehee  taking  the  Course 
and  distance  of  the  path  to  Briar  Creek,  where  we  rested 
the  horses  etca.  and  proceeded  to  Sandy  run  where  we  En 
camped  this  night ;  in  the  afternoon  while  I  was  taking  the 
Course  of  the  path  my  Horse  started  forward  and  broke  my 
Compass  in  pieces  with  one  of  his  feet,  but  I  luckily  having 
another  Compass  did  not  prevent  me  from  proceeding  in 
the  Survey. 

Augusta  2d  June  1772. 

I  set  out  this  morning  from  Sandy  run  with  Howarth  and 
my  Servant  (Mr.  Forest  turning  off  to  his  plantation  at 
Mcbean  River)  and  Arrived  in  Augusta  about  two  OClock 
after  Taking  the  Course  and  distance  of  the  path  etca. 

562 


JOURNAL  OF  DAVID  TAITT 

Augusta  $d  June  1772. 

This  Day  I  went  and  viewed  the  Town  and  plantations 
at  Augusta,  which  Extends  about  five  miles  along  the  west 
side  of  Savannah  River. 

Augusta  4th  June  1772. 

This  being  His  Majestys  Birth  Day,  I  went  to  see  the 
Malitia  of  this  place  Reviewed  by  their  Officers.  The  men 
made  a  very  Sorry  Appearance,  some  having  Old  rusty 
firelocks,  others  Riffles,  and  some  being  well  Clothed  and 
Others  with  Osnaburgh  Shirts  and  Trousers ;  they  fired 
platoons  as  ununiformly  as  their  Acuttrements  and  dress. 
After  the  Review  I  went  to  Drink  his  Majestys  health  with 
the  officers,  where  a  Mr.  Greersons,  who  is  Captain  of  this 
banditto,  came  to  me  to  make  an  Appologey  for  his  brothers 
behavour  in  the  Creek  nation,  alledging  that  it  was  a  pas 
sionate  Zeal  for  Obtaining  the  grant  of  Lands  from  the  In 
dians  that  prompt[ed]  him  to  so  undecent  behavour,  as  he 
Supposed  that  I  was  come  there  on  purpose  to  prevent  the 
Indians  making  any  Cession  of  Lands  to  them. 

Augusta  $th  June  1772. 
Rested  all  Day  at  this  place. 

Silver  Bluff,  South  Carolina,  6th  June  1772. 

I  Crosed  Savannah  River  at  the  Lower  End  of  Augusta 
and  took  the  bearings  and  distance  of  the  path  to  this  place ; 
a  Mr.  McLean  accompanied  me  as  far  as  this  and  returned 
in  the  Evening  to  Augusta. 

Silver  Bluff  7th  June  1772. 
This  Day  being  Sunday  I  Stayed  at  this  place. 

June  8th  1772. 

I  sett  out  this  morning  with  Howarth  and  my  Servant, 
having  a  man  from  Mr.  Galphin  for  my  guide,  and  took  the 

563 


TRAVELS  IN  THE  AMERICAN  COLONIES 

bearings  and  distance  of  the  path  etca.  as  far  as  a  Mr. 
Youngs  plantation,  about  thirty  miles  to  Eastward  of 
Silver  bluff,  the  road  from  thence  to  this  plantation  being 
very  bad  and  difficult  for  a  Stranger  to  find. 

June  pth  1772. 

Sett  out  this  morning  from  Mr.  Youngs  Plantation  tak 
ing  the  Course  and  distance  of  the  path  etca  to  Crane 
Savannah  where  I  mistooke  the  path  and  went  too  much 
to  the  Northward  which  Obliged  me  to  go  to  a  plantation 
on  a  Branch  of  SaltCatcher  Creek  where  I  Stayed  all  night. 

June  i oik  1772. 

Sett  out  this  morning  taking  the  Course  and  distance 
etca  to  Georges  hill  about  one  mile  and  a  half  NE  from 
SaltCatcher  Bridge,  where  I  was  Obliged  to  stay  all  night, 
one  of  Howarths  Horses  having  tired  was  not  able  to  go 
any  further ;  the  River  at  SaltCatcher  bridge  is  250  feet 
aCross  runing  SE  b  S. 

June  nth  1772. 

Sett  out  from  Georges  Hill  taking  the  Course  and  dis 
tance  etca.  about  four  miles  from  it.  I  left  the  horse  that 
tired  last  night  at  a  Doctor  Days  and  then  proceeded  to 
Jacksons  borrough  where  I  Stoped  at  a  Mrs.  Colliet's  to  dine 
and  feed  my  horses ;  after  dinner  I  set  [out]  from  Jacksons 
borrough  and  Travelled  Eleven  miles  when  all  my  horses 
tired  so  that  I  was  Obliged  to  walk  them  at  a  very  Slow 
pace  for  six  miles  further  where  I  Called  at  a  plantation 
belonging  to  a  Mr.  Smith,  where  I  told  him  the  Situation 
I  was  in  with  respect  to  my  horses,  and  desired  him  to  let 
them  Stay  at  his  plantation  all  night.  But  without  ever 
giving  himself  the  Trouble  to  get  from  his  Chair,  he  told 
me  that  he  had  not  any  provision  or  food  for  my  horses,  and 
said  that  there  was  a  Tavern  about  a  mile  further  which  was 
the  properest  place  for  to  put  up.  I  then  set  out  and 

564 


JOURNAL  OF  DAVID  TAITT 

walked  my  horses  three  miles  before  I  came  to  the  Tavern, 
and  when  I  lighted  off  my  horse  the  Landlord  informed  me 
that  his  house  was  already  full  and  that  he  had  nothing  to 
give  my  horses,  without  I  would  trust  them  in  an  Open 
pasture.  He  informed  me  that  there  was  another  Tavern 
about  a  mile  further  at  next  bridge.  I  then  proceeded  aCross 
the  bridge  and  along  a  Marsh  to  next  Tavern  which  was 
shut  up,  it  being  now  between  Nine  and  ten  OClock  at 
night,  I  went  about  2  miles  further  where  [I]  met  with  an  Open 
field  where  I  put  my  horses  to  feed,  and  Stayed  here  all  night. 

Charlestown  South  Carolina  I2th  June. 

I  sett  out  this  morning  at  four  OClock,  about  four  miles 
to  the  westward  of  Ashley  ferry,  and  Arrived  here  about 
nine  OClock.  It  Continued  to  rain  all  this  Morning  which 
prevented  me  from  taking  any  Survey  of  the  path  etca. 

DAVID  TAITT. 


565 


DR.    JOHN    BERKENHOUT'S    EXCURSION    FROM 
NEW  YORK  TO  PHILADELPHIA,  1778 


INTRODUCTION 

DR.  JOHN  BERKENHOUT  was  born  at  Leeds,  Yorkshire, 
England,  about  1730.  His  father,  who  was  a  merchant 
and  a  native  of  Holland,  sent  him  to  Germany  to  fit  himself 
for  a  commercial  career,  but  he  became  interested  chiefly  in 
politics,  literature,  and  science.  After  a  brief  service  in 
the  Prussian  army  he  held  the  post  of  captain  in  the 
twenty-fourth  English  regiment  of  foot  during  the  Seven 
Years'  War  from  1756  to  1760.  In  the  latter  year  he 
entered  Edinburgh  University  to  study  medicine.  He  sub 
sequently  proceeded  to  the  University  of  Leyden  and  there 
received  the  degree  of  doctor  of  physic  in  May,  1765.  He 
wrote  Clavis  Anglic  a  Lingua  Botanicce  Linncei  (1762),  Pharma 
copoeia  Medici  (1766),  and  became  famous  with  the  publi 
cation  of  Outlines  of  the  Natural  History  of  Great  Britain 
(1769-1771)  and  Biographia  Liter  aria,  or  a  Biographical 
History  of  Literature,  containing  the  lives  of  English,  Scotch, 
and  Irish  authors,  from  the  dawn  of  letters  in  these  kingdoms 
to  the  present  time,  chronologically  and  classically  arranged 

(1777). 

In  the  spring  of  1778  the  British  ministry  sent  Dr.  Ber- 
kenhout  and  John  Temple  to  America  to  promote  in  some 
secret  way  the  work  of  the  Commission  —  consisting  of  Sir 
Henry  Clinton,  the  Earl  of  Carlisle,  William  Eden,  and 
George  Johnstone  —  for  restoring  peace. 

Berkenhout  and  Temple  set  out  from  London  the  2Oth 
of  April.  They  arrived  at  Portsmouth  the  following  day. 
There  they  were  detained  more  than  four  weeks  before  obtain 
ing  passage  to  New  York.  The  storeship  Lioness,  on  which 
they  were  to  sail,  arrived  at  Spithead  the  nth  of  May,  but 
they  wanted  the  whole  ward-room  for  themselves,  Mrs.  Tem 
ple,  and  servants,  besides  room  for  Temple's  coach  and  a  vast 

569 


TRAVELS  IN  THE  AMERICAN  COLONIES 

amount  of  baggage.  This  would  have  necessitated  turning 
out  from  the  ward-room  the  ship's  officers  and  other  gentle 
men  for  whom  the  captain  had  been  ordered  to  provide  pas 
sage,  and  leaving  behind  a  shipment  of  hats  which  the  heads 
of  the  navy  insisted  should  be  taken.  The  captain  refused  to 
furnish  the  accommodations  which  Temple  and  the  doctor 
demanded.  The  admiral  in  command  of  the  port  was  ap 
pealed  to,  but  he  informed  Temple  that  the  ward-room  or 
cabin  belonged  to  the  captain,  "that  the  King  could  take  the 
ship  from  him,  but  could  not  take  his  Cabbin."  Lord  George 
Germain  and  finally  Lord  North  were  communicated  with, 
and  the  latest  record  regarding  the  situation  contains  a  sug 
gestion  by  Lord  North  that  Temple  give  up  his  coach  and 
unnecessary  baggage  and  that  the  captain  yield  to  the  "press 
ing  necessity"  of  accommodating  Temple  and  Dr.  Berken- 
hout. 

Dr.  Berkenhout  had  become  acquainted  with  Dr.  Arthur 
Lee  in  England.  On  his  way  from  New  York  to  Philadelphia 
the  doctor  made  application  to  General  Maxwell  for  a  pass 
beyond  the  American  lines.  The  general,  on  the  25th  of 
August,  wrote  Richard  Henry  Lee,  brother  of  Arthur  Lee, 
regarding  the  matter  and  Lee  replied  four  days  later  :  "I  do 
recollect  that  when  my  brother  practiced  physic  in  Virginia 
about  ten  or  eleven  years  ago,  I  then  heard  him  sometimes 
mention  a  Doctor  Berkenhout  who  had  written  a  pharmacopia 
which  he  esteemed,  and  that  he  had  an  acquaintance  with  and 
regard  for  the  Doctor  —  Beyond  this  my  knowledge  of 
Doctor  Berkenhout  or  his  concerns  extends  not.  ...  I 
have  laid  your  letter  before  Congress,  and  their  sense  seems 
to  be,  that  you  use  your  discretion  in  cases  similar  to  that 
of  Doctor  Berkenhout,  governing  yourself  by  the  nature  of 
the  circumstances."  l  The  doctor  states  in  his  journal  that 
he  received  the  pass  the  24th  of  August,  which  was  the  day 
before  the  general  wrote  Lee. 

Soon  after  his  arrival  in  Philadelphia  the  doctor  inquired  of 

1  The  Letters  of  Richard  Henry  Lee,  edited  by  J.  C.  Ballagh, 
Vol.  i,  p.  432. 


INTRODUCTION 

Lee  if  he  had  received  a  letter  from  his  brother  concerning 
him,  and  having  stated  that  "his  intention  in  coming  to 
America  was  to  provide  a  settlement  for  his  family  in  a  land 
of  liberty,  and  to  find  a  place  where  he  could  practice  physick 
to  advantage,"  he  asked  Lee's  advice  on  these  matters. 

When  Dr.  Berkenhout  had  been  in  Philadelphia  six  days, 
John  Dunlap  published  in  his  Pennsylvania  Packet  of  Sep 
tember  3  the  following  notice:  "A  correspondent  observes, 
that  in  the  Packet  of  the  i6th  of  July  last,  there  is  an  article 
under  the  London  head  of  April  21,  advising,  that  Dr. 
Berkenhout  and  John  Temple,  Esq.  had  the  day  before  set 
out  from  London  to  Portsmouth,  to  embark  for  America, 
supposed  to  be  sent  on  a  private  embassy  to  Congress  — 
and  that  [in]  an  article  in  the  Packet  of  the  I3th  of  August, 
there  is  an  account  of  the  arrival  of  those  gentlemen  at 
New-  York,  and  hopes  that  the  Congress  will  disappoint 
them  of  their  base  intention,  (for  they  can  have  no  other) 
of  getting  among  the  good  people  of  these  States,  in  order 
to  sow  dissensions  among  them."  l 

This  notice  led  to  Berkenhout's  arrest,  search,  and  impris 

onment  the  same  day  by  order  of  the  Supreme  Executive 

-Council  of  Pennsylvania.     Among  his  papers  was  found  the 

following  letter  which  he  acknowledged  intending  to  send  to 

Richard  Henry  Lee  : 


"The  important  business  in  which  you  are  engaged  will 
not  permit  you  to  favour  me  with  as  much  of  your  conver 
sation  as  I  am  inclined  to  wish  for,  I  presume  therefore,  to 
trouble  you  with  the  following  reflexions  on  paper;  they 
appear  to  me  of  consequence  sufficient  to  deserve  a  moment's 
attention. 

"America  will  most  assuredly  never  relinquish  the  inde 
pendence  she  hath  so  nobly  acquired  ;  this  Independence 
the  Commissioners  have  no  power  to  grant  ;  it  is  therefore, 
evident  that  no  treaty  of  pacification  can  possibly  com 
mence.  Reflecting  on  this  situation  of  affairs  ;  most  ardently 

1  Ballagh,  Letters  of  Lee,  Vol.  I,  p.  459. 
20  571 


TRAVELS  IN  THE  AMERICAN   COLONIES 

solicitous  to  prevent  the  further  effusion  of  blood,  and  im 
patient  to  behold  the  peaceful  establishment  of  this  delight 
ful  asylum  of  liberty,  I  presume  to  offer  myself  a  voluntary 
negotiator  between  the  two  contending  powers.  You  start 
at  my  presumption,  but  I  am  sure  your  candour  will  suffer 
me  to  proceed.  If  I  were  to  return  immediately  to  Eng 
land,  I  am  confident  that  I  could  command  the  eager  atten- 
.tion  of  the  Ministry;  that  I  could  convince  them  of  a  thou 
sand  errors  into  which  they  have  been  led,  relative  to  the 
general  disposition  of  the  People  of  America,  the  Power  of 
the  State,  the  inflexibility  and  sagacity  obvious  in  every 
department,  and  many  other  particulars,  sufficient  to  con 
vince  Great  Britain  that  every  idea  of  subjugating  America 
is  futile  and  ridiculous. 

"This  information  I  might  give  the  British  Ministry, 
without  any  countenance  or  assistance  from  Congress  or 
any  of  its  members ;  but  to  render  my  success  indisputable, 
I  could  wish  that  I  might  be  enabled  to  delineate  the  out 
lines  of  such  a  Treaty  of  peace  and  commerce  as  America 
would  probably  approve ;  I  say  probably  approve,  because 
I  do  not  expect  that  Congress  will  give  me  the  least  degree 
of  authority.  I  would  presume  to  request  a  mere  sketch  or 
outline  of  essential  Articles  on  a  slip  of  Paper,  not  signed, 
and  intended  only  to  assist  my  memory." 

After  confinement  for  eleven  days  Dr.  Berkenhout  was 
released  on  condition  that  he  should  return  immediately 
to  New  York.  He  was  soon  back  in  England,  where  he  was 
awarded  a  pension  for  his  services  and  was  again  busy  with 
his  pen,  writing  Lucubrations  on  Ways  and  Means  (1780), 
which  contained  suggestions  regarding  taxation  that  were 
in  part  followed  by  Lord  North  and  subsequently  by  Pitt ; 
Essay  on  the  Bite  of  a  Mad  Dog  (1783) ;  Symptomatology 
(1784) ;  and  Letters  on  Education  to  a  Son  at  the  University 
(1790).  If  his  purpose  in  America  was  to  create  dissensions, 
he  was  not  without  success,  for  he  was  the  means  of  widen- 

1  Minutes  of  the  Supreme  Executive  Council  of  Pennsylvania, 
Vol.  xi,  pp.  569-570. 

572 


INTRODUCTION 

ing  the  breach  between  Silas  Deane  and  the  Lees,  Deane 
charging  the  Lees  with  treasonable  connections  with  him. 

A  manuscript  of  his  journal  has  been  preserved  among 
the  Sackville  Manuscripts,  which  have  descended  from  Lord 
George  Germain  to  Colonel  Sackville  George  Stopford  Sack 
ville,  to  whom  the  Society  is  indebted  for  permission  to 
copy  and  print  the  document. 


573 


JOURNAL  OF  AN  EXCURSION  FROM  NEW  YORK 
TO   PHILADELPHIA   IN  THE   YEAR    1778 

SUNDAY,  the  24th  of  August,  with  a  pass  from  Sir  Henry 
Clinton,  I  embarked  in  a  Sloop,  with  a  flag  of  truce,  and 
landed  the  same  evening  at  Elizabeth-town,  in  the  province 
of  New  Jersey.  The  rebel-troops  extremly  ragged.  General 
Maxwell,1  after  some  hesitation,  gave  me  a  pass. 

2$th.  After  dinner  sat  out  for  Brunswick,  where  I  ar 
rived  late  in  the  evening.  A  dismal  town,  but  pleasantly 
situated. 

26th.  Travelled  with  three  intelligent  Americans. 
Dined  at  Prince-town,  remarkable  for  its  fine  College, 
which  is  now  an  Hospital.  Slept  at  Trenton  on  the  Dela 
ware.  When  General  How  was  stopt  by  this  river,  in  his 
march  to  Philadelphia,  it  was  not  fordable ;  but  by  means 
of  pontoons,  or  rafts,  it  might  have  been  passed  with  great 
facility.  It  is  so  narrow,  that  the  opposite  bank  might 
have  been  effectually  scowered  by  his  cannon.  Washing 
ton  at 2  not,  at  that  time,  3000  men  able  to  bear  arms. 
The  Quaker,  who  then  acted  as  Quarter-master  general,3 
affirms  that,  the  morning  when  the  British  army  was  ex 
pected  to  pass  the  Delaware,  being  at  breakfast  with  Wash 
ington,  the  General  said,  with  a  sigh,  "Well,  'tis  a  noble 
cause  lost !  For  my  own  part,  I  will  retire  to  the  banks  of 
the  Ohio,  where  I  hope,  the  English  will  not  think  it  worth 
their  while  to  molest  me."  The  same  morning  he  wrote 

1  Brigadier-General  William  Maxwell,  who  had  been  stationed 
at  Elizabethtown  to  watch  the  British  and  the  American  loyalists. 

2  Had. 

3  Thomas  Mifflin,  the  leader  of  the  Conway  Cabal  that  proposed 
to  have  Washington  superseded  by  General  Horatio  Gates. 

574 


DR.   JOHN  BERKENHOUT'S  EXCURSION 

to  Congress,  that  his  next  letter  would  probably  inform 
them  of  his  having  disbanded  his  army.  This  I  was  told 
by  Matlack,1  secretary  to  the  Executive  Counsel  of  Pen- 
sylvania.  When  Lord  Cornwallis,  with  the  flower  of  the 
British  Army,  lay  at  Trenton,  with  Washington  in  his 
front,  a  small  rivulet  between  them,  and  the  Delaware  in 
Washingtons  rear;  that  General  had  not  more  than  1500 
men.  He  escaped  in  the  night,  leaving  fifty  men  to  keep 
up  the  fires  in  his  camp,  and,  by  a  very  extraordinary 
march,  was,  before  morning,  in  Cornwallis's  rear  at  Prince- 
town,  where  he  surprized  a  part  of  the  British  army.  —  Re 
collecting  that  when  people  in  England  were  astonished 
at  General  Howe's  retreat  from  the  Delaware,  when  he  was 
almost  in  sight  of  Philadelphia,  Washingtons  impregnable 
intrenchments  was  the  only  reason  assigned  for  the  retrogade 
march  and  subsequent  circumnavigation  of  the  British 
Army ;  I  travelled  in  hourly  expectation  of  being  obstructed 
by  these  formidable  intrenchments,  and  was  impatient  to 
contemplate  their  construction  :  but  how  was  I  astonished 
to  find,  that  no  such  intrenchments  ever  existed  !  How  was 
I  surprized,  when  convinced,  from  the  concurrent  testi 
mony  of  a  hundred  witnesses,  that  Washingtons  whole 
army  scarce  equalled  General  Howe's  advanced  Guard ; 
that  Washington  had  actually  given  up  the  Game,  and  that 
the  British  troops  might  have  marched  triumphantly  into 
Philadelphia,  without  lett,  hindrance,  or  molestation. 

My  arrival  at  Trenton  also  brought  to  my  recollection  the 
surprize  of  Colonel  Roll,2  with  two  Hessian  regiments.  I 
enquired  of  a  very  sensible  inhabitant  what  was  the  cause 
of  that  disaster.  He  told  me  it  was  intirely  owing  to  Roll's 
dispising  his  enemy,  and  disregarding  all  intelligence ;  he 
also  rationally  observed,  that  foreign  troops  ought  not  to 
have  occupied  an  out-post,  as  they  did  not  understand  the 
language  of  the  Country. 

2?th.  Fell  down  the  Delaware,  in  a  Sloop  to  Phila 
delphia.  Conversed  with  the  passengers  on  board,  and 

1  Timothy  Matlack.  2  Johann  Gottlieb  Rail. 

575 


TRAVELS  IN  THE  AMERICAN   COLONIES 

obtained  a  good  deal  of  information  concerning  the  disposi 
tion  of  the  people  in  general.  I  sent  General  Maxwells 
pass,  with  a  card,  to  Richard  Henry  Lee,  one  of  the  dele 
gates  for  Virginia.  He  paid  me  a  visit  next  day,  accom 
panied  by  one  of  his  colleagues.1  He  afterwards  introduced 
me  to  Adams,  and  to  several  other  members  of  Congress, 
with  whom  I  frequently  conversed,  Jointly  and  seperately. 
The  subjects  of  our  conversation  were  chiefly --The  cause 
of  their  declaration  of  independance  —  Their  treaty  with 
France  —  Reasons  why  Britain  ought  immediately  to  make 
peace  with  America  —  State  of  the  American  Army  - 
Cause  of  their  success  —  Governor  Johnstone's  private 
letters ;  his  political  opinions  and  conduct  etc.2 

Septr.  3d.  Having  now  conversed  with  many  of  the  Con 
gress,  and  with  the  inhabitants  at  large,  during  a  whole 
week,  I  was  this  day  honoured  with  a  visit  from  Nichola  3 
the  Town-major,  who  had  orders  to  seize  my  papers  and  to 
conduct  me  to  the  Executive  Council.  I  attended  him  to 
the  State-house.  This  sage  Council  interrogated  me  con 
cerning  my  business  at  Philadelphia  —  Whether  I  was  not 
sent  by  the  British  Ministry,  or  by  the  Commissioners  ? 
They  said,  they  had  received  intelligence  from  Doctor 
Franklin  of  my  voyage  to  America.  My  papers  were  perused 
with  great  attention,  by  two  of  their  Members,  and,  before 
their  contents  were  known,  my  commitment  was  signed. 

This  Executive  Council  was  composed  of  men  who,  from 
their  appearance  and  capacity,  seemed  such  a  club  of  trades 
men  as  commonly  assemble  at  an  Ale-house,  in  the  borough 
of  Southwark. 

By  virtue  of  this  commitment,  I  was  conducted  to  the 
New-Jail,  and  there  delivered  to  the  custody  of  a  wretched 
fellow,  whose  aspect  was  sufficient  to  strike  horror  into  the 
breast  of  a  man  of  moderate  resolution.  During  my  con- 

1  Colonel  Nathaniel  Scudder  of  New  Jersey. 

2  George  Johnstone,  governor  of  West  Florida  in  1763-1767;  as 
a  member  of  the  British  peace  commission  he  wrote  several  letters 
of  which  his  fellow  commissioners  disavowed  all  knowledge. 

3  Colonel  Lewis  Nicola. 

576 


DR.  JOHN   BERKENHOUT'S  EXCURSION 

finement,  I  was  twice  visited  by  a  Doctor  Rush,1  whom  I 
had  formerly  seen  at  Arthur  Lee's  chambers  in  London. 
He  was  lately  a  Member  of  Congress.  Under  an  American 
mask  of  sympathetic  feeling  for  my  situation,  with  un 
common  loquacious  plausibility,  he  expected  to  make  some 
important  discovery  concerning  the  nature  of  my  commis 
sion.  From  this  Doctor  I  learnt  the  purport  of  some  of  the 
secret  articles  of  the  treaty  with  France. 

I  was  afterwards  frequently  visited  by  Matlack,  Secre 
tary  to  the  Executive  Council.  His  character  is  that  of  a 
deep,  shrewd  Fellow.  He  affected  great  openness,  and  in 
genuous  conversation.  He  said  —  "  If  I  had  anything  to 
propose,  I  might  safely  speak  to  him,  without  reserve ;  if  I 
wanted  any  information,  he  would  frankly  answer  my  ques 
tions  ;  or,  if  there  was  any  other  person,  any  man  of  letters 
with  whom  I  wished  to  converse,  he  should  be  immediately 
sent  to  me."  In  the  last  of  these  conversations,  rinding  me 
rather  less  communicative  than  himself,  and  determining 
to  try  the  effect  of  fear,  he  told  me,  that  I  must  not  be  sur 
prised,  if  still  closer  confinement  should  be  thought  neces 
sary.  He  spoke  with  the  Jailor  privately.  I  was  then 
seperated  from  the  other  English  prisoners,  and  was  ordered 
not  to  receive  visits  from  any  person  whatsoever.  Never 
theless  I  had  orders,  next  morning,  to  prepare  to  quit  the 
dominions  of  the  united  States  at  a  moments  warning. 

Septr.  ifth.  Matlack  called  upon  me  about  12  o'Clock 
and  requested  me  to  sign  the  following  paper :  viz. 

"I  John  Berkenhout  Doctor  of  Physic,  do  declare  upon 
my  honour,  that  I  will  immediately  proceed,  by  the  usual 
rout,  to  Elizabeth-town  in  the  State  of  New-Jersey,  and 
from  thence  within  the  British  lines,  and  that  I  will  not, 
from  this  time,  untill  my  arrival  there,  do,  or  say  any  thing 
which  can,  by  any  means,  be  construed,  or  understood  to  be 
injurious  to  the  States  of  North  America." 

After  I  had  signed  this  paper,  Matlack  requested  that  I 
would  prepare  to  depart  at  two  Oclock,  at  which  time  he 

1  Dr.  Benjamin  Rush. 

577 


TRAVELS  IN  THE  AMERICAN  COLONIES 

returned  and  attended  me  to  the  Delaware,  where  I  em 
barked  on  board  a  Sloop  for  Trenton.  This  Sloop  was 
loaded  with  deals  and  Shingles  for  building  Stables  at  Tren 
ton  for  Washingtons  Light-horse. 

Matlack,  previous  to  my  departure,  gave  me  a  copy  of 
the  above  paper,  with  the  following  pass. 

"The  above  mentioned  Doctor  John  Berkenhout  is 
ordered  to  return  to  the  City  of  New  York  after  having 
been  some  days  past  confined  in  this  city,  by  order  of  the 
supreme  Executive  Council  of  the  Commonwealth  of  Pen- 
sylvania." 

T.  MATLACK. 

Philadelphia  Septr  I4th   1778. 
To  all  concerned. 

This  Matlack  I  think,  might  be  bribed,  and  I  believe  it 
not  impossible  to  open  a  secret  correspondance  with  him. 

On  my  passage  from  Philadelphia  to  Trenton,  whilst  the 
Vessel  lay  at  anchor,  I  went  on  shore,  on  the  Pensylvania 
side  of  the  river  in  quest  of  provisions.  Accidentally  meet 
ing  with  one  Smith  a  Quaker,  he  asked  me  to  dinner.  There 
dined  with  us  a  Colonel  Penrose  of  the  Jersey  Militia,  who 
had  been  in  almost  every  skirmish  during  the  Campaign  of 
1777.  I  obtained  some  information  from  this  Colonel. 
They  asked  me  if  I  knew  anything  of  a  Doctor  Berkenhout, 
then  under  close  confinement  at  Philadelphia  ?  They  said 
people  were  generally  of  opinion  that  he  would  be  hanged. 

I  travelled  from  Trenton  with  three  rebel  officers  :  they 
were  Irishmen ;  their  names  Quin,  King  and  Power.  Quin 
has  a  company;  he  formerly  rode  private  in  Ligoniers 
Horse.1  These  Gentlemen  being  neither  remarkable  for 
wisdom  nor  sobriety,  told  me  all  they  knew  concerning  the 
former  and  present  state  of  their  army.  They  unanimously 
confirmed  the  accounts  I  had  before  received  of  Washingtons 
perpetual  danger,  the  incredible  distresses  of  his  army  and 
his  constant  inferiority  in  point  of  number.  They  assured 

1  The  Black  Horse,  or  7th  Dragoons,  a  regiment  of  which  Field- 
Marshall  Lord  Ligonier  (1690-1770)  had  originally  been  colonel. 

578 


DR.   JOHN  BERKENHOUT'S  EXCURSION 

me,  that  at  one  time  last  year,  many  of  their  officers  were 
literally  without  shoes.  On  this  road  we  passed  a  number 
of  continental  waggons  (so  they  are  called)  with  flower  and 
Rum  for  Washingtons  army.  They  have  five  thousand  of 
these  Waggons,  the  drivers  of  which,  being  taught  the  use 
of  arms,  act  in  the  double  capacity  of  Waggoners,  or  Sol 
diers  as  occasion  may  require. 

On  my  return  to  Elizabeth  town,  I  waited  on  General 
Maxwell  with  my  pass.  I  sat  with  him  near  an  hour.  We 
drank  Grog,  and  talked  of  General  Howes  campaigns. 
Some  of  his  maneuvres,  he  said,  were  well  enough  ;  but  that 
he  was  certainly  too  indolent  and  too  ignorant  for  the  com 
mand  of  such  an  army.  He  assured  me  that  the  British 
Army  were  preparing  to  evacuate  New  York,  and  added,  "  I 
knew  we  should  have  no  more  fighting  after  Howe  refused 
to  give  us  battle  at  Ches-nut  Hill."  This  Maxwell  always 
commands  their  light  troops.  By  his  language  he  must  be 
a  Scotchman,  or  from  the  North  of  Ireland.  Before  the 
rebellion  he  was  a  farmer  in  New  Jersey.  He  wears  an 
old  thread-bare  blue  coat,  and  a  still  shabbier  hat.  In  Eng 
land,  one  would  take  him  for  an  invalided  corporal  of 
Artillery. 

Septr  ipth.  I  came  with  a  flag  of  truce  to  Staten  Island, 
and  thence  to  New  York  the  same  evening. 

Reflexions 

The  Executive  Council,  by  which  I  was  examined  con 
sisted  of  seven  or  nine  of  the  lowest,  most  contemptible 
fellows  I  ever  saw  assembled,  except  at  the  Robin  Hood. 

The  members  of  the  present  Congress,  are,  in  general,  un 
polished,  illiterate,  poor  and  of  no  character.  Adams,  and 
the  two  Lees  of  Virginia  have  most  influence. 

Washington  is  doubtless  a  man  of  some  genius ;  but  he 
owes  his  reputation  chiefly  to  his  opponant's  want  of  abili 
ties,  or  to  something  worse.  Last  winter  Sir  W.  Howe  com 
manded,  at  least,  four  times  the  number  of  the  rebel  army. 
If  instead  of  remaining  at  Philadelphia  he  had  marched 

579 


TRAVELS  IN  THE  AMERICAN   COLONIES 

Southwards,  so  as  to  have  covered  Pensylvania,  most  of  the 
inhabitants  of  that  Province  would  have  declared  for  legal 
Government,  and  would  have  elected  a  constitutional  as 
sembly.  Washington  must,  in  that  case,  have  retreated 
Southward,  in  order  to  secure  or  destroy  his  magazines, 
and  thus  the  provinces  of  New- York,  New  Jersey  and  Pen 
sylvania,  would  have  been  effectually  covered.  Pensylvania 
alone  would  supply  an  army  of  50,000  men,  for  any  length 
of  time,  with  every  necessary  of  life.  A  great  majority  of 
the  inhabitants  are  firmly  attached  to  the  king. 

That  it  is  impossible  to  compel  Washington  to  fight,  is  a 
very  palpable,  and  hath  been  a  very  fatal  mistake.  He 
might,  with  much  more  facility,  escape  in  an  open  country. 
In  America,  the  roads  in  which  an  army  can  possibly  march 
are  few,  therefore  knowing  the  situation  of  his  magazines, 
it  is  always  easy  to  know  what  rout  he  will  take.  I  speak 
with  some  degree  of  confidence  :  I  was  bred  a  Soldier. 

Most  of  the  Americans  with  whom  I  conversed,  on  my 
Journey  through  the  Jerseys  and  at  Philadelphia,  lamented 
their  seperation  from  the  Mother  Country,  disapproved  the 
declaration  of  independance,  and  detested  their  French 
alliance. 

The  rebel  army  consists  chiefly  of  Irish  transports  and  of 
Officers  from  that  country. 

If  the  natives  of  America  were  tempted  with  British 
establishment  and  the  friends  of  Government  properly 
supported  and  secured,  an  army  might  soon  be  raised  suffi 
cient  to  destroy  Washington  in  one  campaign. 

The  Refugees  which  are  now  in  England  and  at  New 
York,  a  burthen  to  the  Nation,  might,  with  very  little  ex- 
pence,  be  so  situated  as  to  assist  Government  in  the  present 
contest,  and  secure  the  future  tranquility  of  America. 

The  paper  currency  of  the  Congress  is  now  at  four  and 
five  to  one.  A  little  perseverance  on  the  part  of  Britain 
will  soon  reduce  it  to  nothing.  They  want  men,  and  they 
will  soon  want  subsistance. 

The  Hessian  troops  are  extremly  disliked  by  the  Ameri 
cans.  Most  of  PolaskPs  cavalry  are  Hessian  deserters. 

580 


DR.  JOHN  BERKENHOUT'S  EXCURSION 

At  Philadelphia  there  is  not  a  single  ship,  or  the  least  ap 
pearance  of  commerce,  consequently  wine  and  every  other 
foreign  article  is  extravagantly  dear.  The  country  people 
are  by  no  means  reconciled  to  paper  money. 

If  Washington  be  ever  defeated  and  resolutely  pursued, 
his  troops  will  disperse,  and  hide  themselves  in  the  woods. 
They  are  not  as  they  have  been  represented,  a  respectable 
body  of  Yeomanry,  fighting  pro  aris  etfocis;  but  a  contemp 
tible  band  of  vagrants,  deserters  and  thieves. 

Gerard  1  is  dissatisfyed.  Franklin  deceived  him.  That 
Machiaevel  in  craft  and  principle,  assured  him  that  the  heads 
of  the  people  were  friends  to  France,  and  that  the  operations 
of  the  French  fleet  would  be  seconded  by  80,000  men. 

A  pardon  to  all  convicts  would  diminish  Washingtons 
army.  Commissions  to  his  officers  and  the  command  of  as 
many  men  as  each  Officer  should  bring  over,  with  British 
and  Irish  establishment,  would,  I  think,  totally  ruin  his 
army. 

The  minority  are  egregiously  mistaken  in  supposing  that 
the  Congress  acknowledge  any  obligation  for  their  opposition 
to  Ministry.  They  echo  their  speeches  ;  but  they  mention 
the  Speakers  with  contempt. 

In  treating  with  America,  nothing  upon  the  great  line  of 
honour  is  to  be  expected.  As  Britain  advances  towards  ac- 
commadation  America  will  recede,  in  constant  expectation 
of  gaining  still  one  point  more.  If  Britain  were  so  weak  as 
to  acknowledge  their  independance  they  have  other  claims 
which  they  would  most  impudently  make,  and  which  Britain, 
if  she  values  her  existance,  must  never  grant. 

The  insolence  of  these  demagogues,  who  rule  America, 
is  intirely  founded  on  their  opinion  of  Washington's  superior 
talents.  They  are  however  jealous  of  his  power,  and  are 

1  Conrad  Alexander  Gerard,  who,  as  principal  Secretary  of  the 
Council  of  State  of  France,  negotiated  on  the  part  of  the  French 
Government  the  first  treaties  of  alliance  and  commerce  between 
France  and  the  United  States.  About  the  middle  of  July,  1778, 
he  had  come  to  Philadelphia  as  the  first  minister  of  France  to  this 
country,  and  remained  in  that  capacity  until  September,  1779. 

581 


TRAVELS  IN  THE  AMERICAN   COLONIES 

so  extreamly  fearful  of  the  people,  that  the  authority  of 
Congress  is  constantly  exerted  in  suppressing  every  publica 
tion  calculated  to  undeceive  them. 

Nothing  would  so  effectually  shake  the  resolution  of  the 
Congress,  as  unanimity  in  the  British  Parliament. 

Whenever  these  people  are  resolutely  opposed,  the[y]  will 
be  found  pusilanimous  and  contemptibly  abject. 

When  Britain  once  resolves  to  conquer  America,  the 
business  is  done.  Previous  to  this  (pardon  my  presump 
tion)  I  wish  that  Parliament  would  resolve,  not  to  treat 
with  Congress  on  any  terms  whatsoever. 


582 


TRAVEL  DIARY  OF  BISHOP  AND  MRS.  REICHEL 
AND  THEIR  COMPANY  FROM  LITITZ,  PENN 
SYLVANIA,  TO  SALEM  IN  WACHOVIA,  NORTH 
CAROLINA,  1780 


INTRODUCTION 

THE  synod  of  the  Moravian  church,  which  was  held  at 
Barby,  Saxony,  in  1775,  centralized  the  government  of  that 
body  by  making  the  minister  of  each  congregation  an  agent 
or  representative  of  the  Unity's  Elders'  Conference  and  by 
restricting  the  membership  of  the  church  council,  in  which 
was  vested  the  power  to  elect  elders  and  trustees.  The  synod 
of  Barby  also  formulated  certain  doctrines  and  pronounced 
them  essential.  To  adjust  the  American  branch  of  the 
church  to  these  new  enactments  and  "to  give  comfort  and 
counsel  to  the  Brethren"  the  Unity's  Elders'  Conference 
commissioned  Bishop  John  Frederick  Reichel.  He  procured 
a  safe  conduct  from  the  British  authorities ;  arrived  at 
Bethlehem,  Pennsylvania,  in  April,  1779;  convened  a  con 
ference  of  ministers  at  Lititz  on  the  5th  of  August,  and  sub 
sequently  visited  almost  all  the  scenes  of  the  church's 
activity,  North  and  South.  This  diary  is  an  account  of 
his  journey  from  Lititz  to  Salem,  and  the  one  following  is 
an  account  of  his  return  over  the  same  road,  which  traversed 
Virginia  east  of  the  Blue  Ridge.  The  diarist  of  the  return 
journey  seems  to  have  been  Christian  Heckewelder,  who 
was  largely  instrumental  in  procuring  from  the  legislature 
of  North  Carolina  the  Act  of  January,  1779,  permitting  an 
affirmation  of  allegiance  and  fidelity  by  the  Moravians  of 
that  State  to  answer  for  an  oath.  Who  wrote  the  diary  of 
the  journey  to  Salem  may  perhaps  best  be  left  to  conjecture. 

The  diaries,  in  German,  have  been  preserved  among  the 
archives  of  the  Moravian  church  at  Winston-Salem,  North 
Carolina.  The  translation  here  printed  is  by  Miss  Adelaide 
L.  Fries,  Archivist. 


585 


TRAVEL  DIARY  OF  BISHOP  AND  MRS.  REICHEL 
AND  THEIR  COMPANY  FROM  LITITZ  TO 
SALEM  IN  THE  WAGHAU  (WACHOVIA)  FROM 
MAY  22,  TO  JUNE  15,  1780 

MAY  22.  About  nine  o'clock  in  the  morning,  after  an 
affectionate  farewell  to  the  dear  Brethren  in  Lititz,  we  began 
our  journey  in  the  name  of  the  Lord  and  under  His  guid 
ance,  rejoicing  in  the  knowledge  that  the  Brethren  in  Penn 
sylvania  and  the  Wachau  were  praying  for  us.  Our  com 
pany  consists  of  ten  Brethren,1  and  four  teamsters.  The 
Brethren  Simon  Peter  and  Zahm  accompanied  us  two  miles. 
At  noon  we  had  our  first  meal  in  the  woods,  —  a  cold  lunch. 
In  the  sixth  hour  we  reached  Anderson's  Ferry,2  where  the 
Susquehannah  is  I \  miles  wide.  On  the  side  from  which  we 
approached  there  is  a  high  sandy  bank,  and  the  wheels  of 
Conrad's  wagon  sank  to  the  axle  in  the  sand,  and  were 
freed  only  after  one  and  a  half  hours  of  work  with  levers 
and  extra  horses.  On  the  other  side  is  a  high  stony  ridge. 
We  were  so  fortunate  as  to  get  our  two  wagons  and  three 
riding  horses  across  within  two  hours,  by  means  of  two 
Flats,  which  are  too  small  for  a  river  of  such  considerable 
size ;  but  frequently  travellers  are  detained  here  for  an 
entire  day.  Each  crossing  takes  only  ten  minutes,  and 
they  race  with  each  other.  But  they  had  to  cross  over  and 
back  three  times,  and  the  loading  and  unloading  takes  as 
much  time  as  the  crossing.  Here  they  charge  $56.00  for 
taking  over  a  six-horse  wagon,  and  $8.00  for  a  horse  and 
rider ;  at  Wright's  Ferry,3  where  the  Susquehannah  is  two 

1  Bishop   and   Mrs.   Reichel,   Br.   and   Sr.   Jeppe  Nielsen,   the 
Single  Brother  Joh.  Fr.  Peter,  Br.  and  Sr.  Aust,  Br.  and  Sr.  Blum, 
and  the  Single  Sister  Mar.  Magd.  Reutz. 

2  Anderson's  Ferry  was  about  four  miles  above  Wright's  Ferry. 

3  Wright's  Ferry  ran  between  the  present  Columbia  and  Wrights- 

ville. 

586 


TRAVEL  DIARY  OF  BISHOP  REICHEL 

miles  wide,  the  charge  is  $90.00  for  a  six-horse  wagon,  and 
$12.00  for  a  horse  and  rider.  Some  two  miles  from  the 
Susquehannah,  on  a  creek  called  Susquehannah  Creek,  we 
made  our  first  outdoor  night-camp,  in  a  pretty  open  space 
surrounded  by  tall  trees.  We  admired  the  blue  dome  above 
us,  set  with  sparkling  diamonds,  and  quenched  our  thirst 
with  wholesome  tea,  and  satisfied  our  hunger  with  Lititz 
bread  and  meat.  During  the  night  some  of  us  lay  under 
a  cloth  stretched  across  three  poles  and  pegged  to  the 
ground,  but  as  the  other  tent  was  not  to  hand  the  rest  lay 
under  the  roof  that  God  had  made,  beside  a  big  fire,  for  the 
night  was  cool.  Br.  Blum  was  our  commissary,  Br.  Aust 
camp-master,  and  the  Sisters  Blum  and  Aust  did  the  cook 
ing.  The  others  helped  where  they  could.  That  we  should 
have  slept  well  this  first  time  in  our  unaccustomed  quarters 
was  not  to  be  expected,  but  as  time  wore  on  we  wished  for 
nothing  better.  Tob.  Hirte  visited  us,  and  later  served  us 
in  various  ways. 

The  23.  After  strengthening  ourselves  with  coffee  at 
breakfast  we  travelled  to  the  top  of  the  Susquehannah 
ridge,  from  whence  a  beautiful  view  of  plantations,  houses, 
fields,  orchards  and  meadows,  hills  and  valleys,  extended 
all  the  way  to  Yorktown,1  which  we  reached  about  eleven 
o'clock,  receiving  a  hearty  welcome  from  Br.  and  Sr.  Neisser. 
Here  we  remained  till  three  o'clock,  to  our  mutual  pleasure 
and  joy.  In  parting  Br.  Neisser  gave  us  the  Daily  Text 
as  encouragement  for  our  way;  "The  Lord  will  give  grace 
and  glory ;  no  good  thing  will  He  withhold  from  them  that 
walk  uprightly,"  with  which  words  we  encouraged  one  an 
other.  Here  our  party  was  joined  by  a  tanner  named  Doub, 
who  had  been  visiting  friends  in  Pensylvania  and  was  return 
ing  to  Carolina.  We  made  17  miles  to-day,  and  camped 
for  the  night  on  a  green  hill  close  by  a  house.  Here  for  the 
first  time  we  were  all  in  tents,  and  rested  very  well. 

The  24.  It  was  so  cold  a  morning  that  we  could  scarcely 
keep  warm  at  breakfast.  We  broke  camp  at  six  o'clock. 

1  York,  York  County,  Pennsylvania. 
2*p  587 


TRAVELS  IN  THE  AMERICAN  COLONIES 

This  morning  in  a  rough  piece  of  woodland,  Conrad's  wagon 
in  going  down  a  hill  ran  into  a  tree,  and  crushed  the  left 
front  wheel.  We  thanked  the  Saviour  that  the  wagon  and 
horses  were  not  thrown  to  the  ground,  for  it  looked  as  if 
that  might  easily  have  happened.  This  accident  detained 
us  an  hour  until  the  wagon  could  be  repaired.  At  I  :  30 
we  reached  Mc.Allister's  (formerly  Hannover's),1  where  we 
had  a  beautiful  mid-day  rest  in  a  barn.  We  refreshed  our 
selves  on  the  good  beer  to  be  obtained  here.  Toward  even 
ing  we  passed  through  Peter-Town,2  and  camped  for  the 
night  two  miles  further  on,  on  the  Maryland  line,  near 
StaufFer,  the  brother  of  Sr.  Cath.  Stauffer  of  Bethlehem. 
That  night,  as  we  sat  around  our  fire  and  held  our  evening 
service,  in  the  darkness  a  wall  seemed  round  about  us,  and 
the  words  came  naturally  to  our  minds,  "I  will  be  a  wall 
round  about  you,"  Zech.  2,  5.  And  in  the  forest  we  seemed 
to  see  a  city,  with  high  castles  and  towers  and  houses, 
wrought  out  with  finest  architectural  skill.  To  all  the  frogs 
added  their  night  music. 

The  25.  The  morning  again  was  cool.  It  was  after  six 
o'clock  when  we  broke  camp.  Danitown  3  is  a  little  village 
with  one  solitary  street,  lying  seven  miles  from  our  camp, 
at  a  point  where  the  forests  are  sprinkled  with  pines.  The 
road  thither  was  full  of  people  to-day,  as  it  was  the  Catholic 
festival  of  Corpus  Christi,  and  they  were  going  to  the  Catho 
lic  Church  in  Danitown.  On  the  way  we  passed  the  home 
of  Adam  Loesch,  and  spoke  with  him.  He  was  planning 
to  sell  his  house,  and  move  to  Holston  River  in  Virginia, 
400  miles  from  there.  Beyond  Danitown,  which  we  had 
reached  at  9 :  30,  Hauser's  wagon  almost  upset.  Br. 
Reichel  had  alighted  when  to  our  pleasure  we  were  met  by 
Br.  Schweisshaupt,  and  the  two  Brethren  Weller  and  Kampf 
from  Manakosy,4  the  road  from  the  latter  place  here  coming 
out  into  the  main  road  to  Friedrichstown.5  They  showed  us 
the  way  to  a  pretty  mid-day  resting  place  on  the  large  Fifer 

1  Now  Hanover,  Pennsylvania.  2  Petersburg. 

3  Taneytown,  Maryland.  4  Monocacy,  Maryland. 

5  Frederick,  Maryland. 

588 


TRAVEL  DIARY  OF  BISHOP  REICHEL 

Creek,1  over  which  there  is  a  bridge  now  impassable.  There 
we  pleasantly  conversed  together,  near  the  home  of  Gentle 
man  Bruce,  a  cousin  of  our  deceased  Br.  Steph.  Bruce.  Br. 
Schweisshaupt  and  the  two  Brn.  from  Manakosy,  who  were 
able  to  supply  us  with  fresh  provisions,  accompanied  us  for 
two  miles  to  the  place  where  the  road  from  Baltimore  to 
Manakosy  crosses  the  road  to  Carolina  at  right  angleSj 
then  took  friendly  leave  of  us,  commending  us  to  the  good 
guidance  of  our  God.  From  there  it  is  9  miles  to  Mana 
kosy,  and  about  50  miles  to  Baltimore.  To-day  we  made 
20  miles,  and  camped  about  75  miles  from  Lititz  and  8  from 
Friedrichstown,  in  a  beautiful  green  spot.  In  the  evening 
we  again  saw  a  wonderful  scenic  effect,  —  a  round  amphi 
theatre,  with  high  arches  and  pillars.  The  nights  began  to 
be  milder,  and  the  heat  of  the  day  more  oppressive. 

The  26.  At  7  :  30  we  crossed  the  Manakosy,  a  stream  half 
as  large  as  the  Lecha  near  Bethlehem,  and  at  9 :  30  reached 
Friedrichtown,  where  we  stopped  at  the  Inn  of  Mr.  Grosh, 
Brother  of  the  Groshes  of  Lititz,  where  we  had  a  good  meal. 
He  has  a  pleasant  English  wife,  who  waited  on  us  in  a  kind 
and  courteous  manner;  she  has  many  lively,  attractive 
children,  who  speak  only  English.  The  old  father  is  still 
bright  and  well.  Here  we  met  Br.  and  Sr.  Kamp,  of  Mana 
kosy  (she  was  a  Protzmarm),  and  their  five  months  old 
child  who  gave  us  much  pleasure  with  his  lively,  pretty, 
good-natured  ways.  We  also  met  Br.  Schau,  of  Carols- 
manor,  who  begged  Br.  and  Sr.  Reichel  to  visit  Carolsmanor 
on  their  return  trip  ;  his  family  are  very  anxious  to  re-estab 
lish  close  connection  with  the  Brethren.  Br.  Reichel  visited 
Mr.  William  Ockel,  an  inn-keeper  in  the  town  and  a  friend 
of  the  Brethren,  who  offered  to  forward  letters  and  attend 
to  any  commissions  for  the  Brethren  going  to  and  from 
Carolina.  We  were  annoyed  by  the  unpleasant  conversation 
of  the  misguided  Hepner,  who  ran  away  from  Lititz.  Every 
word  that  he  spoke  was  a  lie,  as  we  learned  from  Br.  Kamp, 
who  knew  him  in  Manakosy  and  knew  all  his  tricks.  His 

1  Pine  Creek. 
589 


TRAVELS  IN  THE  AMERICAN   COLONIES 

wife,  a  Virginian,  who  had  been  in  town  barely  eight  days 
when  he  married  her,  left  him  after  seven  months  and  re 
turned  to  her  own  home.  He  is  working  in  town.  Fried- 
richtown  has  a  pleasant  location,  a  stream  runs  through  it, 
and  it  contains  good  houses.  Congress-money  still  has  good 
value  here,  —  40  to  I,  —  many  say  30  to  I  ;  indeed  there 
is  little  silver  in  the  town.  It  was  necessary  for  us  to  ex 
change  silver  for  Congress-money,  as  we  were  going  into 
Virginia  where  for  the  most  part  there  is  little  money  and 
silver  is  little  used,  and  Br.  Blum,  through  Mr.  William 
Ockel,  found  a  man  who  gave  us  55  for  I.  Then  we  resumed 
our  journey,  and  near  Kiel's  home,  nine  miles  from  Fried- 
richstown,  met  Br.  Shau's  wife,  from  Carolsmanor,  who 
repeated  her  husband's  invitation ;  two  miles  further  on 
we  made  camp  near  Mr.  Th.  Noland's  house,  close  to  the 
road  which  turns  to  the  right  from  the  Foart  road  towards 
Noland's  Ferry,  which  crosses  the  Patomoak  two  miles 
from  here.  So  far  our  journey  had  been  very  pleasant. 
Now,  however,  the  Virginia  air  brought  storms.  Here  and 
there  in  the  woods  we  saw  Virginia  cabins,  built  of  unhewn 
logs  and  without  windows.  Kitchen,  living  room,  bed  room 
and  hall  are  all  in  one  room  into  which  one  enters  when 
the  house  door  opens.  The  chimney  is  built  at  the  gable 
end,  of  unhewn  logs  looking  like  trees,  or  it  is  omitted  al 
together.  Everywhere  we  saw  the  negroes  moving  about ; 
one  came  in  the  evening  to  our  tent,  probably  to  see  what 
was  worth  stealing.  Neither  we  nor  the  teamsters  liked 
the  place,  which  was  not  convenient  for  a  camp ;  but  no 
one  knew  of  a  better  place,  nor  had  courage  to  seek  one, 
for  the  sun  had  set  when  we  reached  there ;  yet  all  had  a 
presentiment  of  impending  trouble. 

The  27.  The  next  morning,  rising  early,  we  found  that 
Br.  Reichel's  chest,  containing  all  his  books  and  papers,  the 
Deed  to  the  Wachau,  letters,  and  his  and  his  wife's  clothing, 
had  been  stolen  from  the  wagon,  together  with  a  flask  of 
rum,  some  food,  and  Hauser's  sickles  and  clothing,  which 
filled  us  with  consternation !  This  delayed  our  further 
journey  until  about  eight  o'clock.  Br.  Aust  rode  back  two 

590 


TRAVEL  DIARY  OF  BISHOP  REICHEL 

miles  to  tell  Leonh.  Heil,  who  keeps  an  inn.  He  returned 
with  him  at  once,  and  suggested  writing  out  a  description 
of  the  stolen  articles,  which  could  be  put  into  an  advertise 
ment,  and  posted  up  everywhere,  and  this  was  at  once  done. 
He  promised  to  do  his  best  to  find  the  stolen  goods.  Mean 
while  Mr.  Th.  Noland  had  risen,  and  was  informed  of  the 
occurrence.  He  seemed  much  embarrassed  and  perplexed, 
and  said  he  feared  the  theft  had  been  committed  by  some 
of  his  negroes,  and  promised  to  try  to  find  the  guilty  party ; 
he  rode  two  miles  into  the  woods  saying  they  had  probably 
hidden  the  things  there,  but  soon  returned  saying  he  believed 
the  thieves  had  fled  across  the  Patomako.1  On  this  sup 
position  Leonh.  Heil  went  with  us  to  the  Patomoak,  and 
promised  the  ferrymen,  who  are  also  negroes,  that  they 
should  have  a  large  fee  if  they  would  find  the  stolen  property. 
Later  this  man  Heil  took  much  more  trouble  for  us  in  this 
matter.  Note.  Mr.  Th.  Noland  and  his  father  and  father- 
in-law  have  200  negroes  in  this  neighborhood,  on  both 
sides  of  the  Patomoak,  and  this  neighborhood  is  far-famed 
for  robbery  and  theft.  Travellers  should  take  care  here. 
The  road  on  to  the  Patomoak  was  bad.  Going  down  a  steep 
hill  to  a  bridge  over  the  Tuscaror  Hauser's  wagon  almost 
upset,  which  excited  much  alarm.  About  9  o'clock  we 
reached  the  Patomoak,  and  as  there  was  only  one  small 
ferry  boat  it  was  11:30  before  we  and  the  wagons  and  horses 
were  all  across.  The  high  water  line  on  the  southern  side 
of  the  Patomoak  is  the  boundary  between  Maryland  and 
Virginia.  It  was  very  hot  to-day,  and  there  was  a  storm 
in  the  afternoon.  Sr.  Reichel  was  not  quite  well  these  two 
days.  Our  journey  to-day  was  short,  and  we  made  our 
night  camp  two  miles  from  Louisburg.2  This  evening  the 
two  Carolina  riding  horses  ran  away  again  two  miles  into 
the  woods.  It  took  Br.  Blum  until  eleven  o'clock  to  find 
and  bring  them  back,  and  meanwhile  his  travelling  coat, 
which  he  had  hung  on  a  stump  between  the  tents,  was 
stolen,  as  were  also  two  bells,  two  towels,  and  the  feed 

1  Potomac.  2  Leesburg. 

591 


TRAVELS  IN  THE  AMERICAN  COLONIES 

sacks.  We  now  keep  watch  all  night,  but  the  watchman 
could  not  prevent  this  theft,  for  the  night  was  very  dark, 
and  the  negroes,  who  had  a  free  evening,  were  roaming  every 
where.  We  have  learned  by  sad  experience  that  Virginia 
is  full  of  thieves. 

The  28.  Tob.  Hirte  and  Doub,  who  had  remained  behind 
for  several  days,  rejoined  us  yesterday,  and  to-day  Br. 
Reichel  sent  them  back  to  Mr.  Th.  Noland,  with  instruc 
tions  to  look  about,  and  to  see  what  he  would  advise  about 
the  stolen  goods,  and  especially  whether  he  could  not  get 
back  the  papers.  He  gave  them  a  letter  to  this  effect  to 
the  said  Noland.  We  made  our  noonday  camp  on  the 
great  Goes-Creek,1  eight  miles  beyond  Louisburg,  and  as  it 
was  Sunday  we  rested  until  four  o'clock.  The  way  here, 
and  beyond,  was  very  hilly  and  stony.  We  cooked  with 
rice  the  hens  we  had  bought  in  Louisburg,  but  the  pot 
tipped  over  and  we  had  to  cook  a  second  time.  In  the 
afternoon  we  made  five  miles  more,  and  stopped  for  the 
night  in  an  open  place  by  a  run. 

The  29.  In  the  morning  we  found  that  the  two  Carolina 
horses  had  run  off  through  the  woods  towards  home,  and 
they  fed  themselves  bountifully  in  a  fine  field  of  clover. 
The  worst  of  it  was  that  we  suspected  they  had  been  stolen, 
which  might  easily  happen  to  us  in  Virginia,  where  there  is 
much  horse-stealing,  and  we  thought  this  the  more  because 
a  man,  whom  we  later  learned  to  be  only  simple,  had  hung 
about  eying  our  every  movement  as  intently  as  though  he 
were  watching  someone  or  were  planning  some  roguery. 
As  we  thought  that  the  quickest  way  to  recover  the  horses 
would  be  to  promise  a  reward  to  the  rogue  we  did  so,  but 
the  horses  did  not  appear.  Having  spent  till  eight  o'clock 
on  the  matter  we  then  continued  our  journey,  leaving  Br. 
Blum  to  seek  the  horses,  and  with  the  help  of  three  men,  to 
whom  he  had  to  give  over  $100.00 2  for  their  trouble,  he 
found  them  about  mid-day  in  the  aforesaid  clover  field,  and 
brought  them  to  us  after  we  had  camped  for  the  night.  At 

1  Goose  Creek.  2  Continental  currency. 

S92 


TRAVEL  DIARY  OF  BISHOP  REICHEL 

noon  we  had  halted  in  the  woods,  one  and  a  half  miles  from 
Redhouse.  Redhouse  is  25  miles  from  Louisburg,  and  130 
from  Lititz,  that  is  195  from  Bethlehem.  We  camped  for 
the  night  eight  miles  beyond  Redhouse.  The  ticks,  whose 
acquaintance  we  had  already  made  at  the  Susquehannah, 
now  began  to  be  very  troublesome. 

The  30.  We  soon  reached  Nevill's  Tavern,  which  is  ten 
miles  from  Redhouse,  and  six  miles  further  passed  through 
Germantown,1  -  -  when  one  is  in  the  town  one  asks  where 
the  town  is.  To-day  we  made  only  fourteen  miles  partly 
on  account  of  the  hilly,  rough,  and  marshy  road,  partly 
because  Hauser's  wagon  broke  several  times  and  had  to  be 
repaired,  and  during  the  afternoon  Conrad's  wagon  stuck 
in  a  deep  hole,  and  it  took  four  extra  horses,  that  is  ten  in 
all,  to  pull  and  twist  it  out.  Since  we  left  the  Patomoak 
it  has  thundered  every  day  and  especially  this  entire  after 
noon,  and  in  the  evening  it  began  to  rain  and  rained  all 
night,  so  that  tents  and  beds  and  clothes  were  all  soaked. 

The  j/.  It  was  very  muddy  and  wet,  but  we  made  fair 
progress.  About  8  :  30  we  forded  the  Rapihannik,2  as  there 
is  neither  bridge  nor  ferry.  After  a  heavy  rainstorm  we 
halted  for  our  mid-day  lunch.  Then  we  went  on  through 
thunder  and  rain  till  we  reached  a  new  house,  whose  owner, 
Mr.  Shelton,  had  gone  on  a  trip  to  North  Carolina.  His  wife, 
who  had  two  sick  children,  gave  friendly  answer  to  our  re 
quest,  and  showed  us  into  a  room  where  there  were  four 
beautiful  double  beds.  We  were  glad  to  be  under  a  roof, 
and  to  sleep  in  the  dry.  As  a  matter  of  precaution  Br.  and 
Sr.  Blum  stayed  with  the  wagons,  which  drove  a  little  further 
into  the  woods.  We  paid  $i  :  oo  Cont.  apiece  for  our  night's 
lodging,  and  $i  :  oo  Cont.  for  a  quart  of  milk.  Sr.  Reutz 
was  thrown  from  her  horse  to-day,  and  while  not  seriously 
hurt  she  was  afraid  to  ride  again. 

Jun.  I.  It  was  only  six  miles  to  the  Rapidan,  but  the 
water  was  so  high  from  yesterday's  heavy  rain  that  we  could 

1  Nevill's  Tavern,   Red   House,  and  Germantown  were  on  the 
Winchester  and  Fredericksburg  road. 

2  Rappahannock. 

593 


TRAVELS  IN  THE  AMERICAN  COLONIES 

go  no  further.  We  took  advantage  of  the  time  and  the 
good  weather  to  dry  our  wet  clothes  and  beds,  for  washing 
and  cooking  and  other  domestic  tasks,  and  enjoyed  being 
together  in  the  woods. 

The  2.  We  started  at  5  :  30  A.M.  and  crossed  the  Rapidan 
safely.  The  water  only  came  up  to  the  wagon-beds  to-day. 
Here  the  teamsters  bought  a  good  supply  of  feed  for  the 
horses,  for  we  were  approaching  the  section  where  the  Eng 
lish  prisoners  were  and  knew  we  would  be  able  to  get  little 
as  the  Commissary  had  bought  it  up  for  them.  After 
crossing  the  Rapidan  one  follows  the  bank  of  the  river  for 
about  four  miles,  and  all  kinds  of  beautiful  trees  are  mingled 
together.  If  a  town  were  laid  out  here  and  the  land  brought 
into  a  better  state  of  cultivation  this  would  be  an  unusually 
pretty  section.  In  spite  of  the  hills  we  made  twenty  miles 
to-day,  which  is  much  for  us.  Toward  evening  Tob.  Hirte 
and  Br.  Hr.  Stoehr  caught  up  with  us.  Tob.  Hirte  had 
reclaimed  a  few  pieces  of  Hauser's  clothing  from  Th.  Noland, 
but  nothing  more.  Heil  was  continuing  his  kindly  efforts 
in  the  matter.  We  camped  for  the  night  in  a  beautiful 
green  spot.  It  rained  a  little  during  the  night. 

The  5.  We  started  out  at  five  o'clock  and  made  twenty- 
three  miles,  which  was  our  longest  day's  journey.  It  was 
.very  hot  and  oppressive,  and  in  the  afternoon  we  had  a 
severe  thunder-storm  and  heavy  rain.  About  five  o'clock, 
as  Conrad  was  trying  in  vain  to  force  his  horses  to  pull  the 
wagon  over  a  particularly  steep  place,  there  was  a  flash  of 
lightning  and  crack  of  thunder,  and  instantly  the  horses 
had  the  wagon  over  the  bad  place.  Hauser's  wagon  was 
standing  by  a  mudhole,  and  his  horses  shied,  almost  up 
setting  the  wagon.  We  gave  the  Saviour  childlike  thanks 
that  all  turned  out  so  well  for  us,  and  that  the  storm  came 
no  nearer,  for  not  far  behind  us  and  on  Stanton  l  River 
ahead  of  us  the  storm  brought  hail  which  beat  the  crops  to 
the  ground.  We  camped  half  a  mile  from  Bird's  Ordinary. 
(Ordinary  is  the  Virginia  name  for  an  inn.) 


1  Roanoke  River. 
594 


TRAVEL  DIARY  OF  BISHOP  REICHEL 

The  4.  We  wished  to  make  an  early  start,  but  Conrad's 
horses  had  strayed  off,  and  that  detained  us  two  hours,  - 
it  would  have  been  longer  had  not  Br.  Stoehr  found  them 
and  brought  them  to  our  camp.  We  shortened  our  mid 
day  rest  because  eight  Continental  wagons  camped  near  us. 
Already  on  the  28th  and  29th  of  May  we  had  met  a  num 
ber  of  wagons,  belonging  with  these,  which  had  been  to 
South  Carolina  with  arms  and  ammunition  and  were  now 
returning.  Br.  Hr.  Stoehr  took  a  letter  from  Br.  Reichel 
to  Br.  Marshall  and  went  ahead  to  announce  our  approach. 
We  made  about  eighteen  miles  to-day,  and  camped  for  the 
night  half  a  mile  from  Peyne's  Tavern  in  a  large  unculti 
vated  field  in  which  a  school-house  stood.  During  the  night 
the  two  Carolina  horses  started  off,  but  were  soon  brought  back. 

The  5.  This  morning  one  of  them  had  again  gone  to  the 
woods,  and  had  to  be  driven  in.  They  knew  they  were 
nearing  home,  and  were  in  a  hurry.  We  had  seven  miles 
to  go  to  reach  the  James  River,  which  we  crossed  by  means 
of  a  small  ferry,  getting  over  about  eleven  o'clock.  To 
reach  the  ferry  we  had  to  drive  down  such  a  steep  and  badly 
washed  hill  that  it  was  a  wonder  that  the  wagon  did  not 
turn  over.  On  the  other  side  of  the  river  we  lunched  on  a 
beautiful  green  height.  In  the  afternoon  we  refreshed  our 
selves  on  the  first  ripe  cherries.  From  two  gentlemen,  who 
came  through  Salem,  we  received  certain  information  that 
Charlestown  had  been  forced  to  surrender  to  the  British, 
the  report  being  confirmed  by  the  stones  of  both  sides.1 
This  made  a  great  stir  in  Verginia.  From  there  on  we  saw 
many  people  fleeing  from  South  and  North  Carolina,  and 
the  Virginians  thought  us  queer  creatures  to  be  going  to 
North  Carolina.  While  we  were  camped  six  miles  from 
Cumberland  Court-House  100  Militiamen  rode  by,  who  had 
been  drafted  at  Cumberland  Court-House.  A  drunken 
fellow  kept  us  a  whole  hour  that  evening  telling  us  the  cir 
cumstances  of  the  capture  of  Charlestown.  We  were  thank 
ful  when  he  finally  departed  without  talking  all  night. 

1  Charleston  surrendered  the  I2th  of  May. 
595 


TRAVELS  IN  THE  AMERICAN  COLONIES 

The  6.  We  set  out  at  five  o'clock,  and  passed  Cumber 
land  Court-House.  In  the  afternoon  we  went  five  or  six 
miles  out  of  our  way,  for  the  Appomatik  1  ford  was  impas 
sable  and  the  teamsters  thought  a  side  track  to  the  right 
would  lead  to  a  bridge  across  that  creek.  It  thundered  and 
rained  and  grew  to  be  dark  night  before  we  found  a  place 
where  there  was  water  and  where  we  could  camp.  We  were 
now  in  a  section  where  there  are  few  springs,  and  the  soil  is 
mostly  sand,  glittering  with  isinglass. 

The  7.  Starting  about  six  o'clock  we  found  the  right 
way  to  the  bridge  over  the  Appomatik,  which  we  crossed 
about  8  :  30.  It  is  a  small  but  deep  stream,  with  steep 
banks  which  make  fording  impossible.  From  then  till  noon 
we  travelled  a  miserable  road  over  hills  and  valleys,  and 
through  a  creek  with  steep  banks,  and  saw  large  orchards 
along  the  way.  In  the  afternoon,  after  we  had  passed  the 
Academy,  which  had  many  broken  window-panes,  our  track 
turned  again  into  the  main  road.  In  the  evening  after  we 
had  set  up  our  tents  there  came  a  thunder  and  rain  storm. 
We  were  twenty-eight  miles  from  Stanton  River. 

The  8.  During  the  morning  we  met  Mr.  Shelton,  in 
whose  house  we  spent  the  night  of  May  31.  We  gave  him 
news  of  his  family,  and  he  expressed  his  pleasure  that  we 
had  lodged  there.  We  crossed  a  bridge  over  the  little 
Roanoke,  a  small  but  very  deep  stream,  and  passed  Char 
lotte  Court-House.  We  had  rain  until  nearly  noon  when  it 
cleared  somewhat.  But  as  we  finished  lunch  there  came  a 
thunder  storm  with  strong  wind  and  pouring  rain.  We 
crept  into  and  under  the  wagons  and  so  protected  ourselves 
from  the  rain.  In  the  afternoon  it  was  clear,  and  we  crossed 
marshy  ground  on  a  corduroy  road  half  a  mile  long,  to  drive 
over  which  would  certainly  be  good  medecine  for  a  hypo- 
condriac.  We  spent  the  night  in  a  pretty  open  green  spot, 
where  we  ate  the  first  Journey-Cakes  with  a  good  appetite. 
It  was  a  very  cool  night. 

The  p.     In  the    morning  we  crossed  a  bridge  all  full  of 

1  Appomattox. 

596 


TRAVEL  DIARY  OF  BISHOP  REICHEL 

holes,  and  were  grateful  to  the  Saviour  for  our  safety  as  we 
considered  the  very  apparent  danger.  We  also  passed  safely 
through  the  deep  bottom  as  we  neared  Stanton  River  and 
across  its  ford  whose  steep  approaches  gave  the  teamsters 
much  trouble.  It  took  eight  horses  to  pull  Conrad's  wagon 
out,  and  that  with  difficulty.  On  the  farther  bank  we 
stopped  at  noon,  and  nine  miles  beyond  made  our  night's 
camp. 

The  10.  The  roads  were  very  bad.  Steep  hills  washed 
by  the  heavy  rains  alternated  with  deep  bottoms  and 
swampy  places.  Everything  fell  out  of  the  wagons.  Here 
we  made  a  new  arrangement.  Br.  and  Sr.  Neilsen  and  Br. 
and  Sr.  Aust  rode  double  on  two  of  the  horses,  and  Sr. 
Reichel  rode  for  the  first  time  alone,  the  rest  went  afoot. 
We  thanked  the  dear  Lord  that  everything  went  through 
without  accident,  and  that  Sr.  Nielsen  was  not  hurt  when 
she  fell  from  her  horse.  Noon  was  spent  at  the  high  Ban 
nister  Bridge.  We  had  trouble  in  getting  water  enough 
from  a  muddy  spring.  Our  night  camp  was  half  a  mile 
from  Old  Halifax,  100  miles  from  Salem. 

The  n.  When  we  were  in  Old  Halifax  we  asked  about 
this  famous  town  and  received  the  information,  "You  are 
in  the  very  city."  (This  is  only  an  application  of  an  old 
story.)  There  are  only  a  couple  of  houses  here.  Sr.  Reichel 
had  a  headache  to-day,  but  was  better  in  the  afternoon.  At 
noon  as  she  lay  on  a  bed  in  the  shade  a  hog  jumped  over 
her  because  the  dog  was  after  it,  and  that  cured  her.  (This 
creature  is  far  too  familiar  in  Virginia,  and  must  be  forcibly 
driven  away.)  The  heat  was  great,  and  we  had  storms 
every  day.  We  made  nineteen  miles  to-day,  and  camped 
by  Lynch's  Tavern. 

The  12.  Yesterday  afternoon  and  this  morning  the  road 
was  so  hilly,  rough  and  washed  by  the  rains,  that  we  might 
well  thank  the  Saviour  that  we  had  no  accident.  Br. 
Jeppe  Nielsen  was  so  weak  to-day  that  he  could  not  ride 
and  had  to  stay  in  the  wagon  most  of  the  time.  Hauser 
was  made  happy  by  the  arrival  of  his  men,  Jac.  Stotz  and 
Sam.  Strubb  of  Bethanian,  who  came  to  help  him,  and  as 

597 


TRAVELS  IN  THE  AMERICAN   COLONIES 

one  of  the  wheel  horses  to  Conrad's  wagon  was  quite  worn 
out  one  of  theirs  was  put  in  its  place.  We  stopped  for  noon 
at  the  Sandy  River.  Toward  evening  a  heavy  storm  broke, 
and  we  were  soaked. 

The  13.  A  miserable  road,  ruts  filled  with  sand  by  the 
rain,  stony,  hilly,  and  full  of  holes.  Hauser  nearly  had  a 
bad  accident  with  his  horses  and  wagon,  for  as  they  were 
going  down  a  steep  hill  the  breast  chain  broke  and  the  near 
horse  was  thrown  under  the  wheel ;  but  the  driver  saw  it  in 
time  and  the  horse  escaped  serious  injury,  being  only 
scratched  on  crupper  and  one  foot.  The  hand  of  the  Lord 
protected  us  that  we  did  not  have  a  terrible  misfortune. 
This  morning  we  crossed  the  Carolina  line,  and  our  noon 
rest  was  for  the  first  time  on  Carolina  soil.  Here  we  were 
joined  by  Mr.  Habersham,1  who  had  had  Br.  Wagner  on  his 
estate  in  Georgia,  showing  him  much  kindness  during  his 
illness ;  he  had  his  lady  and  children  with  him  and  they 
were  fleeing  from  South  Carolina  and  the  British.  He  con 
versed  pleasantly  with  the  Brn.  Reichel  and  Nielsen,  and 
rejoiced  to  hear  from  the  latter  that  he  had  seen  Br.  Wagner 
in  England  and  that  he  was  doing  well.  Further  on  we  met 
his  loaded  wagons  and  150  negroes.  In  spite  of  the  recent 
rains  we  passed  safely  over  Smith's  River  and  Matrimony 
Creek,  and  camped  for  the  night  one  mile  beyond  the  latter. 

The  14.  In  the  morning  we  came  to  within  a  short  mile 
of  the  Meho  2  River.  As  we  rested  by  a  beautiful  spring 
we  were  joined  by  a  Presbyterian  minister,  who  came  hither 
from  Virginia  last  spring,  and  who  asked  us  all  sorts  of 
questions  concerning  our  position  on  matters  political,  and 
after  an  earnest  but  discreet  conversation  bade  us  a  friendly 
farewell.  There  is  an  outdoor  pulpit  here  where  he  prob 
ably  preaches.  The  semblance  of  a  pulpit  is  built  of  logs 
and  boards  fastened  between  two  trees  ;  the  benches  are  of 

1  In  1774  the  Moravians  established  a  mission  on  Joseph  Haber- 
sham's  estate  in  Georgia  for  the  conversion  of  the  negroes,  and 
immediately  following  the  surrender  of  Savannah  to  the  British, 
on  the  29th  of  December,  1778,  Habersham  removed  his  family  to 
Virginia.  2  Mayo. 

598 


TRAVEL  DIARY  OF  BISHOP  REICHEL 

logs,  resting  on  blocks.  In  this  woodland  church  we  made 
our  mid-day  camp.  Now  we  became  very  eager  to  reach 
Salem,  and  our  joy  was  great  when  two  miles  beyond  the 
Meho  we  met  the  Brn.  Marschall  and  Herbst,  with  the 
wagon  of  the  Single  Brethren  and  the  teamsters  Br.  Broesing 
and  Br.  Hr.  Stoehr,  coming  to  assist  our  further  journey. 
We  thanked  the  Saviour  with  grateful  hearts  that  He  had 
brought  us  so  far  on  our  way,  and  we  spent  a  happy  evening 
in  camp. 

The  75.  We  rose  early  and  took  up  our  journey  with 
joy,  crossing  the  Dan  River  safely,  and  reaching  the  Breth 
ren  in  Salem  about  six  in  the  evening,  thankful  to  the  Saviour 
Who  had  guided  and  led  us  like  children,  and  had  given  us 
to  feel  His  peace  and  presence  throughout  the  entire  way. 
We  were  welcomed  with  trombones,  which  played  "Euren 
Eingang  segen  Gott." 

June  16.  The  wagons,  which  were  left  behind  yesterday, 
arrived  safely  this  morning.  And  so  we  are  in  Salem,  in  this 
town  of  the  Lord's  peace,  —  may  He  bless  us  and  be  with  us 
in  all  we  shall  do  for  him.  Amen  1 


599 


TRAVEL  DIARY  OF  BISHOP  REICHEL,  MRS. 
REICHEL,  AND  CHRISTIAN  HECKEWELDER 
FROM  SALEM  TO  LITITZ,  1780 


EXTRACT  FROM  THE  TRAVEL  DIARY  OF  THE 
BELOVED  BR.  AND  SR.  REICHEL  AND  THE 
SINGLE  BR.  CHRIST.  HECKEWELDER  FROM 
SALEM  TO  LITITZ 

AFTER  Br.  Reichel  had  conducted  a  tender  and  touching 
farewell  service  for  the  dear  congregation  in  Salem  on  the 
evening  of  Oct.  4,  1780,  closing  with  the  church's  blessing, 
we  left 

Oct.  5.  At  nine  in  the  morning,  the  prayers  of  all  the 
Brethren  going  with  us  from  the  town  of  peace  —  Salem. 
Br.  and  Sr.  Marschall,1  Sr.  Neilsen,  and  a  gratifying  number 
of  Brethren,  went  a  little  way  with  us,  the  Marschalls  twelve 
miles  to  Sam.  Waggoner's,  where  we  took  our  first  mid-day 
lunch,  and  then  they  bade  us  and  we  bade  them  an  affec 
tionate  farewell.  Br.  Johan  Krause,  however,  went  on  with 
us  to  our  night  camp,  which  we  made  a  mile  from  Dan 
River,  and  gave  us  good  help  this  first  evening.  This  after 
noon  we  were  accompanied  by  a  number  of  very  ragged 
travelers  who  were  going  our  way,  but  they  finally  left  us. 
Mr.  Moses  Martin  wanted  to  keep  us  over  night,  but  it  was 
early  when  we  met  him  and  we  thought  it  better  to  go  several 
miles  further,  so  it  was  rather  late  when  we  set  up  our  tent 
by  a  branch,  and  after  enjoying  our  evening  meal  lay  down 
to  rest  in  the  primeval  forest  for  the  first  time  on  this  journey. 

The  6.  At  six  we  broke  camp,  and  soon  passed  Dan 
River,  where  after  a  tender  farewell  Br.  Krause  left  us  to 
return  home.  The  high  bank  of  Dan  River  gave  us  much 
trouble,  for  though  the  wagon  was  lightly  loaded  it  slipped 
back  into  the  water  three  times,  but  by  God's  help  we  finally 

1  Frederick  William  von  Marshall  and  his  wife,  who  were  at 
the  head  of  the  church  in  North  Carolina.     They  attended  the 
synod  of  Barby  and  returned  from  Europe  with  Bishop  Reichel. 
2Q  603 


TRAVELS  IN  THE  AMERICAN   COLONIES 

got  out,  and  by  mid-day  we  were  at  the  Meho,1  where  we 
fed  and  lunched.  This  afternoon  we  met  a  number  of 
travelers,  including  several  wagons  that  were  fleeing  from 
the  Indians.  We  camped  on  Matrimony  Creek,  and  rested 
quietly. 

The  7.  Taking  up  our  journey  at  5  : 30  we  thanked  our 
kind  Lord  for  our  night's  rest,  and  with  united  hearts  and 
voices  sang,  —  "Solt  ich  meinem  Gott  nicht  singen,"  and 
this  we  did  each  day  of  our  trip,  after  breaking  camp  and 
after  Br.  Reichel  had  read  us  the  daily  texts,  and  the  names 
of  those  whose  birthday  it  was.  We  soon  crossed  Smith's 
River,  again  meeting  many  families  traveling,  and  seeing 
many  of  Mr.  Habersham's  camping  places.  We  stopped  at 
noon  near  Col.  Perkin's,  where  the  Col.  himself  visited  us, 
and  we  camped  for  the  night  on  a  branch  four  miles  beyond 
Sandy  River,  where  Br.  Heckewelder  had  camped  two  years 
earlier,  and  slept  sweetly  and  quietly  all  night. 

The  8.  Early  in  the  morning  we  passed  through  a  hilly 
section;  as  our  morning  hymn  we  sang,  "Wach  auf,  mein 
Herz,  und  singen."  Soon  we  met  two  wagons  from  Jersey 
on  their  way  to  Rowan  County,  and  the  teamsters  told  us 
that  the  road  from  Redhouse  to  Halifax,  (a  distance  of  200 
miles,)  swarmed  with  soldiers,  going  to  Carolina ;  that  they 
had  been  impressed,  but  had  gotten  away,  and  they  said  we 
would  have  the  same  fate ;  but  we  took  no  notice  of  that 
and  went  calmly  on  our  way.  As  the  floods  in  this  section 
had  ruined  nearly  all  the  fields  fodder  was  very  dear  and 
hard  to  get.  This  afternoon  we  saw  the  sun  for  the  first 
time  on  this  journey,  so  far  each  day  we  had  had  mist  and 
fine  rain,  but  the  sun  shone  so  warm  that  we  expected  more 
rain  to  follow.  At  twilight  we  went  through  the  miserable 
town  of  Old  Halifax,  and  were  thankful  that  we  were  not 
halted.  We  camped  half  a  mile  further  on,  where  we  were 
met  by  some  acquaintances  from  the  Forks  of  the  Adkin,2 
who  were  returning  thither,  and  by  them  we  sent  greetings 
to  the  dear  Brethren  in  the  Wachau.  This  night  also  we 
slept  quietly  and  undisturbed. 

1  Mayo.  2  Yadkin. 

604 


TRAVEL  DIARY  OF  BISHOP  REICHEL 

The  p.  Happily  and  thankfully  we  went  on  our  way,  and 
soon  met  wagons  coming  from  Petersburg,  whose  owners 
told  us  that  a  French  fleet  with  7000  men  and  a  number  of 
cannon  on  board  had  run  in  to  Southkey.  At  nine  o'clock 
we  passed  the  high  and  dangerous  Bannister  Bridge,  and 
ate  breakfast  there ;  and  stopped  at  noon  eight  miles  be 
yond,  near  two  brooks.  Toward  evening  we  reached  Stan- 
ton  1  River,  where  we  met  soldiers  going  to  Carolina,  and  it 
was  quite  dark  before  we  got  across.  We  camped  half  a 
mile  further  on  and  everything  was  quiet  there  and  around 
us. 

The  10.  We  broke  camp  about  a  quarter  before  six,  and 
went  on  our  way,  were  met  with  many  requests  for  news, 
and  complied  by  telling  what  we  heard  yesterday.  This 
afternoon  we  had  much  trouble  to  find  water,  and  drove 
until  late  before  we  could  find  a  place  to  camp ;  stopped  at 
last  near  a  house  but  everything  went  wrong,  and  our  choco 
late  fell  into  the  fire  twice.  Toward  evening,  too,  one  of  our 
horses  got  sick,  but  we  had  a  horse-doctor  see  it,  and  he  soon 
cured  it.  When  all  was  once  more  in  order  we  closed  the 
day,  thankful  for  our  successful  journey  so  far,  and  lay 
down  to  rest ;  but  it  was  a  cold  night. 

The  II.  The  first  stage  of  this  day's  journey  was  to 
Prince  Edward  Courthouse,  which  was  soon  left  behind, 
and  then  we  went  on  to  the  Appomatick  River  which  we 
reached  about  noon.  It  is  only  a  little  river  some  five  rods 
wide  and  not  deep,  but  is  crossed  by  a  ferry  which  has  the 
advantage  that  when  it  is  turned  round  the  other  end 
almost  touches  the  other  shore.  It  runs  on  a  rope  made  of 
grapevines  and  hickory  withes,  and  a  child  could  manage  the 
whole  thing,  but  a  grown  negro  is  kept  there  by  his  master, 
who  built  the  ferry,  and  had  to  dam  up  the  water  to  run  it, 
and  one  must  pay  $40.00  to  cross  with  a  wagon  and  four 
horses.  We  passed  quitely  by  the  numerous  Ordinaries,  or 
Taverns,  which  are  in  this  section,  and  of  which  Wright's 
Ordinary  is  the  best,  and  stopped  for  the  night  four  miles 

1  Staunton. 
605 


TRAVELS  IN  THE  AMERICAN  COLONIES 

this  side  of  Cumberland  Courthouse,  but  lost  much  time 
trying  to  find  water  which  is  scarce  in  this  neighborhood. 

The  12.  It  was  early  when  we  reached  Smith's  Shop, 
where  a  good  honest  man  lives,  and  we  bought  a  supply  of 
oats.  At  noon  we  were  nine  miles  from  James  River;  the 
day  had  been  rainy,  but  in  the  afternoon  it  began  to  rain 
in  earnest,  and  this  brought  back  Sr.  Reichel's  headache, 
which  had  troubled  her  several  times  already  on  this  trip ; 
Br.  Reichel  also  had  several  attacks  of  diarrhea,  which 
made  the  journey  hard  for  him  also.  At  four  o'clock  we 
passed  James  River,  and  went  three  miles  further  to  a 
branch  near  a  plantation,  where  we  put  up  our  tents.  The 
owner  of  this  plantation,  so  he  said,  had  fodder  stolen  from 
his  fields  nearly  every  night,  so  early  in  the  morning  of 

The  13  he  came  to  us  and  accused  us  of  having  taken  his 
corn,  he  was  assured  that  we  had  not  done  so,  that  we  had 
bought  our  fodder  earlier  and  paid  for  it,  and  that  we  never 
did  such  things.  He  believed  us,  and  returned  contentedly 
to  his  house,  and  we  entered  happily  on  the  eighth  day  of 
our  journey.  We  paused  for  a  little  at  nine  o'clock  to  eat 
breakfast,  and  the  younger  Rothrock  came  by;  he  lives 
eight  miles  from  Bethlehem  and  was  on  his  way  to  Carolina, 
and  after  talking  to  him  a  while  we  sent  greetings  by  him 
to  the  Brethren  in  the  Wachau,  asking  him  to  tell  them  of 
our  safe  journey  so  far.  At  noon  we  were  beyond  Pains 
Ordinary,  and  after  Sr.  Reichel  had  taken  a  little  coffee  she 
at  last  lost  her  headache,  which  pleased  us  all.  This  after 
noon  we  saw  the  first  traces  of  the  Army,  said  to  be  going 
from  Virginia  to  North  Carolina,  for  we  met  perhaps  100 
militia-men,  traveling  however  without  organization.  They 
asked  whence  we  came,  and  when  we  answered,  "From 
North  Carolina,"  they  thought  we  were  refugees  and  said, 
"Turn  back  to  your  homes,  we  will  soon  recover  your 
property."  We  thanked  them  politely  but  went  on  our 
way,  telling  them  that  the  wagon  would  soon  return.  The 
weather,  which  had  been  rainy  all  day,  cleared  toward  eve 
ning  ;  we  overtook  the  Jersey  wagon  which  was  in  Salem 
recently  and  there  purchased  and  laid  in  supplies ;  it  left 

606 


TRAVEL  DIARY  OF  BISHOP  REICHEL 

more  than  a  week  before  us,  and  one  of  the  men  had  been 
sick  with  fever  the  entire  way.  This  night  we  camped  four 
miles  beyond  Birds  Ordinary,  by  Mr.  Watson's  Plantation, 
and  after  sharing  our  evening  meal  all  slept  calmly  and 
comfortably. 

The  14.  In  God's  name  we  continued  our  journey,  and 
soon  met  several  families  from  the  Forks  of  the  Adkin 
traveling  to  Maryland,  and  had  the  pleasure  of  giving  their 
poor  hungry  children  some  of  our  food,  which  their  elders 
acknowledged  with  many  thanks.  In  the  afternoon  a  pleas 
ant  incident  happened.  A  stocking  had  fallen  from  our 
wagon,  and  was  found  by  two  Virginia  gentlemen,  who  fol 
lowed  us  a  couple  of  miles,  riding  quite  out  of  their  way, 
and  after  making  sure  that  it  belonged  to  us  they  gave  it 
to  us,  which  astonished  us  greatly,  for  it  was  an  unusual 
example  of  Virginia  custom.  Late  in  the  evening  we  passed 
Orange  Courthouse,  which  was  full  of  men  as  this  had  been 
Muster  day,  and  we  rejoiced  that  they  let  us  pass  quietly  ; 
we  camped  half  a  mile  beyond,  near  a  Negro  Quarter,  whose 
inhabitants  speedily  visited  us  wishing  to  furnish  us  apples, 
blades,  and  milk,  but  we  could  not  use  the  milk  because  it 
had  been  thickened  with  flour,  and  the  blades  might  have 
been  stolen  and  were  at  any  rate  not  of  the  best,  so  we  held 
off.  In  spite  of  the  constant  coming  and  going  of  the 
negroes  the  night  passed  safely,  and  they  feared  to  disturb 
us  on  account  of  our  good  dog,  constantly  on  the  alert. 

The  75,  Sunday.  The  weather  was  very  cloudy  and  dark, 
and  for  several  nights  the  halo  round  the  moon  had  proph 
esied  rain,  which  we  certainly  had  to-day.  This  morning 
we  passed  through  the  beautiful  country  along  the  Rapidann, 
where  almost  every  kind  of  tree  is  to  be  seen,  crossed  the 
river  about  noon,  and  saw  and  spoke  with  our  acquaintance 
and  good  friend,  Mr.  Marvin  Moore,  who  knew  us  at  once, 
inquired  after  Br.  Joseph,  Marshall,  Etwein,  and  others, 
and  would  gladly  have  taken  us  in,  but  we  hurried  on, 
stopped  one  mile  beyond  for  lunch  and  were  caught  in  a 
heavy  rain  which  forced  us  into  the  wagon  and  continued 
the  entire  afternoon,  and  finally  obliged  us  to  stop  at  Capt. 

607 


TRAVELS  IN  THE  AMERICAN  COLONIES 

Bradley's,  otherwise  Dutch  Coopers,  where  we  were  well 
cared  for.  Here  we  heard  that  Gen.  Arnold,  who  had 
planned  to  betray  Gen.  Washington  into  the  hands  of  the 
English  had  deserted  to  them.1 

The  16.  After  breakfast  we  set  out  with  clear  weather, 
found  the  streams  up  but  not  too  much  to  permit  us  to  pass. 
In  the  afternoon  by  a  house  we  met  George  Hamm,  who 
•since  May  has  been  away  from  home  peddling  here  and 
there.  We  had  a  very  bad  stony  road,  especially  in  the 
.place  known  as  the  Devil's  Race  Ground,  where  we  saw 
rocks  enough.  About  five  o'clock  we  passed  the  place 
where  Germantown  once  stood,  but  little  of  it  is  now  to  be 
seen ;  and  four  miles  beyond,  on  a  branch,  we  camped  for 
the  night,  but  so  heavy  a  storm  with  a  N.W.  wind  arose 
that  we  could  hardly  set  up  our  tent,  and  we  had  to  let  it 
stand  quite  crooked.  We  committed  ourselves  to  the  pro 
tection  of  the  guardian  of  Israel,  who  kept  us  safe  body  and 
soul,  although  at  midnight  the  storm-wind  blew  so  that  we 
momentarily  expected  the  tent  to  come  down  on  our  heads ; 
however  the  wind  lulled  somewhat  toward  morning. 

The  17.  We  breakfasted  about  3  :  30  A.M.  and  went  on 
with  our  journey,  though  it  was  so  cold  that  we  fastened 
the  wagon  cover  closely,  instead  of  looping  it  back  as  usual. 
At  sunrise  we  passed  Capt.  Nevill's,  and  soon  after  the  storm- 
wind  rose  again.  We  saw  several  families  fleeing  from  Caro 
lina  to  Maryland.  On  Goose  Creek  we  set  up  our  tent  for 
the  fourteenth  and  last  time  on  this  trip,  and  on  account  of 
the  cold  storm  and  the  lack  of  fuel  we  found  it  chilly  sleep 
ing,  but  we  rested  calmly  and  undisturbed,  for  which 

The  18  we  thanked  the  Saviour  in  our  morning  prayers ; 
we  also  sang  several  stanzas  wishing  a  blessing  on  our  dear 
Br.  Johannes  on  this  his  63rd  birthday.  The  Daily  Text 
impressed  us  :  "Those  whom  He  hath  gathered  out  of  the 
lands,  from  the  east,  and  from  the  west,  from  the  north, 
and  from  the  south,  they  shall  praise  the  Lord  for  His  good- 

1  Benedict  Arnold's  plan  to  surrender  West  Point  to  the  British 
was  discovered  the  23d  of  the  preceding  month  by  the  capture  of 
Major  Andre  at  Tarrytown. 

608 


TRAVEL  DIARY  OF  BISHOP  REICHEL 

ness,  and  for  His  wonderful  works  to  the  children  of  men." 
Ps.  cvii,  3,  8.  Soon  after  sunrise  we  passed  through  Lees- 
burg,  a  pretty  little  town,  and  in  the  afternoon  at  three  we 
crossed  the  Potowmoak,  and  one  mile  further  on  Br.  Reichel 
inquired  at  Th.  Nowlin's  about  the  things  stolen  on  the 
journey  south,  but  recovered  little.  Mr.  Nowlin,  they  said, 
had  gone  to  Philadelphia,  (but  very  likely  he  had  only  gone 
out  the  back  door  when  he  saw  us  coming,)  his  wife  appeared 
to  be  honest  and  gave  us,  she  said,  all  that  they  had  re 
covered  of  the  goods ;  and  we  left  as  soon  as  possible,  so  as 
not  to  lose  things  a  second  time,  since  such  incidents  seemed 
to  be  the  custom  of  the  place.  Toward  evening  we  reached 
Leonh.  Heil's,  and  he  showed  us  the  way  to  Mr.  Johnson 
at  Carols  Manor,  where  we  arrived  about  eight,  were  wel 
comed  and  entertained.  This  man  and  Schau's  family  are 
the  only  Brethren  still  living  at  Carols  Manor,  the  rest  have 
moved  away,  some  to  the  Wachau,  the  others  elsewhere. 
Br.  Reichel  spoke  much  with  Mr.  Johnson  about  the  school- 
house  here,  and  the  land  belonging  to  it,  both  of  which  lie 
practically  abandoned,  for  Heil  who  lived  there  for  a  while 
has  let  it  go  to  ruin  instead  of  taking  care  of  it  since  the 
Brethren  moved  away.  They  would  like  to  have  a  Brother 
here  again  as  teacher,  but  they  are  too  few  and  not  able  to 
support  him,  much  as  they  would  like  to  do  so. 

The  19.  We  left  this  place  to-day,  having  received  much 
kindness  from  Mr.  Johnson,  and  made  our  way  back  into 
our  road,  for  it  was  impossible  to  get  to  the  school-house  in 
the  wagon ;  however  we  sent  word  to  Br.  Schau  of  the 
arrival  of  Br.  and  Sr.  Reichel.  By  nine  o'clock  we  were 
already  in  Friedrichstown,1  and  stayed  several  hours  at  the 
home  of  Mr.  Thomas  Ogle,  where  we  ate  breakfast ;  he  was 
not  at  home,  having  gone  to  Manakosy  to  his  sick  mother, 
but  he  came  back  just  as  Br.  and  Sr.  Reichel  were  about  to 
leave,  was  very  friendly,  and  promised  his  service  in  for 
warding  our  letters  to  Carolina.  Br.  Heckewelder  hired  a 
horse  and  rode  ahead  to  Manakosy  to  announce  the  approach 

Frederick,  Md. 
609 


TRAVELS  IN  THE  AMERICAN  COLONIES 

of  the  Reichels  to  Br.  and  Sr.  Schweisshaupt,  which  came  to 
pass  that  evening  about  six  o'clock  to  the  great  joy  of  both 
sides.  They  rejoiced  to  find  here  letters  and  "Nachrich- 
ten"  from  Europe  and  Pennsylvania,  which  were  being  held 
here  for  them.  This  evening  and 

The  20,  also,  most  of  the  Brethren  called  to  welcome  these 
dear  Brethren,  and  rejoiced  from  their  hearts  to  have  them 
in  their  midst  after  so  long  a  time  of  waiting.  Br.  Hecke- 
welder  went  on  business  to  Friedrichtown,  returning  in  the 
evening  to  Br.  and  Sr.  Wetter's,  who  live  a  mile  and  a  half 
from  the  school-house,  from  whence  the  following  day  he 
went  to  Mr.  Benj.  Ogle  and  to  the  iron  smelter. 

The  21.  To-day  Br.  and  Sr.  Reichel  were  busy  with 
"Sprechen"  with  the  members  living  here. 

The  22)  Sunday.  The  entire  congregation,  young  and 
old,  was  at  the  school-house.  At  ten  o'clock  Br.  Reichel 
preached  on  the  Gospel  for  the  day,  the  servant  whose  debt 
his  lord  remitted,  applying  it  to  Jesus'  constant  willingness 
to  forgive  our  faults  and  sins,  and  that  He  so  gave  us  example 
how  we  should  treat  our  neighbors,  forgiving  them  willingly 
and  living  among  them  in  peace  according  to  the  mind  of 
Jesus.  "Kinderstunde"  followed,  and  after  that  the  "Vier- 
telstunden"  for  the  unmarried  men  and  the  unmarried 
women.  Then  the  whole  congregation  had  their  harvest 
"Lovefeast,"  which  had  been  postponed  to  welcome  the 
Reichels ;  at  this  service  Br.  Reichel  communicated  greet 
ings  from  the  Unity's  Elders'  Conference,  and  also  from  Br. 
and  Sr.  Marschall  who  were  here  in  Manakosy  just  one  year 
ago.  Then  there  was  the  "Society"  meeting,  in  which  Br. 
Reichel  spoke  plainly  of  the  true  -and  right  spirit  for  a  mem 
ber  of  the  "  Society,"  and  received  several  persons  into  the 
membership  of  the  "Society."  Then  they  called  on  Br. 
and  Sr.  Joh.  Jac.  Wetter  at  their  home,  as  Sr.  Wetter  was 
unable  to  attend  the  services  on  account  of  a  baby  daughter, 
which 

The  23,  at  ten  o'clock  in  the  morning,  during  "Kinder 
stunde,"  and  with  a  keen  sense  of  the  presence  of  the  chil 
dren's  Friend,  was  baptised  by  Br.  Reichel.  In  the  afternoon 

610 


TRAVEL  DIARY  OF  BISHOP  REICHEL 

the  communicant  members  had  a  Communion  Lovefeast, 
at  which  Br.  Reichel  spoke  earnestly  to  the  housefathers 
and  mothers  concerning  the  training  of  their  children, 
warning  them  not  to  be  guilty  of  harm  done  their  chil 
dren  but  to  guard  them  from  opportunities  of  going  astray, 
as  becomes  true  members  of  the  congregation  and  par 
ticipants  in  the  Holy  Communion,  also  in  view  of  the 
approaching  celebration  of  the  Lord's  Supper  he  applied  to 
this  congregation  the  Daily  Text;  —  "The  Lord  is  nigh," 
-which  they  keenly  felt.  Then  was  the  "Absolution," 
and  immediately  thereafter  some  thirty  Communicants 
partook  of  the  body  and  blood  of  our  Lord  in  the  Holy 
Communion,  Br.  Reichel  leading  the  Liturgy.  Then  the 
congregation  took  tender  leave  of  Br.  and  Sr.  Reichel ;  and 
then  we  began  to  prepare  for  our  further  journey,  all  being 
in  readiness  by  night.  This  evening  the  Reichels  had 
many  things  to  talk  over  with  the  Schweisshaupts  so  were 
very  late  getting  to  bed,  and  we  had  hardly  fallen  asleep 
when  Peter  Schneider  waked  us,  —  at  1:30  A.M.,  —  think 
ing  that  it  was  almost  day.  We  submitted  and  got  up,  ate 
breakfast  for  the  last  time  with  the  Schweisshaupts,  and 
prepared  for  our  journey,  but  the  morning  was  so  dark  that 
it  was  five  o'clock  before  we  actually  set  out.  We  took 
tender  leave  of  Sr.  Schweisshaupt,  but  Br.  Schweisshaupt 
went  with  us  to  Tanitown,1  and  so  we  entered, 

The  24,  Oct.  in  the  name  of  the  Lord,  upon  our  further 
journey,  contentedly  and  cheerfully,  and  soon  reached  the 
home  of  Mr.  Benj.  Ogle,  who  came  out  to  the  wagon  and 
took  friendly  leave  of  us.  The  Brn.  Schweisshaupt  and 
Heckewelder  had  riden  ahead  to  Tanitown  on  business,  the 
wagon  reaching  there  about  ten  o'clock,  and  a  couple  of 
miles  further  on  we  stopped  and  had  a  cold  lunch  near  the 
house  of  a  good  friend  Carl  Tehr,  brother-in-law  of  Nal. 
Schleider.  Here  Br.  Schweisshaupt  bade  us  and  we  him  a 
tender  farewell,  and  he  returned  home.  At  2  P.M.  we  passed 
through  Peter  Little's  Town,  where  the  David  Lau  now 


^aneytown. 
6n 


TRAVELS  IN  THE  AMERICAN   COLONIES 

lives  who  formerly  lived  in  Stinking  Quarter,  and  who  is 
acquainted  with  the  Brethren ;  however  we  did  not  stop 
long  there  but  hurried  on  to  our  night's  stopping  place.  A 
couple  of  miles  from  the  town  we  met  Br.  Schaub  on  his 
return  trip,  who  rejoiced  us  with  letters  and  "Nachrichten" 
from  Bethlehem  and  Lititz ;  he  turned  back  with  us  to 
McAllister,  and  on  the  way  told  us  all  about  our  dear 
Brethren  in  Pennsylvania,  from  whom  we  shall  now  not 
long  be  separated.  About  four  o'clock  we  reached  McAllis 
ter  and  stopped  with  a  Mr.  Kellwick,  recommended  to  us 
by  Mr.  Benj.  Ogle  of  Manakosy,  and  we  saw  at  once  that 
he  was  a  good  inn-keeper  and  kept  an  orderly  house,  and 
he  lodged  and  served  us  well.  Br.  Reichel  opened  the  pack 
age  of  letters  brought  by  Br.  Schaub  and  found  many  satis 
factory  letters  from  Bethlehem  and  Lititz,  while  Br.  Hecke- 
welder  was  pleased  to  get  one  from  his  brother  in  Salem  on 
the  Ohio.  Then  we  went  peacefully  to  rest,  and  slept  well 
until  five  o'clock  in  the  morning,  when  our  worthy  host  gave 
us  breakfast,  and  at  seven  o'clock  on 

The  25,  we  took  up  our  journey,  happy  and  thankful  for 
the  good  we  had  there  enjoyed ;  and  we  refreshed  ourselves 
with  the  beautiful  Daily  Text ;  "  I  will  speak  of  the  glorious 
honour  of  Thy  majesty,  and  of  Thy  wondrous  works,"  Ps. 
cxlv,  5. 

"O  Wunder  dem  kein  Wunder  gleicht  - 
Gott  ward  ein  armer  Mensch  wie  ich, 
Vergoss  Sein  Blut  und  starb  fiir  mich." 

All  day  yesterday  a  woman  walked  in  front  of  our  wagon, 
on  her  way  to  Yorktown,  today  out  of  pity  we  took  her  into 
the  wagon,  and  she  seemed  to  be  a  decent  person.  We 
reached  Yorktown  about  two  o'clock  and  were  most  lovingly 
received  by  Br.  and  Sr.  Neisser,  and  Br.  Neisser  at  once 
gave  us  the  latest  news  from  Lititz  and  elsewhere,  and  we 
had  a  pleasant  time  together ;  toward  evening  Br.  Neisser 
took  Br.  Heckewelder  to  call  on  Br.  Dav.  Tanneberger, 
who  has  come  here  from  Lititz  to  set  up  a  beautiful  new  organ 
for  Mr.  Fischer,  and  we  enjoyed  seeing  this  truly  handsome 

612 


TRAVEL  DIARY  OF  BISHOP  REICHEL 

work.  This  evening  Br.  Reichel  gave  Br.  Heckewelder 
instruction  for  his  journey,  and  he  set  out 

The  26,  early  in  the  morning  for  Lititz,  and  at  four  in 
the  afternoon  he  reached  Lititz  with  the  wagon,  was  greeted 
with  surprise  and  heartily  welcomed,  and  announced  the 
arrival  of  Br.  and  Sr.  Reichel  in  Yorktown,  —  which  the 
Lititz  Brethren  had  long  desired  to  hear;  he  also  at  once 
delivered  all  letters  that  had  been  sent  by  him. 

The  30,  Oct.  In  the  evening  at  eight  o'clock  Br.  and  Sr. 
Reichel  also  reached  Lititz  to  the  great  joy  of  the  entire 
congregation.  Praise,  glory  and  honor  be  unto  Him  from 
us  poor  sinners  for  this  successful  ending  to  our  journey; 
Amen  ! 


613 


COLONEL    WILLIAM     FLEMING'S    JOURNAL    OF 
TRAVELS   IN  KENTUCKY,    1779-1780 


INTRODUCTION 

COLONEL  WILLIAM  FLEMING  was  born  of  noble  lineage  at 
Jedburgh,  Scotland,  the  i8th  of  February,  1729.  He  at 
tended  a  school  in  Dumfries,  studied  surgery  at  the  Univer 
sity  of  Edinburgh,  and  served  in  the  British  navy  as  a  sur 
geon's  mate  until  taken  prisoner  by  Spaniards.  Upon  his 
release  his  health  was  so  impaired  that  he  resolved  to  re 
move  to  Virginia,  where  he  arrived  in  August,  1755.  The 
same  month  he  joined  Washington's  regiment  and  acted  as 
surgeon  for  the  Virginia  troops  with  the  rank  of  ensign. 
He  was  made  a  lieutenant  in  1760  and  a  captain  in  1762. 
In  Dunmore's  War  he  raised  a  regiment  in  his  county, 
Botetourt,  and  in  command  of  this,  at  the  Battle  of  Point 
Pleasant,  he  received  a  wound  in  the  breast  which  disabled 
him  from  active  military  service  during  the  War  of  Inde 
pendence,  although  in  1776  the  Committee  of  Safety  made 
him  lieutenant  of  his  county.  Colonel  Fleming  was  a  mem 
ber  of  the  Virginia  Council  in  1780-1781,  and  in  the  summer 
of  1781,  as  the  only  member  of  the  Council  in  Richmond 
during  the  Cornwallis  invasion,  he  was  acting  governor. 
He  resigned  his  seat  in  the  Council  the  28th  of  September 
of  this  year,  and  his  last  important  public  service  was 
rendered  as  a  member  of  the  Virginia  convention  which 
ratified  the  Federal  constitution  in  June,  1788. 

The  victory  of  the  Virginia  troops  in  the  Battle  of  Point 
Pleasant  was  an  opening  of  the  way  to  the  settlement  of 
Kentucky,  then  a  western  county  of  Virginia.  In  1778  and 
1779  George  Rogers  Clark  put  a  stop  to  the  British  instiga 
tion  of  the  Indians  against  the  Americans  of  that  section 
by  capturing  all  the  British  posts  in  the  Northwest  except 
Detroit,  and  promoted  immigration  to  Kentucky.  The 
legislature  of  Virginia  having  taken  notice  that  "great  num 
bers  of  people  have  settled  in  the  country  upon  the  western 

617 


TRAVELS  IN  THE  AMERICAN  COLONIES 

waters,  upon  waste  and  unappropriated  lands,  for  which 
they  have  been  hitherto  prevented  from  sueing  out  patents 
or  obtaining  legal  titles  by  the  king  of  Great  Britain's  proc 
lamations  or  instructions  to  his  governors,  or  by  the  late 
change  of  government  and  the  present  war's  delay  until 
now  of  the  opening  of  a  land  office,"  passed  an  Act,  in  May, 
1779,  "for  adjusting  and  settling  titles  of  claimers  to  un- 
patented  lands."  The  execution  of  the  Act  was  intrusted 
to  a  commission  consisting  of  Colonel  William  Fleming, 
Edmund  Lyne,  James  Barbour,  and  Colonel  Stephen  Trigg, 
who  were  appointed  by  the  governor  and  council. 

Colonel  Fleming's  journal  is  an  account  of  his  travels  in 
Kentucky  while  in  the  discharge  of  his  duties  as  head  of 
the  commission.  The  manuscript  is  among  the  papers  of 
the  Lyman  Draper  Collection  in  the  library  of  the  State 
Historical  Society  of  Wisconsin.  On  the  cover  is  a  note  by 
Mr.  Draper  which  is  in  part  as  follows  :  "  The  within  original 
Journal  was  found  among  the  manuscript  papers  of  the 
late  Colo.  Wm.  Fleming,  preserved  by  his  daughter,  Mrs. 
Dorothy  Bratton,  near  Christiansburg,  Virginia  —  from 
whom  I  obtained  it,  with  other  valuable  papers  in  August 
1844."  The  handwriting,  too,  of  the  manuscript  has  been 
pronounced  by  those  familiar  with  Fleming  letters  to  be 
Fleming's.  A  painstaking  copy  is  among  the  Reuben  T. 
Durrett  Manuscripts  in  the  library  of  the  University  of 
Chicago,  and  it  is  from  the  copy  that  the  journal  is  here 
published,  the  original  not  having  been  located  until  this 
book  was  on  the  press. 

1  W.  W.  Hening,  Laws  of  Virginia,  Vol.  X,  pp.  35-50. 


618 


COL.  WILLIAM  FLEMING'S  JOURNAL  IN  KEN 
TUCKY  FROM  NOV.  10,  1779,  TO  MAY  27™, 
1780 

1779  Nov.  io.1  We  kild  the  Buffalos  [and]  the  Pack  horses 
followed  us  for  some  miles  but  dropt  behind  when  they 
came  up  with  us  and  missed  the  horse  they  turned  back  to 
look  for  him  but  came  no  more  up  with  us  we  marked 2  about 
three  miles  over  short  broken  hills  and  then  fell  into  a  Buffa 
los  path  that  run  on  a  ridge  dividing  the  waters  of  the  Town 
from  Chaplains  fork 3  we  went  through  some  very  good 
upland  with  water  but  too  beachy.  Our  march  this  day 
[was]  io  miles. 

Nov.  ii.  The  nth  set  out  early  [and]  in  4  miles  fell  in 
on  the  Town  Fork  went  through  beach  bottoms,  on  the 
river  on  each  side,  kild  a  Buffalo,  crossed  by  the  mouth  of 
Bucheers  4  Creek  shot  an  Elk  a  three  Year  old  4  feet  high, 
so  poor  we  could  not  use  any  of  it.  Kild  a  Buffalo  Cow 
very  fat,  but  so  old  her  horns  wrinkled  from  the  top  down. 
Our  march  about  8  miles  went  along  a  Buffalo  path  crossed 
the  River  several  times  went  through  some  rich  bottoms 
but  subject  to  overflow,  went  up  a  sidling  pass,  high  steep 
rocks  remarkable  near  the  surface  and  very  fit  for  building, 
being  in  natural  squares  etc.  fell  in  on  Floyds  Creek  and 

1  The  first  part  of  this  journal  is  lost.     Lewis  Collins,  in  his 
History  of  Kentucky,  Vol.  I,  p.  20,  states  that  the  commissioners 
opened  their  session  at  St.  Asaph's  on  the  I3th  of  October,  1779. 

2  Marched. 

3  Town  Fork,  or  the  East  Fork  of  Salt  River  which  flows  close 
to  Harrodsburg,  and  Chaplin's  Fork  which  is  the  West  Fork  of  Salt 
River. 

4  Brashears'  Creek,  which  joins  the  East  Fork  of  Salt  River  a 
few  miles  above  the  site  of  the  present  town  of  Shepherdsville. 

2R  619 


TRAVELS  IN  THE  AMERICAN   COLONIES 

came  to  a  settlement 1  where  we  dined  and  got  some  taffieo 
drink  here  we  were  informed  that  day  week  a  young  man 
was  wounded  and  another  taken  prisoner  on  the  path  we 
came  down,  on  inquiry  we  found  Bucheers  Creek  was  25 
miles  from  this  place  so  that  we  had  fell  on  the  Town  fork 
below  it  and  what  we  imagined  to  be  Bucheers  Creek  was  a 
nameless  Creek  12  miles  from  this,  we  came  on  to  Bullets 
Creek  4  miles  further  over  very  level  flat  Oak  land  our 
march  16  miles. 

Nov.  JJ.  Bullets  Creek  2  as  it  is  cald  is  perhaps  the  best 
Salt  Springs  in  the  Country.  The  Earth  is  excavated  for 
twelve  or  fo[u]rteen  feet  over  an  area  of  many  acres.  By  dig 
ging  from  thence  to  any  depth  of  feet,  water  boils  up  the 
deeper,  the  stronger,  they  have  a  trough  that  holds  very 
near  1000  Gallons  which  they  empty  thrise  in  the  24  hours, 
they  have  25  kittles  belonging  to  the  Commonwealth  which 
they  keep  constantly  boiling  and  filling  them  up  as  the 
water  waistes  from  the  trough  first  into  kettles  which  they 
call  fresh  water  kettles  and  then  into  others  after  this 
management  for  24  hours  they  put  the  brine  into  a  Cooler 
and  let  it  stand  till  cold  or  near  it  and  draw  off  the  clear 
brine  into  the  last  boilers  under  which  they  keep  up  a  brisk 
fire  till  they  observe  it  begin  to  grain  when  they  slacken  the 
fire  and  keep  them  at  a  simmering  boil  till  it  grains  they 
then  put  it  to  drain  when  drained  they  think  it  fit  for  use 
it  is  observed  that  the  pits  will  some  weeks  fill  with  strong 
water  and  then  decline  when  the  present  pits  were  first  dug 
it  was  observed  that  every  four  or  five  days  the  pits  flowed 
up  and  over  the  tops  and  then  sunk  that  they  continue  to 
swell  up  now,  but  not  so  regularly  nor  so  high  —  it  is  noticed 
that  the  brine  increases  in  strength  as  the  moon  does  in 
Age  and  so  remarkable  that  it  looses  or  gains  half  a  bushel 
in  the  24  hours  making  the  trough  thrise  emptied  that  is 
near  3000  Gallons  water  boiljed]  down  yields  from  three  to 
4  and  4^  bushels  Salt,  mostly  3  and  f  bushels  the  dryer  the 

1  Brashears'  Station,  now  Shepherdsville. 

2  Bullit's  Lick,  discovered  by  Captain  Thomas  Bullit  in  1773. 

620 


COLONEL  FLEMING'S  JOURNAL,   1779-1780 

weather  the  better  for  making  Salt  these  remarks  I  had  from 
Cheneth  the  manager  here  was  several  flocks  of  Parrots  fly 
ing  about  —  I  observed  several  Stones  in  a  brown  husk 
when  broke  the  inside  consisted  of  a  multitude  of  irregular 
hexagonal  Crystals  some  well  defined  —  we  set  out  for  the 
Falls  1  three  quarters  of  a  mile  from  the  lick  on  the  road  to 
the  Flat  Lick  we  went  up  some  rising  hills  that  had  earth 
rich  in  salt  peter.  Pine  trees  grew  on  the  top  of  them  the  first 
Pine  I  met  with  in  this  Country  we  went  through  some  fine 
level  Oak  Land  but  scarce  of  water  met  with  none  but  at  the 
Fish  Pool  8  miles  from  the  lick,  that  very  bad  —  the  sand 
round  these  springs  seemed  glazed  or  cased  over  with  lead 
—  four  miles  further  we  reached  the  Flat  Lick  the  land 
round  it  good  but  low  standing  in  water,  we  encamped  two 
or  three  miles  beyond  the  lick  at  a  place  so  scarce  of  water 
that  most  of  our  horses  strayed  a  great  way  in  quest  of  water. 
Nov.  14.  We  went  through  some  ponds  and  some  good 
flat  land  and  reached  the  falls  in  Six  miles  there  is  a  great 
number  of  Cabbins  here  and  a  considerable  number  of  In 
habitants  the  many  of  them  were  absent  —  there  is  a  pond 
runs  just  beyond  the  Town  the  water  of  which  drains 
through  the  earth  and  breaks  out  in  the  River  bank  which 
is  the  water  used  generally  by  the  Inhabitants  and  is  not 
wholesome  the  River  when  the  Channel  is  coursed  is  f  of  a 
mile  broad  but  at  this  time  the  bed  was  dry  for  f  of  the 
breadth  which  contributed  to  the  sickliness  of  the  Inhabit 
ants  there  being  a  great  number  of  them  complaining  of  the 
fever  and  Ague  and  many  of  the  Children  dying  the  banks 
of  the  river  are  40  or  more  feet  high  and  an  Hand  2  opposite 
the  Town  of  about  50  acres  which  overflows  almost  entirely 
in  freshets  the  bed  of  the  River  in  some  places  is  one  con 
tinued  Rock  stone  which  may  be  raised  in  squares  fit  for 
building,  interspersed  is  pieces  of  excellent  coal  and  some 
of  the  Channel  appears  so  mixed  with  a  coaly  substance  that 
it  seemed  a  vein  of  coal,  cald  the  Cat  head  vein  there  are 
several  other  Hands  below  the  town  the  falls  are  about  a 

1  The  Falls  of  the  Ohio  at  Louisville.  2  Corn  Island. 

621 


TRAVELS  IN  THE  AMERICAN  COLONIES 

mile  in  length  the  Channel  at  present  on  the  other  side, 
there  is  a  fall  on  this  side  8  feet  perpendicular  so  that  it  can 
not  be  passed  but  when  the  River  is  full  when  there  is  no 
difficulty,  great  number  of  Geese  Duck  and  Swan  resort  to 
the  falls  the  land  round  the  Town  is  not  near  so  rich  as  about 
Harrodsburg  and  upwards,  there  is  little  Cane  and  that 
small  about  this  place,  but  it  will  always  be  a  place  of  im 
portance  —  several  people  died  whilst  we  were  here  the  dis 
order  they  complained  of  was  occasioned  by  a  relaxation  of 
the  solids,  from  bilious  Complaints  which  brings  on  such  a 
Corruption  of  the  fluids  with  a  Visidness  of  the  Juices  that 
it  degenerates  and  breaks  out  in  cancerous  eating  soars  I 
have  seen  the  Maxillary  and  the  glands  about  the  throat 
and  tongue  both  in  Old  and  Young  persons  entirely  destroyed 
some  have  Vomited  corrupted  bile  as  green  as  Verdigrease 
so  that  the  whole  of  the  disorders  that  at  this  time  reign 
here  is  occasioned  by  bile  —  Capt.  Doge  arrived  here  with 
a  recommendation  to  Col.  Clark  l  as  an  Indian  Agent  from 
what  I  can  discover  of  him  he  is  a  man  that  thinks  he  is  of 
more  importance  than  he  really  is,  his  conduct  seems  super 
ficial  the  only  thing  to  reccomend  him  is  what  he  has 
suffered,  whether  justly  or  not  time  is  to  discover  —  Col. 
Clark  continued  here  whilst  we  were  here  his  plan  of  opera 
tion  was  to  settle  a  number  of  people  at  the  Iron  Banks  30 
miles  below  the  Ohio  on  the  Mississippi.  All  met  with 
Capt.  Henry  Smith  who  was  incamped  on  the  Hand  opposite 
to  this.  Nickl.  Welch  lodged  in  a  hollow  tree  precipitally 
they  had  sold  their  possessions  and  settlement  and  came 
out  after  suffering  many  losses  they  were  here  and  knew 
not  where  to  go  Welch  proposed  to  go  up  with  us  Smith  to 
fall  in  with  Col.  Rogers  Clarks  proposal  of  going  to  the 
Iron  Banks.  I  rode  out  to  Jno  Floyds  2  incamped  and  got 
the  lines  of  a  survey  run  out  for  1000  acres  but  as  Mr. 
Douglass  one  of  the  surveyors  rode  one  of  my  horses  and 
came  in  the  day  after  me  they  were  turned  out  seperate 

1  George  Rogers  Clark. 

2  Captain  John  Floyd  was  the  founder  of  Floyd's  Station  on 
the  Middle  Fork  of  Beargrass  Creek,  six  miles  south  of  the  Falls. 

622 


COLONEL  FLEMING'S  JOURNAL,   1779-1780 

and  when  the  business  was  finished  my  horse  was  lost  my 
boy  had  been  taken  ill  with  the  fever  and  Ague  and  con 
tinued  still  sick. 

Nov.  25.  Left  the  Falls  and  came  to  Brashiers  Station 
in  our  way  back  to  Harrodsburg  the  26th  went  up  Salt  and 
crossed  it  in  six  miles  above  the  Station  at  the  first  Hand 
that  had  trees  growing  on  it  and  where  two  men  were  fired 
on  by  Indians  One  taken  the  other  wounded  a  few  days 
before  we  got  down.  We  went  up  Salt  River  for  two  miles 
on  a  Buffalo  path  up  a  Creek  for  18  miles  then  crossed  a 
Ridge  and  fell  on  another  Creek  went  up  it,  passed  several 
Cabbins,  in  about  four  miles  above  the  mouth  of  the  first 
Creek  and  several  on  the  second  Creek  on  the  2jth  which 
we  passed  and  took  a  left  hand  draught  went  through  good 
land.  The  28th  likewise  went  through  considerable  tracts 
of  good  land  and  fell  on  a  Creek  that  emptied  into  Chaplains 
Fork  of  Salt  River  over  bad  beach  knobs,  it  rained  last 
night  which  was  the  first  rain  we  have  had  since  coming 
into  this  country  this  night  there  fell  a  snow  and  so  dark 
on  the  2tyh  that  was  bad  travelling  and  we  made  but  a 
small  journey.  We  lost  three  of  our  Company.  One  went 
after  a  Buffalo  two  took  a  different  course  we  did  not  join 
before  we  got  to  Harrodsburg. 

Dec.  ist.  Encamped  in  a  draught  15  or  16  miles  from 
Harrodsburg  [which]  we  reachfed]  Dec.  the  2nd.  Our  Journey 
after  we  left  Chaplains  Fork  was  over  steep  short  bushy 
hills  and  short  knobs  and  very  brushy.  One  of  the  Com 
pany  discovered  among  these  knobs  a  Salt  Spring  five  or 
six  miles  from  where  we  crossed  Salt  River  which  was  three 
miles  below  Jas  McAfees  place.1 

Dec.  3rd  and  4th.  Did  a  little  business  and  adjourned  to 
Elkhorn.2  It  continued  excessive  cold.  Col.  Barbour  pre- 
paired  to  leave  us.  The  $th  a  storm  of  snow  fell  and  the  Ken 
tucky  rose  which  made  us  alter  our  Appointment  from  Elk- 

1  James  McAffee's  Station,  on  the  East  Fork  of  Salt  River,  six 
or  seven  miles  below  Harrodsburg. 

2  Bryan's  Station,  on  the  south  branch  of  the  North  Fork  of  the 
Elkhorn. 

623 


TRAVELS  IN  THE  AMERICAN   COLONIES 

horn  to  Boonesborough  l  the  6th  continued  cold  with  snow. 
The  Inhabitants  avered  they  never  knew  so  severe  weather 
at  that  season  the  winter  generally  setting  in  about  Christ 
mas  and  continuing  about  6  weeks.  Col.  Barbour  set  out 
the  fth  the  Storm  abating  and  Kentucky  still  impassible  we 
set  out  from  Harrodsburg  the  loth  I  left  my  horses  and  Jno 
Thompson  at  Henry  Wilsons  and  got  a  mare  from  Jno 
Boyd  to  ride  to  Boonesborough  got  to  George  Clarks  the 
nth  came  to  St  Asaphs  2  —  Racoons  in  great  numbers  on 
our  Journey  these  animals  live  on  shell  fish  as  well  as  nuts 
etc. ;  and  in  great  numbers  on  Salt  River  and  Chaplains 
Fork  3  —  we  kild  numbers  of  Deer,  Buffalo  Raccoons  and 
turkeys  on  our  way  from  Falls  and  saw  bears  —  before  they 
retire  for  the  winter  eat  Lawrel  which  purges  them  and 
clears  their  intestines  of  all  facis  which  conduces  to  the  in 
active  state  they  continue  in  all  Winter  which  kild  in  this 
state  their  intestines  are  always  free  from  everything  but 
some  indigested  Lawrel  in  the  rectum  for  4  or  5  inches 
which  serves  like  a  plug  to  the  intestines  4  the  Night  of  the 

1  On  the  west  bank  of  the  Kentucky  River  at  the  mouth  of 
Otter  Creek. 

2  Also  known  as  Logan's  Fort,  about  twenty   miles    S.S.E.   of 
Harrodsburg. 

3  In  Our  Journey  to  and  from  the  Falls  I  observed  all  the  branches 
of  the  Rivers  either  dry  or  stagnant  water  in  pools  sometimes 
these  pools  in  the  beds  of  the  Rivers  would  be  half  a  mile  in  length 
—  after  which  the  Channel  would  be  for  a  little  way  quite  dry  in 
such   places  we  found  great  numbers  of  open  shells  large   and 
Glisten[ing]  in  the  inside  like  mother  of  pearl  of  the  Mussel  kind 
there  was  of  the  fish  in  these  shells.     I  imagine  that  when  the 
water  decreases  and  leaves  these  shells  fish  dry  the  fish  languishes 
and  dies  the  shells  are  easily  opened  by  animals  that  devour  the 
fish  amongst  which  I  recon  the  Raccoon,  as  well  as  other  beavers 
etc :    having  observed  great  many  Raccoons  in  such  places  and 
their  tracts  innumerable  on  the  sand.  —  Note  in  MS. 

4  Bears  in  the  spring  when  they  leave  their  winter  dormitories 
are  very  uneasy  till  they  get  clear  of  this  hardened  indigested 
stuff  and  are  observed  to  hunt  after  the  blossoms  of  the  Dog 
wood  tree  which  they  devour  in  great  quantities  this  clears  the 
intestines    and    purges   them   after   which   they   soon   turn   poor, 
lean,  rank  and  not  fit  to  eat.  —  Note  in  MS. 

624 


COLONEL  FLEMING'S  JOURNAL,   1779-1780 

tyh  I  was  much  disturbed  in  my  Sleep  I  Thought  Mrs  - 
was   plunged  into  a   deep   river  by  her  horse  which  over 
whelmed  them  both.     I  rode  in  after  them  and  got  her  out 
dead  and  stiff  on  my  taking  her  to  the  bank,  water  run  out 
from  her  mouth  and  she  showed  symptoms  of  life  etc. 

Dec.  ii.  It  rained  hard  in  the  night,  the  12th  showery 
all  day  in  the  evening  lightened  and  thundered  in  the  night 
a  violent  storm  of  wind  rain,  and  snow  the  i^th  windy  and 
cold  \\th  Cold  and  Cloudy  with  some  snow  the  night  exces 
sive  cold  hard  Frost.  i$th  Cloudy  but  fair.  i6th  left  St 
Asaphs  for  Boonesborough  crossed  Dicks  river  l  at  Coburns 
place,  went  up  Gilberts  Creek  2  and  down  a  small  creek  that 
emptied  into  Paint  Lick  Creek  3  lay  one  mile  short  of  the 
creek  and  was  greatly  favoured  [by]  the  weather  though  it  was 
cloudy  and  threatened  a  fall  yet  it  held  up  till  the  morning, 
we  had  no  tent  with  us,  it  rained  in  the  morning  and  froze 
as  it  fell  our  journey  [took  us]  about  20  miles  through  large 
quantities  of  Good  Land,  ijth  crossed  Paint  Lick  Creek  and 
Silver  Creek,4  came  up  Tates  Creek,5  the  road  verry  bad,  the 
Cane  laped  over  with  the  snow  and  rain  and  made  it  almost 
impassible,  there  is  good  land  on  the  head  of  Tates  Creek,  got 
to  Boonesburg  in  the  evening  20  miles  from  our  encamp 
ment  the  weather  very  severe  it  snowed  a  little  in  the 
Night,  iSth  the  weather  severely  cold  and  cloudy  did  a  little 
buisness. 

Dec  iQth.  Clear  frosty  and  very  cold  —  2Oth  went  on  with 
business  the  Frost  continues  severe  we  were  informed  of  one 
of  Davis'  Family  being  lost  in  Rockcastle  the[y]  encamped 
in  a  fork  of  a  Creek  the  water  rising  and  surrounding 

1  The  West  Fork  of  the  Kentucky. 

2  An  east  branch  of  Dick's  River;   its  mouth  is  E.  by  N.  of  the 
site  of  Logan's  Fort. 

3  The  headwaters  of  Paint  Lick  Creek,  a  south  branch  of  the 
Kentucky,  are  separated  only  by  a  water  parting  from  Gilbert 
Creek. 

4  Silver  Creek  is  the  first  branch  of  the  Kentucky  above  Paint 
Lick  Creek. 

6  The  mouth  of  Tate's  Creek  is  about  midway  between  the 
mouth  of  Silver  Creek  and  Boonesborough. 

625 


TRAVELS  IN  THE  AMERICAN  COLONIES 

them  Davis  tried  to  swim  over  but  was  drownded  the  water 
rising  put  out  their  fire  and  the  rest  of  the  family  perished. 
And  likewise  that  Capt  Quirk  had  Negro  boy  drownded 
crossing  Rock  Castle.  The  river  had  rose  considerably 
from  Snow  Rain  and  transient  thaws  towards  their  head, 
the  Kentucky  had  been  full  of  ice  for  two  days  but  was 
closed  up  this  Evening  and  frozen  over. 

Dec.  22.  The  morning  of  the  22nd,  which  was  moderate 
Clear  and  Sunshine,  we  were  informed  from  Harrodsburg 
that  a  party  of  Indians  had  passed,  by  their  tracts,  between 
Chaplains  Fork  and  Salt  River,  their  trace  being  discovered 
15  miles  from  Harrodsburg.  The  23  and  24  went  on  with 
buisnes. 

Dec.  25.  Rested  the  25th  being  Christmas  day.  The  Frost 
still  continuing  I  crossed  the  Kentucky  on  the  Ice  and  found 
it  one  hundred  yards  over  opposite  to  the  Fort.  We  heard  by 
a  man  from  the  falls,  the  party  of  Indians  whose  tracts  had 
been  discovered  had  kild  a  man  and  boy  and  taken  two  boys 
prisoners  at  the  mouth  of  Floyds  Creek  near  Bushiers  Station 
and  that  the  People  had  left  the  Salt  works  and  taken  their 
kettles  away  leaving  the  Pots  or  kettles  belonging  to  the  Pub- 
lick.  Sam.  Henderson  arrived  with  some  of  the  Commisrs 
from  Carolina  having  quitted  running  the  boundary  line  on 
some  disagreement  with  the  Virginia  Commissrs  who  con 
tinued  to  go  on  with  the  line.  —  People  hourly  arrived  with 
accounts  of  the  distresses  of  Families  on  the  road. 

Dec.  26th.  Clear  and  moderate  Mr.  Henderson  took  the 
Lat.  and  made  this  place  37  degrees  48'. 

Dec.  27.  Morning  over  east  trail  snow  and  then  rain 
2Sthy  2<)th,  and  ^oth  did  buisness  the  2gth  it  seemed  to 
relent  and  thaw  but  continued  very  cold  and  in  the  night 
snowed  we  put  our  horses  over  the  Kentucky  on  the  Ice 
and  the  $ist  left  Boonesburg  for  Elkhorn.  Boonesburg  has 
30  houses  in  it,  stands  in  a  bottom  that  is  surrounded  by 
hills  on  every  side  that  commands  it,  the  hills  over  the  Ken 
tucky  opposite  as  indeed  all  along  the  River  is  very  very 
steep  and  discovers  the  Rock  at  no  great  depth  under  the 
soil,  from  which  hills,  small  Army  can  do  execution  in  the 

626 


COLONEL  FLEMING'S  JOURNAL,   1779-1780 

Fort  which  is  a  dirty  place  in  winter  like  every  other  Station, 
there  is  a  lick  close  to  the  post  called  by  the  Indians  deep 
lick  in  which  there  is  a  spring  which  serves  the  people  in 
common  that  smells  and  tastes  strong  of  sulphur  there  is 
likewise  a  Salt  Spring  or  two  but  water  weak  in  it.  Our 
Journey  to  Bryants  1  on  Elkhorn  was  done  in  15  miles  crossed 
Boone  Creek  and  Howards  Creek  and  passed  through  several 
tracts  of  fine  land.  Bryants  Station  as  it  is  called,  formerly 
the  property  of  Col.  Preston  and  exchainged  by  him  for 
the  horse  shoe  on  New  River  is  an  exceeding  fine  tract  of 
land  and  a  happy  situation.  There  is  at  present  about  50 
families  all  but  four  came  here  this  last  summer  and  fall  — 
there  is  plenty  of  small  cane  as  we  came  from  Boonesburg 
and  about  this  place.  The  Cane  is  a  long  time  before  it 
runs  to  seed  some  say  7  years  after  which  it  dies  and  Spring[s] 
up  from  the  seed  it  bears  grain  larger  than  Rye.  the  time 
the  seed  lyes  in  the  earth  is  uncertain  it  grows  in  rich  moist 
earth,  sometimes  large  spots  of  a  hundred  acres  will  run  to 
seed  at  once,  sometimes  you  will  meet  with  stalks  that  seed 
in  spots  when  the  other  stalks  of  a  younger  growth  do  not, 
the  roots  of  cane  will  continue  years  in  the  earth  without 
being  destroyed  if  in  a  favourable  earth  neither  too  wet  nor 
to  dry. 

The  hump  or  that  remarkable  rising  on  the  shoulders  of 
a  Buffalo  is  formed  by  the  Spinal  Processes  of  the  nine  first 
Vertebrae  of  the  back  gradually  rising  in  hight  from  the 
ninth  to  the  third.  The  Second  and  first  being  some  thing 
shorter  than  the  third,  and  the  process  of  the  third  rising 
sometimes  in  bulls  to  the  length  of  Eighten  Inches  the 
ninth  to  3  or  four  inches  these  spines  cut  off  and  dressed  the 
meat  is  reconed  the  sweetest  part  of  the  Buffalo.  There 
was  numbers  of  Paroquitos  2  flying  about  Boonsburg.  We 
heard  this  day  that  the  people  moving  out  to  this  Country 
had  lost  500  cattle  and  as  was  my  horse  by  the  rising  of 
the  waters  and  that  in  general  they  were  in  the  utmost  dis- 

1  Bryan's  Station,  about  six  miles  northeast  of  Lexington. 

2  Parrots,  in  the  margin  of  the  manuscript. 

627 


TRAVELS  IN  THE  AMERICAN  COLONIES 

tress  numbers  of  families  not  being  able  to  get  in  were 
building  huts  on  the  road  to  winter  in. 

1780  Jan.  I.  The  Frost  continue[d]  but  a  clear  sun  shine 
day  did  no  buisness  the  Cl[er]k  making  out  list  of  claims  on 
Elkhorn  and  Licking  necessary  before  we  can  proceed.  - 

Jan.  2.  A  Snow  fell  last  night  continued  Snowing  this 
morning 

Jan.  3  and  all  day  the  snow  12  Inches  deep  Cold  and  pierc 
ing  did  buisness.  The  4^,  §th  and  6th  the  cold  continued 
intense,  Jth  Do  the  8th  Col.  Line  taken  suddenly  ill  was 
bled- 

Jan.  Q.  The  Weather  continued  in  the  day  Clear  and 
Freezing  in  the  night  is  severely  cold  as  ever  I  felt  it  in 
America  the  People  at  this  place  all  sickly  from  colds  the 
hardships  they  endured  in  the  Journey  and  the  Change  of 
Air  the  most  of  the  Settlers  moving  from  S.  Carolina  two 
young  men  died  yesterday.  The  frost  had  penetrated  four 
teen  Inches  into  the  ground  as  we  found  by  the  opening  of 
the  graves. 

Jan.  10.  In  the  night  it  snowed  and  continued  snowing 
in  the  morning  of  the  loth  so  that  it  was  five  inches  deep  on 
the  old  snow  continued  to  snow  buisily  all  day. 

Jan.  II.  The  nth  clear  above  head  —  laid  in  a  Claim 
for  George  Hendrix  Settlement  and  preemption  on  the  head 
of  E.  Fork  of  Hustons  Branch  of  the  Licking  —  Continued 
to  do,  buisiness  the  12,  13,  14,  15,  16,  17,  and  iSth  when  we 
adjourned  to  Col.  Bowmans  near  Harrodsburg.  The  Frost 
still  continues  clear  in  the  day  and  cold. 

Jan.  iQth.  Set  out  for  Harrodsburg  and  reached  Lex 
ington  6  miles  from  Bryants  so  excessive  cold  we  were  afraid 
of  being  frost  bit  the  night  violently  cold,  my  horse  was 
turned  out  by  Robt  Paterson  who  neglected  to  unstop  the 
bell  and  could  not  be  found  when  the  other  horses  were 
brought  up  —  the  other  Gentlemen  went  on  to  Mr.  Tods 
where  they  were  to  wait  till  I  got  up  to  them.  —  they  made 
fiddle  strings  of  the  Sinues  of  the  spine  of  the  buffalo  and 
sewed  their  mockasins  with  them  being  very  strong  and 
when  dried  very  easily  divided  into  Small  fibers  —  so  that 

628 


COLONEL  FLEMING'S  JOURNAL,   1779-1780 

this  Animal  is  of  the  greatest  service,  of  the  horns  they 
make  Combs  etc.  the  flesh  is  their  common  food,  the  Skins 
tanned  makes  a  good  leather  but  a  little  spongier  than  some 
Cattle,  the  hair  on  the  skin  in  May,  June  and  July  is  short 
smooth  and  fine,  in  the  winter  the  coat  thickens  turns  wooly 
and  Feby  is  at  the  best  this  they  spin  into  yarn  and  work 
it  into  coarse  clothes  like  wool,  in  the  spring  they  shed  this 
wooly  coat  —  the  Frost  still  continues  my  horse  not  yet 
found  —  the  22nd  I  had  a  strong  fever,  occassioned  by  lying 
verry  cold,  and  was  something  better  this  day  the  most  dis 
ordered  is  my  head,  having  got  my  horse  which  cost  me  73 
Dollars  to  recover  again  having  been  put  out  of  the  way 
for  the  hopes  of  a  reward  I  set  out  and  reached  Capt.  Levi 
Tods  l  in  6  miles  passed  through  some  fine  land. 

Jan.  24.  Set  out  next  morning  for  Harrodsburg  went 
through  part  of  Genl  Lewis  land  reached  Kentucky  River  2 
in  15  miles  which  we  passed  on  the  Ice,  the  Rocks  from  the 
Channel  to  a  great  height  cast  a  dismal  appearance,  the 
hills  on  the  So[uth]  side  very  high  and  difficult,  in  10  miles 
further  reached  Harrodsburg  this  day  so  exceeding  cold  I 
had  one  of  my  toes  bit  with  the  frost  and  some  of  my  fingers 
frozen. 

Jan.  26.  Did  no  buisness  the  27,  28,  and  29  Proceeded  on 
Buisness. 

Feby.  2  I  was  seized  with  the  most  violent  pain  in  my 
back  which  continued,  the  4th  I  was  bled  for  it  and  took  a 
dose  of  Laxative  pills  with  Quicksilver  being  the  only  pur 
gative  I  had,  but  did  not  intermit  the  buisness  the  4th  the 
pain  was  easier  tho  I  was  still  obliged  to  have  my  back 
bolstered  up  when  I  was  in  Court,  the  pills  not  working  me 
properly  for  want  in  proper  convenience  in  working  it  off 
the  pain  returned  the  $th  and  §th  but  went  on  with  the 
buisness  when  Col.  Lyne  could  attend  he  being  frequently 
indisposed. 

1  Todd's  Station,  southwest  of  Lexington  and  in  a  direct  line 
to  Harrodsburg. 

2  The  road  from  Lexington  to  Harrodsburg  crossed  the  Ken 
tucky  at  its  confluence  with  Dick's  River. 

629 


TRAVELS  IN  THE  AMERICAN  COLONIES 

Feb.  6.  The  Frost  still  continuing,  the  Kentucky  was 
frozen  near  two  feet  thick  of  Ice  but  the  night  of  the  6th  it 
turned  cloudy  rained  a  little  which  turned  to  snow,  in  the 
morning  the  snow  was  two  inches  thick  on  the  old  snow  the 
wind  Easterly  and  continues  to  snow,  the  People  in  general 
sickly  seized  with  pains  in  their  head,  back  and  breast 
attended  with  a  loosesness  in  the  beginning  which  continued 
with  some  through  the  whole  course  of  the  disorder  voiding 
a  green  or  black  bilious  matter,  the  blood  taken  was  black 
and  Vicid  or  highly  imflamed  with  a  tough  buff  skin,  having 
no  assistance  many  died  in  ten  twelve  or  fourteen  days 
from  their  being  seized.  The  Jth  very  dark  cold  and  Cloudy 
the  Sth  and  gth  Clear  and  moderate  the  night  of  the  9th  it 
rained  and  continued  the  loth  to  rain  gently  the  snow 
melted  and  the  thaw  continuing  the  earth  began  to  uncover 
the  nth  12th  and  i^th  the  thaw  continued  gentle  and  pain 
shifted  a  little  lower  in  my  back  to  the  Joint  of  the  thigh 
and  down  my  thigh  at  times  verry  violent  so  that  I  continued 
to  have  my  back  supported  and  bound  when  doing  buisness, 
my  toe  that  was  frost  bit  frequently  paind  me,  the  blisters 
broke  and  the  new  skin  tender  —  we  found  the  buisness  far 
from  being  overcontrary  to  our  expectations  we  having 
settled  Certificates  since  we  came  here  for  250  Claims.  — 
The  Spring  at  this  place  is  below  the  Fort  and  fed  by  ponds 
above  the  Fort  so  that  the  whole  dirt  and  filth  of  the  Fort, 
putrified  flesh,  dead  dogs,  horse,  cow,  hog  excrements  and 
human  odour  all  wash  into  the  spring  which  with  the  Ashes 
and  sweepings  of  filthy  Cabbins,  the  dirtiness  of  the  people, 
steeping  skins  to  dress  and  washing  every  sort  of  dirty  rags 
and  cloths  in  the  spring  perfectly  poisons  the  water  and 
makes  the  most  filthy  nauseous  potation  of  the  water  im 
aginable  and  will  certainly  contribute  to  render  the  inhabit 
ants  of  this  place  sickly. 

Salmon  says  the  Buffalo  improperly  can  rais  the  Urus  or 
Lorax  [Aurochs  ?]  described  by  Caesar.  Till  the  23  it  froze  at 
night  and  thawed  in  the  day,  when  it  rained  in  the  night, 
and  snowed  all  day  the  wind  N.W.  the  2^th  it  froze  hard 
the  2$th  Do  the  26th  more  moderate  the  2jth  the  Court  having 

630 


COLONEL  FLEMING'S  JOURNAL,   1779-1780 

finished  the  buisness  rose  at  nine  Oclock  in  the  Evening, 
having  in  the  course  of  this  buisness  granted  Certificates  for 
1,096,650  acres. 

For  preemption  of  400  acres  135450  .  .     Claimers      339 

For  improvers  etc.  1000     .  259000  .  .     Do               259 

For  settlements     ....  202000  .  .  1 

For  preemptions  to  settle-  1  Do  505 

ment 500200  .  .] 

In  the  whole  Acres    .     .     .     1096650     .     .     Do  1103 

Omitted  in  the  above    .     .  1400     .     .  2 

1098050 1105 

Feb.  27.  Imployed  in  getting  the  Certificates  finished 
and  the  Lists  for  the  Surveyor  and  Auditors.  The  2$th 
the  same  signed  the  Certificates  for  the  Surveyor.  It  rained 
in  the  Evening  and  all  night. 

March  I.  March  the  first  it  hailed  and  snowed  by  turns 
my  horses  that  were  brought  down  got  out  of  the  Fort  in 
the  night  which  prevented  my  leavening l  this  place  this 
day,  sent  Thompson  up  to  Col.  Bowmans 2  after  them. 

March  3.  My  horses  coming  in  I  rode  out  to  Col.  Bow- 
mans  eight  miles  from  Harrodsburg  on  Cane  run  I  rode 
through  some  good  land  belonging  to  Richd  Itogen.  Col. 
Bowmans  is  pretty  good  land  and  has  good  water  there 
was  about  twenty  families  here  mostly  from  Roanoke,  the 
people  were  mostly  imployed  in  making  sugar  by  boiling  up 
the  juice  of  the  Sugar  tree  which  is  a  species  of  the  Maple 
tree,  there  is  two  sorts  of  sugar  trees  cald  black  and  white, 
from  the  Colours  of  the  bark,  and  it  is  thought  the  black 
yields  the  strongest  water  the  trees  are  cut  in  sloping  two 
or  three  inches  so  that  the  hole  or  box  may  hold  half  a 
pint  a  hole  is  bored  sloaping  through  the  bark  and  wood  to 
the  bottom  of  the  cavity  and  a  reed  or  quill  put  into  it, 

1  Leaving. 

2  Bowman's  Station,  east  of  Harrodsburg,  not  far  from  Dick's 
River. 

631 


TRAVELS  IN  THE  AMERICAN  COLONIES 

the  Juice  that  runs  into  the  cavity  is  carried  clear  of  the 
tree  and  runs  into  vessels  placed  to  receive  it  gutters  are 
cut  through  the  bark  and  part  of  the  wood  on  the  side  of 
the  tree  sloping  downwards  to  guide  the  Juice  into  the  larger 
cavity  or  receptacle  in  the  tree,  the  juice  is  boiled  down  till 
it  acquires  a  consistance  like  syrup  and  sweetness  resembling 
Honey  in  this  state  it  is  called  Molasses,  the  boiling  con 
tinued  as  the  watery  particles  exhale  it  turns  thicker  and 
dries,  the  fire  is  then  slacked  and  if  they  design  it  in  powder 
they  keep  continually  stirring  it  when  it  grains  and  pro 
duces  a  sugar  equal  to  Muscovedo,  if  not  stirred  it  forms 
into  a  cake  of  solid  consistence,  the  time  for  tapping  the 
trees  is  in  the  spring  and  fall,  a  clear  frosty  night  succeeded 
by  a  sunshiny  day,  the  trees  bleed  the  best,  when  the  buds 
swell  on  the  tree,  the  Juice  is  roapy  and  the  time  of  making 
sugar  is  over  till  the  Autumn,  after  the  fall  of  the  leaves. — 
from  this  juice  they  make  beer,  and  vinegar  and  I  am  per 
suaded  may  make  spirits,  as  the  sugar  with  a  little  careful 
management  may  be  made  equal  if  not  superior  to  that 
extracted  from  the  Cane.  It  takes  a  large  quantity  of 
Juice  to  a  pound  of  sugar  but  how  much  I  do  not  know.  I 
have  been  informed  that  sugar  has  been  made  from  the 
walnut  tree  in  the  same  manner.1 

March  Jih.  Rode  up  to  St  Asaphs  from  Col.  Bowmans, 
I  observed  a  species  of  the  wood  pecker  which  I  had  not 
met  with  before,  the  Cock  and  the  hen  they  are  larger  than 
the  large  brown  the  cock  had  a  bright  red  head  with  remark 
able  large  tuft  of  feathers  on  the  Crown  so  that  it  may  be 
called  the  Peacock  Wood  pecker  the  body  and  wings  White 
and  black.2  I  met  with  a  tall  tree  60  or  70  feet  in  the 

1 1  must  think  that  the  sugar  of  the  Ancients  that  we  do  not 
know  at  present,  and  which  is  entirely  lost  to  us,  might  have 
been  the  Juice  of  some  such  tree  as  this  if  not  the  very  same  for 
I  do  not  imagine  the  sugar  tree  confined  to  America  only,  but 
may  be  found  in  the  same  latitudes  elsewhere  parallel  to  those 
it  grows  in  here.  — Note  in  Ms. 

2  One  of  these  birds  was  shot  by  my  servent,  which  I  took  to 
be  the  hen,  the  feathers*  on  the  throat  and  belly  and  part  of  the 

632 


COLONEL  FLEMING'S  JOURNAL,   1779-1780 

body  and  two  feet  or  three  in  diameter,  which  I  did  not 
observe  before,  the  bark  something  like  a  Cheery  tree  the 
wood  when  cut  a  crimson  red  and  cald  by  some  Mahogany  1 
the  grains  of  the  wood  resemble  the  Mahogany  some  thing 
but  vastly  coarser,  when  dry  the  red  colour  vanishes  and 
it  appears  a  glistening  white,  the  leaf  I  do  not  know  but 
am  informed  it  bears  a  pod  a  foot  long  containing  beans  of 
a  flat  round  form  in  a  sweet  acrimonious  visid  Juice.2  re- 
wing  and  tail  a  shining  black,  it  had  nine  stiff  and  strong  feathers 
in  the  tail  forked  at  the  end,  the  middle  one  being  six  inches  long 
from  where  the  feathers  begin  the  whole  length  being  7f  inches 
the  others  on  each  side  shortened  in  length,  its  wings  ten  Inches 
long  from  the  shoulder  to  the  tip,  18  long  feathers  in  the  wing, 
the  two  first  and  longest  black  the  3rd  tipd  with  white  and  each 
succeeding  one  more  and  more  till  the  next  to  the  back  are  white, 
both  above  and  below,  the  front  and  fore  part  of  the  Crown 
black,  from  the  junction  of  the  upper  and  lower  bill  white  feathers 
on  each  side,  leaving  a  triangle  of  black  feathers  from  the  Eyes 
and  back  part  of  the  Crown  which  is  deep  red,  the  white  feathers 
run  backwards  as  far  as  the  white  on  the  wings  intermixed  with 
black  so  that  the  bird  from  the  head  so  far  appears  speckled, 
the  red  part  of  the  crown  appears  triangular,  its  legs  was  an  inch 
and  a  half  long  with  four  toes  set  forward  and  back  two  each  way, 
armed  with  strong  crooked  claws,  the  two  outer  ones  the  longest 
and  four  inches  in  length  the  bill  white  and  bony  verry  strong  and 
firm  at  the  point  shaped  like  a  wedge  each  f  of  an  inch  broad  and 
from  that  a  ridge  runs  both  in  the  upper  and  lower  so  that  each 
forms  a  triangle  an  inch  and  a  quarter  broad  at  the  Junction  of 
the  upper  and  lower  bills,  which  is  three  inches  in  length,  the 
tongue  is  six  inches  in  length.  The  Iris  when  dead  of  a  bright 
Yellow  so  far  it  differs  from  any  of  the  species  I  have  seen,  the 
mechanism  of  its  parts  being  as  usual  in  birds  of  this  kind,  it 
weighed  upwards  of  I  Ib.  —  Note  in  MS. 

1  Coffee  tree  —  Gymnocladus  Canadensis.  —  Note  in  MS. 

2  This  tree  is  a  species  of  larch  it  grows  in  Spain  and  on  the 
Barbary   side  near  Siteran  cald   in   Spain  Algerzalea,   Garosera, 
Carrobe,  or  Locust  tree.     The  trunk  from  i  to  2  feet  diameter, 
the  leaves  a  dark  green,  ten  on  a  twigg,  five  on  each  side  the 
fruit  in  shape  of  kidney  beans  one  inch  broad  and  nine  or  ten 
inches  long  they  issue  in  clusters  from  the  branches  and  body 
of  the  tree  in  a  singular  manner,  the  pods  thick,  mealy  and  of  a 
sweet  taste  when  dry  they  are  given  to  horses   and   Cattle  as 
providender.     The   Alcarobe   in   Africa,    the   pod    resembles   the 

633 


TRAVELS  IN  THE  AMERICAN   COLONIES 

turned  from  Logans  the  Sth  the  loth  rode  to  Harrodsburg 
the  night  of  the  yth  it  thundered  and  raind,  the  creeks  were 
high  the  Sth  the  I2th  it  snowed,  we  had  advice  from  Lick 
ing  that  a  man  was  wounded  near  Ridles  the  Sth  and  that 
some  people  were  kild  at  Boonsburg  the  same  day  Col. 
Calaway  and  Pemberton  Rawlings  on  the  9th  and  two 
Negroes  taken. 

March  73.  Finished  examining  the  books  and  rectified 
several  mistakes  we  found  two  claims  entirely  omitted  in 
the  list,  made  out  for  the  survey  and  three  in  the  list  sent 
to  the  Register  with  some  mistakes  in  the  names  and  some 
in  the  quantities  of  Land.  Joseph  Lindsays  Claim  is  like 
wise  not  taken  notice  of  because  not  located. 

The  old  English  Version  of  the  Psalms  as  in  the  liturgy 
is  translated  from  the  Septuagint  the  new  version  from  the 
Hebrew  original. 

Kettlewels  practical  believer  l  with  Allen  on  fa[i]th  pre 
fixed  to  it,  is  reccommended  as  the  properest  books  for  in 
structing  a  Family  in  the  fundamentals  of  the  Christian 
religion  in  as  short  evident  and  valid  a  manner  as  the  sub 
ject  will  permit. 

March  14.  Monday  night  there  was  a  smart  white  frost 
succeeded  by  a  warm  clear  day,  the  sugar  trees  run  plenti 
fully  but  the  Juice  was  of  an  Acid  cast  apt  to  ferment  and 
with  difficulty  turn  to  sugar,  from  the  Molasses  state,  the 
grains  smaller  clamy  and  a  little  Acid  cast  which  showed  the 

English  bean  the  inner  substance  is  sweet  and  lodged  hard  small 
kernels  the  fruit  is  eaten  by  the  common  people  and  by  all  the 
Moors  in  the  feast  Ashorah  but  is  especially  preserved  for  their 
horses  to  whom  it  is  food  and  Physic,  as  it  both  drenches  and 
fattens  them. 

After  drying  some  of  the  wood  of  this  tree  it  appeared  verry 
coarse  grained  wood,  and  porous,  and  not  good  for  any  fine  work 
being  as  coarse  as  common  Oak  and  of  a  disagreeable  smell  when 
green.  —  Note  in  MS. 

1  John  Kettlewell,  The  Practical  Believer ;  or  the  Articles  of  the 
Apostles'  Creed  drawn  out  to  form  a  true  Christian's  Heart  and 
Practice.  For  a  list  of  books  in  Col.  Fleming's  library  see  William 
and  Mary  College  Quarterly,  January,  1898. 

634 


COLONEL  FLEMING'S  JOURNAL,   1779-1780 

time  for  making  the  sugar  was  past.  After  the  fibers  of  the 
tree  is  hardened  by  the  winter  cold  and  the  Juices  thickened 
the  accumulation  if  any  being  very  languid.  The  diam 
eters  of  the  vessels  are  contracted,  the  first  juice  or  sap 
that  rises  is  thin  and  spirituous  which  by  degrees  moistens 
the  rigid  fibers  of  the  wood,  thins  the  thickened  sap,  in  the 
vessels  and  being  carried  to  the  different  parts  and  extremi 
ties  of  the  twigs  and  branches  swells  the  buds  and  by  degrees 
the  embrio  leaves  etc.  expand,  as  they  grow  in  dimensions 
it  requires  a  more  nutritive  Juice  to  support  them  and  add 
timber  to  the  tree  in  the  Autumn  after  the  Summers  heat, 
which  exhales  the  thinner  sap  the  encreasing  cold  constringes 
the  woody  and  more  solid  fibres,  the  thicker  Juice  either 
stagnates  or  their  motion  is  very  slow,  and  not  being  able 
to  circulate  in  the  vessels  as  formerly  the  leaves  loose  their 
verdure,  turn  pale  or  Yellow  and  at  last  drop  off,  yet  the 
Vesels  not  being  entirely  stoped,  their  diameters  only  de 
creased,  a  thin  Juice  or  sap  circulates  in  them  as  in  the  Spring 
which  may  be  made  into  sugar,  till  the  encreasing  cold  puts 
a  stop  even  to  this  secretion  in  the  root,  when  the  Juices 
are  altogether  froze,  as  it  is  the  property  of  liquours  freezing 
to  expand  in  dementions  and  to  overcome  the  greater  resist 
ance,  the  Juices  in  trees  by  freezing  taking  up  a  larger  space 
than  before,  act  in  some  measure  like  wedges  and  split  the 
tree  with  a  considerable  noise,  as  we  found  travelling  in  this 
Country  during  the  extremity  of  the  frost,  we  frequently 
heard  them  crack  like  Pistols  for  this  reason  a  hard  frost 
destroys  the  succeeding  fruit,  the  proper  vessels  being  this 
way  destroyed,  or  if  verry  intense  kills  the  tree  altogether. 
We  this  day  had  a  confirmation  of  Col.  Calaways  and 
Pempertons  being  kild  and  scalped,  and  two  negroes  taken 
prisoners  they  were  making  a  flat x  a  mile  and  a  half  from 
Boonsburg  we  were  likewise  informed  that  the  Indians  had 
Attacked  Ridles  Station  2  on  Friday  the  loth  without  kill 
ing  any  person  but  drawing  off  the  horses  and  killing  all 

1  Flat-boat. 

2  Riddle's  or  Ruddle's  Station,  on  the  east  bank  of  the  South 
Fork  of  the  Licking,  northeast  of  Lexington. 

as  635 


TRAVELS  IN  THE  AMERICAN   COLONIES 

their  Cattle  and  that  the  same  day  they  kild  Wm  Bryant 
Junr  l  about  two  miles  from  Bryants  Station  on  Elkhorn.  — 
we  likewise  had  intelligence  that  two  families  were  cut  off 
at  Dunnings  lick  One  Bard  had  gon  down  to  manage  the 
Salt  Works  on  Col.  Clarks  Acct  —  this  account  came  by 
one  of  the  men  who  had  escaped  we  were  allarmed  this  night 
by  two  men  who  went  out  to  hunt  horses  who  imagined 
they  had  met  with  Indians  and  a  man  from  this  place  being 
missing  but  it  proved  a  false  alarm,  the  man  coming  in, 
and  being  sometimes  lost  in  a  Cane  brake,  had  frightened 
the  others.  I  purchased  a  baggage  horse  from  Thos  Car- 
land  a  bay  at  250  .  .  10  .  .  o. 

March  16.  It  snowed  a  little  in  the  night  and  verry  cold 
in  the  morning  of  the  i*jth  —  which  was  very  cold,  a  woman 
died  here  and  was  buried  the  iSth  continued  cold  and  in 
the  night  it  snowed  and  covered  the  Ground. 

March  19.  Continued  cold,  tho  the  snow  soon  melted, 
had  letters  by  Capt  Roberts  under  Majr  Slaughter  which 
informed  me  of  the  hardness  of  the  frost  in  the  Settlements, 
and  the  excessive  high  price  of  provisions,  that  Corn  was 
40  shl  a  b.  pork  10  shl  per  pound  we  have  experienced  the 
dreadful  effects  of  the  rise  of  provisions  here  Corn  being 
100  dollars  per  Bushel  and  meat  so  scarce  we  could  not  be 
supplied  before  the  buisness  was  finished  Salt  was  at  500 
Dollars  a  bushel. 

March  20.  Last  night  it  was  cold  and  froze  hard,  the 
effects  of  the  severe  winter  was  now  sensibly  felt,  the  earth 
for  so  long  a  time  being  covered  with  snow  and  the  water 
entirely  froze,  the  Cane  almost  all  kiled,  the  Hogs  that  were 
in  the  Country  suffered  greatly,  being  frozen  to  death,  in 
their  beds,  the  deer  likewise  not  being  able  to  get  either 
water  or  food,  were  found  dead  in  great  numbers,  tirkies  2 
dropt  dead  of[f]  their  roosts  and  even  the  Buffalos  died 
starved  to  death,  the  vast  increase  of  people,  near  three 
thousand  that  came  into  this  Country  with  the  prodigious 

1  William    Bryan,   Jr.      See   R.    T.    Durrett,    Bryant's  Station, 
p.  44.  2  Turkeys. 

636 


COLONEL  FLEMING'S  JOURNAL,   1779-1780 

losses  they  had  in  their  cattle  and  horses,  on  their  Journey, 
and  the  severity  of  the  winter  after  they  got  here  killing 
such  numbers,  all  contributed  to  raise  the  necessaries  of  life 
to  a  most  extravagant  price. 

Yesterday  I  had  a  copy  of  the  Act  passed  last  session  of 
Assembly  1  continuing  the  powers  of  the  Commissioners  for 
two  months  longer,  as  we  had  finished  all  the  Buisness  of 
the  People  in  the  Country  I  had  great  reluctance  to  be  de 
tained  longer  here  but  considering  that  a  great  number  of 
People  that  were  expected  down  the  River  Ohio  from  Pits- 
burg  being  detained  by  the  Frost,  and  that  there  must  be  a 
number  of  Claimrs  2  in  near  3000  persons  that  designed  to 
come  into  this  Country  from  that  Quarter,  as  Asserted  to 
the  Commissioners  in  a  letter  from  one  Briscoe  I  determined 
to  wait  till  we  could  take  in  those  Claims  or  at  least  till 
Mr.  Trigg  3  should  return  from  the  Falls  whither  he  had 
gone  after  finishing  the  buisness  before  us  at  Harrodsburg 
—  we  had  information  that  a  man  was  kild  betwixt  Mr. 
Floyds  and  the  Falls  The  People  every  where  were  buised 
in  pulling  Nettles  which  had  been  rotted  like  hemp  by  the 
frost  and  snow  and  yields  a  good  Strong  bark,  the  Nettles 
growing  very  tall  and  strong,  when  broke  and  spun  makes 
a  strong  thread  when  wove  makes  a  strong  coarse  cloth, 
but  harsher  than  hemp.  I  have  been  told  by  Hunters  that 
the  Westerly  and  No  Westerly  Winds  blow  three  parts  of 
the  year  and  that  in  Cloudy  weather  when  the  Sun  did  not 
appear  to  steer  their  course  by  they  used  to  be  directed  by 
the  motion  of  the  Clouds  depending  on  their  driving  to  the 
Eastward  and  Southerly  and  were  never  mistaken  they  like 
wise  asserted  that  all  their  storms  and  foul  weather  came 
from  the  No  and  Westward  and  their  clear  dry  weather 
when  the  wind  was  Easterly  and  to  the  So  this  is  contrary 
to  what  we  experience  to  the  Estd  of  the  Alegany  Mountains 
where  the  Southerly  and  Easterly  winds  bring  foul  Cloudy 
dirty  weather  and  the  No  Westerly  winds  Clear  and  Cold. 

1  Virginia  Legislative  Assembly.  f  Claimers. 

3  Stephen  Trigg,  one  of  the  Commissioners. 

637 


TRAVELS  IN  THE  AMERICAN   COLONIES 

There  is  a  great  extent  of  Level  Marshy  watery  Country 
from  the  Lakes  that  lye  to  the  westward *  of  Kentucky 
Country  over  the  Ohio  and  great  quantities  of  snowfall  there 
in  the  Autumn  and  Winter  months  which  as  the  Westerly2 
winds  are  most  prevalent  in  that  quarter,  either  drives  it  in 
snow  or  rain.  Clouds  [are  driven]  to  the  Eastward  till  these 
Clouds  are  intercepted  by  that  continued  high  range  of 
Mountains  to  the  No  of  Virginia  and  in  some  parts  of  Virginia 
known  by  the  Alleghana,  in  this  Country  the  Cumberland, 
and  G.  Evans  in  his  Analysis  [of]  the  Osiota  Mountains 
[says  that]  there  storm  clouds  [being]  thus  intercepted  by  the 
Mountains  the  wind  that  rushes  over  their  tops  [is]  divested 
of  the  watery  clouds  and  continuing  its  course  to  the  E[ast]- 
ward  drives  the  clouds  with  its  current,  clears  the  sky  and 
carrying  many  nitrous  particles  makes  the  weather  Clear  cold 
and  dry.  For  this  reason  too  the  Ely 3  and  Soly 4  winds  di 
vested  of  their  watery  and  snow  clouds  by  these  Mountains 
blow  clear  and  warm,  whereas  these  winds  are  charged  with 
clouds  from  the  Sea  coast  which  they  let  fall,  in  Showers  etc. 
to  the  Eastward  of  these  Mountains.  The  Cumberland 
Mountain  is  a  continuation  of  the  Alleghana  Mountain,  run 
ning  in  a  pretty  direct  course  from  the  NoEly  to  SoWly  and 
altho  several  Rivers  run  through  it  both  to  the  Nowd  and 
Sowd  yet  it  only  affords  them  a  passage  running  often  into 
perpendicule[r]  rocks  of  a  great  hight  on  both  sides  of  the 
river  not  even  allowing  in  many  a  passage  for  footmen 
between  the  rock  and  river,  it  is  therefore  a  mistake  in 
tracing  the  course  of  these  mountains  by  the  head  of  the 
different  water  courses,  as  it  would  confound  several  very 
different  ranges  of  Mountains  together.  I  likewise  observed 
that  [the]  true  Allegany  is  accompanied  by  a  parallel  ridge, 
the  Lawrel,  with  5  is  either  more  or  less  visible  in  its  whole 
course. 

The  appearance  of  the  Country  as  to  its  risings,  sinkings, 
and  levels  is  entirely  formed  by  the  rock  below  the  Surface 

Northward.  2  Northwesterly.  3  Easterly. 

4  Southerly.  5  Which. 

638 


COLONEL  FLEMING'S  JOURNAL,   1779-1780 

which  every  where  extends  through  this  Country  at  the 
depth  of  from  one  to  twelve  or  more  feet  and  never  above 
1 8  or  20  but  in  general  to  the  surface  3  or  4  feet  deep  fre 
quently  the  rock  appears  on  the  Surface.  There  is  generally 
a  rich  soil  on  the  top  under  which  a  greasy  clay  of  different 
colours  and  sometimes  mixed  with  Sand  frequently  impreg 
nated  with  Nitrous  Vitriole,  Sulphurious  or  Saline  particles.1 
Under  this  is  a  shelly  rock  in  layers  loose  and  easily  raised 
in  flags  of  different  sizes,  I  observed  before  in  the  channel 
of  Salt  River,  this  loose  layer  of  rock  gives  free  passage  to 
water  betwixt  the  strata,  how  deep  this  sort  of  rock  goes  I 
can  not  Assert  but  from  what  I  observed  in  the  Channel  of 
the  Kentucky,  Salt  River,  Chaplains  fork,  of  Salt  River  etc.  : 
the  bottom  of  the  river  where  the  water  either  stands  or 
runs  is  a  bed  of  Solid  rock  and  when  the  water  rises  [to] 
the  height  of  these  layers  of  Rock  it  finds  its  way  through 
them  and  runs  dispersed  under  ground,  this  accounts  for 
the  nature  of  the  Springs  in  this  Country  if  they  can  be 
called  so  being  only  the  river  water  running  under  ground 
amongst  or  betwixt  these  Strata  of  Rock  and  appear  again 
either  in  Sink  holes  immediately  vanishing  or  bursting  out 
and  running  some  way  sink  again  as  is  2  frequently  happens 
to  considerable  streams  which  run  for  miles  that  disappears 
altogether,  this  likewise  accounts  for  little  fish  appearing  on 
opening  the  rock  and  earth  where  has3  sunk  in  springs  to 

1  The  soil  every  where  in  this  Country  is  surprizingly  shallow 
as  appears  from  the  trees  every  where  blown  up  by  the  Roots. 
The  roots  of  each  tree  is  matted  like  hazel  with  scarce  earth 
enough  to  cover  it  and  as  they  cannot  penetrate  in  depth  they 
spread  in  distance  insinuating  betwixt  the  loose  rock  and  when 
overturned  always  bringing  up  flags  of  the  rock  with  it.     The 
richest  soil  is  reckoned  the  black,  the  timber  black  Walnut,  Cherry, 
Honey  Locust  etc.     I  have  observed  the  richest  soil  to  bear  the 
shortest  timber  and  to  be  the  shallowest  in  the  mold.     I  would 
therefore  prefer  a  good  timbered  tract  tho  not  quite  so  rich,  to  a 
richer  tho  worse  timbered  tract  as  there  is  a  great  probability  of 
the  ground  being  lasting  not  so  subject  to  drought  and  where 
Springs  of  their  being  constant.  —  Note  in  MS. 

2  It.  3  They  have. 

639 


TRAVELS  IN  THE  AMERICAN  COLONIES 

recover  water;  for  this  reason  too  we  may  account  for  the 
large  quantity  of  Corn  which  delights  in  a  moist  soil  growing 
so  plentifully  here  on  dry  uplands  as  it  appears  to  be,  as 
well  as  the  beach  Sycamore  and  other  growth  delighting  in 
a  moist  soil,  and  for  the  sudden  rise  and  fall  of  the  water 
courses.  Below  these  layers  of  stone  is  a  solid  rock  the 
depth  unknown  for  this  reason  we  may  account  for  the 
great  scarcity  of  Springs  I  do  not  remember  to  have  seen 
one  real  gravelly  Spring  in  the  Country  except  one,  for 
their  drying  up  as  well  as  the  rivers  in  the  summer  and  fall 
and  for  the  river  and  branches  so  suddenly  rising  and  falling 
on  a  rain  or  thaw  of  snow  there  is  a  descent  from  the  head 
of  Dicks  River  to  near  the  Ohio,  the  Channels  of  the  rivers 
lye  verry  low  from  the  bottom  of  the  Channels  to  the  tops 
of  the  banks  two  or  three  hundred  feet  or  more  in  perpen 
dicular  height,  which  when  you  have  ascended  the  Country 
seems  to  go  off  levels  the  rivers  are  prodigiously  crooked 
making  many  turns  and  windings  and  having  worked  their 
channels  by  washing  away  the  earth  and  loose  rocks  makes 
the  appearance  of  many  knobs  or  short  hills  very  steep  and 
high.  The  most  of  the  stone  is  a  soft  limestone  of  a  blew 
or  gray  colour  interspersed  with  veins  of  a  soft  white  crys- 
taline  substance  the  stone  clear  of  this  feels  soft  and  soapy 
to  the  touch,  it  easily  burns  to  lime  there  is  likewise  free 
stone  and  grit  fit  for  grindstones  and  Milestones.  Flint 
and  Crystals  in  some  places,  Iron  ore  and  between  Green 
River  and  Salt  River  lead.  Bear  fat  is  preserved  sweet  and 
pure  by  putting  in  a  bunch  of  the  Slippery  Elem  bark  into 
it  when  rendering,  hunters  that  preserve  a  great  quantity  of 
bears  oil  and  take  every  method  to  get  the  largest  quantity 
and  sweet  let  the  fat  lye  till  it  is  quite  tender  and  not  fit  to 
eat  shave  off  the  rough  outer  bark  and  take  the  slippery 
Clammy  bark  tye  it  up  in  a  bunch  and  put  it  along  with  the 
fat  in  rendering  when  rendered  strain  it  and  the  oil  is  pure 
and  free  from  any  bad  scent,  and  will  keep  for  a  long  time, 
it  likewise  preserves  and  sweetens  hogs  lard  and  I  suppose 
would  do  the  same  with  butter  however  it  would  be  worth 
while  to  make  a  tryal. 

640 


COLONEL  FLEMING'S  JOURNAL,   1779-1780 

March  17.  Went  to  Harrodsburg  found  myself  much  in 
disposed  got  my  horse  shod  and  returned  the  iSth  and  2Oth 
got  bled  12  oz.  the  pain  in  my  head  and  breast  was  a  little 
relieved  the  blood  was  solid  like  liver  and  black  as  tarr  the 
symptons  returning  with  violence  my  head  paining  me 
greatly  through  my  temples,  above  my  eyebrows  along  the 
Sutures  of  my  head  and  the  hind  part  my  eyes  seemed  so 
full  and  tense  in  the  sockets  that  I  could  not  turn  them,  I 
was  bled  the  22nd  being  determined  to  let  the  Vein  breath 
till  I  found  an  abatement  of  the  Symptons  or  an  alteration 
in  the  Colour  of  the  blood  this  did  not  happen  till  three 
pints  or  24  oz.  was  in  the  basin  and  I  was  giddy  I  lost  too 
much  blood  I  was  subject  to  slight  twitches  of  and  great 
faintness  and  weakness  the  blood  would  leave  the  extremi 
ties  my  fingers  would  turn  pale  white  and  have  all  the  Ap 
pearance  of  a  Corps  a  noise  like  the  rustling  of  waters  was 
constantly  in  my  ears  and  my  memory  failed  me  the  blood 
now  taken  was  covered  all  over  with  a  seemingly  putrid 
gelly  the  surface  of  this  was  tough  like  parchment  under 
which  the  gelly  was  half  an  inch  thick  the  remaining  sub 
stance  was  solid  and  firm  like  the  blood  taken  away  at  first. 
I  was  now  no  longer  at  a  loss  to  account  for  the  different 
disorders  I  had  observed  for  cancerous  like  ulcers  in  the 
throat  and  glands  and  for  the  different  symptons  in  the 
fevers  I  had  lived  for  a  constancy  on  poor  dried  Buffalo  bull 
beef  cured  in  the  smaok  l  without  salt  and  dressed  by  boiling 
it  in  water  or  stewing  it  without  any  addition  but  a  piece 
of  Indian  hoe  cake  which  made  my  breakfast  and  the  same 
for  dinner  —  it  was  owing  to  this  coarse  food  that  I  had 
such  a  thick  vicid  and  black  blood. 

April  I.    Had  Letters  from  home  by  Nichls  Belt  all  well. 

April  ^th.  Were  informed  that  three  men  were  kild  and 
scapled  at  Levi  Todds  Station  the  27th. 

Went  up  to  Logans  came  down  on  Thursday  Evening,  on 
Friday  all  my  horses  missing.  Left  a  double  blanket  with 
Mrs.  Logan  when  there. 

1  Smoke. 
641 


TRAVELS  IN  THE  AMERICAN  COLONIES 

April  6th.  John  Marston  came  up  with  Letters  from 
Clark  from  the  Falls  he  says  there  was  a  number  of  boats 
came  down  the  Ohio  that  they  brought  provisions  down 
the  River  so  that  Corn  fell  from  150  Dollars  the  bushel  to 
40.  The  Indians  attacked  all  the  boats  that  came  down, 
they  took  one  Capt.  Bonnalds  a  Gentleman  from  Maryland 
and  his  family  in  the  long  reach  the  28th  March,  there  was 
25  people  on  the  boat.  One  Capt.  Stull  was  the  first  man 
killed,  they  kild  a  man  in  another  boat  Col.  Clark  proposes 
establishing  a  post  at  the  mouth  of  the  Ohio  which  as  soon 
as  done  he  proposes  going  against  the  Shawnese  in  his  rout 
to  Detroit  his  principle  object.  I  wrote  to  him  by  Capt. 
Roberts  strongly  reccomending  it  to  him,  if  compatible  with 
his  other  Operations  the  I7th  March  to  which  he  has  not 
yet  returned  an  answer.  — There  was  a  man  killed  on  Bear- 
grass  the  2Oth  March  Wm  Akens  was  kild  between  Floyds 
and  the  Falls  the  beginning  of  April. 

April  loth.  Capt.  Pawling  came  to  Col.  Bowmans  and 
brought  Letters  from  home  informing  me  that  the  Military 
warrants  were  sent  down  by  Capt  Todd  who  had  not  re 
turned  and  my  preemption  Certificates  by  James  Brown 
who  had  Returned,  he  likewise  informed  me  that  two  or 
three  Canoes  from  Watago  1  who  had  designed  to  go  down 
the  Holstein  in  Compy  with  Col.  Donalson  but  the  small 
pox  breaking  out  amongst  them  they  kept  behind  Donalsons 
coming  opposite  to  Chickamaga  they  landed  and  the  In 
dians  left  their  Town  the  Cannoes  going  past  that  place  the 
next  day  a  white  man  came  to  the  bank  and  caled  to  them 
that  if  they  wanted  corn  they  should  come  on  shoar  that  the 
Indians  had  plenty  and  would  supply  them,  they  accordingly 
going  on  shoar  without  their  Arms  the  Indians  murthered 
the  whole  being  30  men,  women  and  children. 

April  nth.  My  horses  which  were  missing  since  tews- 
day  last  were  brought  in  this  day  having  left  their  walks 
and  were  making  off.  I  observed  the  sugar  tree  in  blossom 

1  Watauga,  the  name  of  two  or  more  Cherokee  towns  :  one  on 
Watauga  River,  another  on  the  Little  Tennessee. 

642 


COLONEL  FLEMING'S  JOURNAL,   1779-1780 

it  bears  a  Yellow  Camp  arm  la  ted  or  cup  like  Blossom  in 
which  rises  about  six  or  eight  Stamina  with  the  seed  vessel 
on  the  top  the  cup  is  on  an  a  Stilus  an  Inch  long  about  20 
of  these  Campanulated  Blossoms  rises  from  the  bottom  of 
a  Capsul  composed  of  large  hairy  leaves  and  two  rows  of 
lesser  leaves  at  the  end  of  each  twigg  4  or  5  of  these  capsules 
rising  from  the  end  of  each  twigg. 

Nettles  grow  every  where  so  plentifully  in  this  Country 
that  I  look  upon  them  to  be  the  cause  why  horses  seldom 
will  stay  here  in  the  spring  in  the  finest  food  they  generally 
go  off  in  May  when  the  Nettles  have  acquired  sufficient 
strength  to  sting  their  noses  and  lips  are  so  severely  stung 
by  Nettles  that  it  perfectly  distracts  them  and  forces  them 
to  range  in  pasture  that  is  free  from  Nettles.  This  Evening 
two  men  came  over  from  Lexington  and  informed  us  that 
one  Nourse  was  kild  there  the  third  instant  they  had  shot 
him  in  the  thigh  and  taken  him  off  8  miles  towards  Licking 
before  they  kild  him.  They  likewise  reported  that  Majr 
Harrod  had  lost  a  brother  that  in  coming  down  the  River 
had  gone  on  shore  to  hunt  after  some  tools  that  was  hid, 
that  after  he  landed  the  people  that  were  floating  down  the 
River  in  the  boat  heard  4  or  5  guns  fired  they  waited  at  an 
Hand  for  him  but  he  never  came  up  with  them. 

April  16.  Left  Col.  Bowmans  for  St  Asaphs,  lodged  at 
Fishers  the  ijth  reached  St  Asaphs  the  iSth  went  on  Busi 
ness  received  a  Letter  and  Preemption  Warrant  by  Campbel 
we  heard  of  a  man  and  a  negro  being  part  of  a  larger  Compy 
from  the  falls  being  kild  and  scalped  Eight  miles  from  Jas 
McAfees. 

April  ip.  This  morning  [I  was]  informed  that  two  men 
from  King  and  Queen  on  their  return  were  scalped  on  Rock- 
castle  my  horses  missing  yesterday  --  got  the  2Oth  — 
entered  into  a  Bargain  with  Mr.  Douglass  for  Terrys  pre 
emption  and  settlement  and  passed  Bonds. 

April  21.  Col.  Logan  1  came  home  and  brought  in  the 
preemption  warrant  for  the  Certificate  purchased  of  Col. 

1  Benjamin  Logan. 
643 


TRAVELS  IN  THE  AMERICAN  COLONIES 

Bowman  Assignee  of  James  Ross  and  likewise  intelligence 
that  two  men  that  went  hunting  on  Muddy  Creek  a  branch 
of  Kentucky  above  Boonsburg  was  kild  last  Monday.  We 
likewise  heard  that  the  same  day  a  man  was  knocked  down 
by  an  Indian  at  Levi  Todds  Station  but  the  people  in  the 
Fort  firing  on  the  Enemy  the  man  escaped. 

April  23.  Col.  Knox  arrived  and  brot  out  my  Military 
warrant  for  2200  Acres  2000  in  my  own  right  and  200  as 
Assignee  of  Thos  Lovelle.  Received  several  Letters  in 
timating  that  a  Combination  of  People  were  formed  at 
the  Falls  to  seize  the  Commissioners  books  and  burn  them 
received  Letters  from  Col.  Clark  requesting  me  to  fall 
on  some  plan  to  furnish  him  with  £20000.  I  proposed 
as  the  only  way  to  borrow  money  from  thee  people  etc. 
and  spoke  to  some  People  about  it,  heard  that  4  men 
were  kild  on  Cumberland  that  the  Indians  had  taken  off  a 
number  of  horses  from  some  people  that  had  landed  at  the 
Mouth  of  Limestone,  and  by  Col.  Abm  Bowman  that  his 
brother  Isaac  in  his  passage  from  the  Illinois  which  he 
left  in  the  winter  for  the  falls,  was  cut  off,  with  his  party 
except  two  who  made  their  escape  he  had  not  been  heard 
of  since. 

April  24..  Received  from  Col.  Logan  two  military  war 
rants  of  Capt.  Christian  of  50  acres  each  Assigned  to  him 
which  I  delivered  to  Mr.  Terry. 

April  26.     Finished  the  buisness  my  horses  missing. 

April  27.  Advertized  30  dollars  for  each.  Heard  of  my 
two  bays  Col.  Logan  followed  them  and  got  them  near 
Whitlys  going  off. 

April  28.  Rode  down  to  Wilsons  Station 1  left  Thompson 
to  hunt  after  the  Roan  entered  my  military  warrants  upon 
Green  River  on  Panther  Creek. 

April  30.  Rode  to  Harrodsburg  heard  a  man  was  kild 
and  another  wounded  on  tewsday  last  at  Squire  Boones 
Station  on  Brashiers  Creek  Thompson  came  home  from  Col. 
Bowmans  without  having  found  the  roan  horse  I  sent  him 

1  Wilson's  Station  was  on  a  branch  of  Salt  River  two  miles  north 
west  of  Harrodsburg. 

644 


COLONEL  FLEMING'S  JOURNAL,   1779-1780 

back  with  the  horse  I  rode  to  Col.  Bowmans.  Col.  Logan 
brought  my  horse  down. 

May  2.  Rode  out  to  Col.  Bowmans.  By  letter  was  in 
formed  that  Isaac  Bowmans  boat  coming  round  from  the 
Illinois  was  attacked  in  the  Ohio  in  the  Night  two  men 
that  were  on  shore  kild  at  their  fire  a  third  made  his  escape 
and  wrote  from  Cumberland  River  that  he  got  on  board 
another  boat  they  had  passed  that  there  was  three  men  on 
board  I.  Bowmans  boat  and  that  he  heard  several  guns 
fired  when  he  was  making  his  escape  that  when  they  went 
to  the  place  they  found  no  signs  of  the  boat  but  the  remains 
of  the  two  men  that  were  kild.  As  the  method  for  taking 
in  the  State  Warrants  was  settled  that  all  the  warrants  of 
the  first  date  should  be  drawn  for  to  settle  the  priority  of 
entry  each  Claimer  to  make  his  entries  according  to  the 
number  drawn  to  his  name  and  the  drawings  to  be  made 
on  the  4th  inst.  I  returned  to  Wilsons  Station  where  the 
office  is  kept  on  Thirsday  morning  About  one  oclock  the 
numbers  for  Warrants  of  the  first  date  were  drawn  my  For 
tune  turned  up  No  24  there  was  300  Tickets,  when  the  first 
was  finished  tickets  for  the  warrants  of  other  dates  were  drawn 
till  the  whole  was  finished.  The  Commissioner[s]  closed  the 
buisness  of  the  district  by  signing  the  Registers  and  Sur 
veyors  lists  and  passing  receipt  for  the  Money  they  received. 

May  5.  The  Surveyors  put  up  an  Advertisement  that 
he  1  could  not  take  in  any  locations  before  Monday  next. 
I  returned  to  Col.  Bowmans  after  breakfast  and  examined 
the  Lists  to  see  that  no  mistake  had  been  made  and  find 
that  we  have  issued  the  last  setting  certificates  as  follows. 

ACRES 

To  400  Acres.     Claimers  since  1778 4400 

Improvers  before  1778 163000 

Settlements  and  Preemptions 68600 

To  223  Claimers  granted  Certificates  for  in  the  whole  236000 
acres 

So  that  the  general  account  stands  as  follows. 

1  They. 

645 


TRAVELS  IN  THE  AMERICAN   COLONIES 

The  first  Sitting  to  340  Claimers  for  Settt 1  since  1 778 
To  the  Second  Sittg   11     Do  Do    .     .     . 

Total  No                  351    of    Claimers   to  400  acres  140250 

Preemption 

The  first  sitting  to  260  for  improvements  before  1778  260000 

The  last         Do      163                    Do 163000 

Total  No                  423  of  Claimers  for  improvement  423000 
The  first  sitting  to  505  for  settt  and  preempn  before 

1778 702200 

The  last  sitting  to    49                      Do 68600 

Total  No                  554  for  Sett  and  preempn.     .     .  770800 
Total  number  of  Claims  1328  Total  number  of  Acres  1334050 
Certificates  granted  by  the  Commissrs  for  Kentucky 
district  agreeable  to  an  Act  of  Genl  Assembly  for  asser- 
taining  the  Claims  to  unpatented  land  etc. 

To  351  Claimers  of  400  acre  preemptions  since  1778  140250 
To  423  Do  of  1000  acres  preemption  for  Impr  before 

1778 423000 

To  554  Do  Settt  and  preempn  before  1778     .     .     .  770800 

1328  Total  of  Claimers      Total  of  acres  granted  1334050 

May  7.  This  morning  Stephen  Trig  came  past  Col. 
Bowmans  on  his  way  home  contrary  to  his  intention  when 
I  parted  with  him  at  the  Office,  then  he  designed  to  stay 
till  his  buisness  was  finished,  so  that  I  was  not  prepared 
to  go  with  him.  Yesterday  we  were  informed  that  7  In 
dians  were  discovered  on  Salt  River  near  the  upper  McAfees. 
The  Inhabitants  of  this  place  catched  numbers  of  fish  yes 
terday  and  today  all  Cat  fish  except  a  black  perch  such  as 
in  Roanoke. 

May  8.  Went  to  the  Surveyors  Office,  but  the  Warrants 
taken  in  on  Thursday  Last  not  being  in  order  as  the  draw 
ing  was  done  with  Confusion,  by  the  plan  they  took  in  no 
Locations  till  the  ninth  and  then  verry  slowly.  Numbers 
of  people  being  wearied  out  went  away,  there  being  no  pro- 

1  Settlement. 
646 


COLONEL  FLEMING'S  JOURNAL,   1779-1780 

visions  to  be  purchased.  The  Tenth  made  my  Locations 
and  returned  to  Col.  Bowmans.  This  day  news  came  from 
Grants  Station  on  Elkhorn  that  on  Saturday  the  6th  the 
Indians  had  kild  a  woman  and  two  men  were  fired  on  [at]  the 
Fort  but  retreated  with  fifteen  horses  being  pursued  by  a 
party  were  overtaken  by  them  in  Eight  Miles  when  they 
took  one  prisoner  that  had  been  wounded  at  the  Fort  and 
brought  him  in  he  died  that  night  but  would  give  them  no 
Answer  to  any  questions  Asked  but  that  there  was  great 
numbers  of  Indians  this  side  of  Ohio  and  frequently  desired 
our  People  to  kill  him. 

May  nth.  The  most  of  the  Party  I  designed  to  go  in 
with  having  gon  up  to  Logans  and  Whilleys  1  I  prepared  to 
set  out  this  morning  and  rode  up. 

May  I2th.  Left  Logans  in  my  way  home  in  Compy  with 
Col.  Garret  from  the  Stafford  County  Capt.  Pawling  and 
Others.  Overlooked  Capt.  I  [r]  win  from  Bedford  and  Cal[d]- 
well  from  Chariot  in  all  about  20  incamped  on  a  run  a 
branch  of  Dicks  River,  three  miles  from  Englishes.2 

May  13.  A  Young  man  came  into  us  that  had  been  lost 
twelve  days  in  his  way  from  St.  Asaphs  to  Pitmans  Station 
on  Green  River.  He  was  in  a  wretched  condition  subsisting 
on  herbs  during  that  time.  We  went  the  New  road  to  Scags 
Creek  and  went  through  some  good  land  on  a  branch  of 
Dicks  River  came  up  with  a  Compy  of  fifteen  men  went 
down  a  long  branch  of  Scaggs  Creek  that  runs  into  it  at  the 
3rd  foarding.  Crossed  Rockcastle  went  up  the  river  three 
miles  and  encamped  on  Raccoon  Creek  three  miles  above 
the  mouth. 

May  i ^th.  Left  Camp  after  7  o'clock  A.M.  in  about  i| 
Miles  passed  the  Graves  of  a  Family  that  perished  in  the 
Winter  they  had  encamped  on  a  little  rising  the  waters  of 
the  Creek  breaking  over  the  Banks  surrounded  them,  it 
raining  hard,  extinguished  their  fire.  The  Husband  en- 

1  William   Whitley.     Whitley's    Station   was   about   five   miles 
southeast  of  Logan's  Fort. 

2  English's  Station,  on  the  south  branch  of  upper  Dick's  River, 

southeast  of  Whitley's  Station. 

647 


TRAVELS  IN  THE  AMERICAN  COLONIES 

deavoured  to  swim  over  to  get  fire  from  People  not  far 
from  them  but  was  lost  in  the  Attempt  his  wife  and  some 
children  perished  in  the  Night  with  the  extremity  of  the 
Weather.  We  passed  the  rock  I  took  notice  of  the  way  out, 
and  observed  a  long  continued  ridge  in  full  Foliage  while 
the  trees  on  the  hills  we  crossed  had  scarce  any  and  but 
small  leaves.  In  Sept.  in  my  way  out  I  noticed  the  same 
Ridge  the  leaves  turned  Yellow  when  the  leaves  on  the  other 
hills  retained  their  Verdure,  from  which  I  Judge  there  is  a 
mineral  contained  in  the  Mountain  it  lyes  from  the  above 
Rocks  N.  and  E.  and  is  a  long  Ridge  and  about  two  miles 
or  upwards  from  them.  We  passed  the  Hazel  Patch  when1 
the  Boonsburg  road  comes  in  to  St.  Asaphs  this  day  we 
crossed  some  hills  and  Swamps  and  encamped  on  a  Ridge 
by  a  Spring  half  a  mile  from  the  place  where  two  men  were 
killed  and  a  Negro  taken  prisoner  this  Spring.  The  place 
where  the  Indians  attacked  was  fit  for  the  purpose  a  narrow 
passage  on  a  ridge  with  a  draught  on  each  side  prevented 
Assistance  had  there  been  any  at  hand  from  surrounding 
the  Enemy. 

May  75.  Crossed  several  Ridges  to  camp.  6  [miles  back] 
we  crossed  Stock  Creek. 

May  16.  Went  up  Richland  Creek  Stinking  Creek  passed 
Flat  Lick2  and  encamped  a  mile  from  it. 

The  distance  from  Ligans  3  we  made  as  follows. 

To  Inglisses  4  15  miles.     The  head  of  Scaggs  Creek  7. 

To  Rockcastle  20.    To  Hazel  Patch  10.    To  Lawrel  River  1 2. 

To  the  head  of  Raccon  Creek.     To  Stock  Creek  8. 

Richland  Creek  7.  Stinking  Creek  8.  Flat  Lick  2. 
Cumberland  Foard  8.  Cumberland  Gap  15.  113  miles.5 


1  Where. 

2  Flat  Lick  was  on  the  east  bank  of  Stinking  Creek  and  near  the 
confluence  of  that  stream  and  the  Cumberland. 

3  Logan's  Fort.  4  English's  Station. 

5  The  road  indicated  by  the  above  was  "  The  Road  from  the 
Old  Settlements  in  Virginia  to  Kentucke  thro'  the  great  Wilder 
ness."  It  ran  nearly  direct  in  a  southeasterly  direction  from 
Harrodsburg  to  Cumberland  Gap. 

648 


COLONEL  FLEMING'S  JOURNAL,   1779-1780 

At  noon  this  day  three  men  and  a  negro  came  in  to  us 
who  belonged  to  a  party  of  12  from  Lexington  that  were 
defeated  about  five  miles  before  us,  we  marched  in  silence 
and  pritty  good  order  to  the  place  and  found  John  and  Robert 
Davis  from  Amherst  lying  scalped  and  much  mangled  on 
the  road.  There  was  two  war  Clubs  left  on  the  head  of  one 
was  the  figure  of  a  Lizard  cut  which  I  supposed  belonged  to 
the  Spring  Lizard  of  Chickamaga  it  appeared  to  me  there 
was  two  parties  out.  One  of  17  and  one  of  18  Indians  we 
buried  the  Corps  as  well  as  we  could  and  pursuing  our 
Journey  crossed  Cumberland  Mountains  and  encamped 
half  a  mile  short  of  Walkers  Creek.  The  Morning  Cloudy 
with  smart  showers  another  man  from  the  Lexington  party 
carne  in,  on  the  Road  halted  two  miles  short  of  Martins 
Cabbin  in  Powells  Valley,  rained  all  the  afternoon  we  en 
camped  on  the  bank  of  a  Creek  a  Mile  Short  of  Coxes  place. 
Martins  Cabbin  18  miles  from  Our  Last  encampment. 
Coxes  8  miles  from  Martins. 

May  i8th.  This  Morning  put  Our  Arms  in  Order  and 
went  on.  The  People  at  Coxes  had  left  their  houses  shut 
up  but  we  saw  some  Cattle  and  dogs  halted  at  the  Glade 
Spring  8  miles  from  Coxes  we  passed  a  Ridge  that  a  Stout 
Creek  run  through,  one  of  our  Party  rode  along  the  Channel 
of  the  Water  below  this  natural  bridge  the  road  goes  over 
we  came  to  Scots  at  Christians  Plantation  and  were  in 
formed  that  Messrs  Todd  and  Trigg  lay  there  on  Saturday 
night  and  that  on  Sunday  the  Indians  kild  a  man  belonging 
to  Coxes  Station  which  made  the  People  move  to  that  Place  : 
and  that  two  men  of  the  Lexington  party  had  got  there 
that  day,  we  went  up  a  big  run,  crossed  Wallins  Ridge  which 
was  verry  Steep  and  Slippery  as  it  rained  on  us,  we  en 
camped  at  the  foot  of  it  four  miles  from  Scots.  Two  of  the 
Lexington  party  came  up  with  us. 

May  igth.  We  went  up  a  bad  run  and  bad  road  all 
the  days  march,  passed  a  verry  bad  and  Slippery  hill  as 
bad  as  any  of  the  Mountains  passed  Flats  Lick  where  the 
road  comes  in  from  the  Rye  Cove,  the  road  dowrn  Stock 
Creek  verry  bad  and  long,  crossed  Clinch  which  was  rising 

649 


TRAVELS  IN   THE  AMERICAN   COLONIES 

so  deep  some  of  the  horses  were  swimming  in  the  midle  of 
the  River  a  swarm  of  Flies  settled  on  my  horses  head  and 
set  him  a  plunging  however  I  got  safe  over.  We  halted 
when  we  got  over  the  River,  then  crossed  several  steep  hills 
stoney  road  and  Miry  places  a  fresh  Indian  Tract  was  dis 
covered,  which  brought  our  company  into  a  litle  Order 
encamped  two  miles  from  Moccasin. 

May  2Oth.  Gap.  After  our  horses  were  got  up  we  pro 
ceeded  on  our  Journey  went  through  the  Gap  crossed  the 
No  Fork  of  Holstein  1  River  passed  the  Block  house  and 
halted  three  miles  from  it.  Our  company  begun  now  to 
disperse.  We  went  on  and  encamped  at  the  head  of  Reedy 
Creek,  I  got  my  baggage  put  into  Irwin  and  Caldwells 
Waggon,  they  having  brought  out  a  waggon  with  them  this 
far  on  their  way  to  Kentucky. 

May  2ist.  Went  to  Col.  Shelbys  2  6  miles  from  our  last 
Camping  place,  rested  there  that  day  paid  Jno  Cox  595 
Dollars  for  cald  in  Money  I  had  take[n]  down  for  him. 

May  22.  Breakfast  at  Bakers  some  days  before  a  party 
of  Indians  attacked  a  house  on  Nonachucky  3  had  two  of 
their  party  killed.  Our  People  were  relieved  by  some  people 
that  came  up  to  their  Assistance.  A  man  was  either  killed 
or  taken  Prisoner  in  Carters  Valley,  halted  at  Grays  three 
miles  from  Shelbys  and  was  overtaken  by  a  party  who  left 
Kentucky  some  days  after  we  did  and  who  met  with  Wimer 
one  of  the  Lexington  party  at  Martins  Cabbin  Powells 
Valley,  when  the  party  was  attacked  he  quit  his  horse  with 
a  design  to  fight  them  but  seeing  his  companions  dispersed 
he  was  obliged  to  run  and  was  fired  at  by  an  Indian.  Wimer 
soon  after  falling  by  stepping  into  a  hole  the  Indian  thinking 
he  had  shot  him  run  up  to  Wimer  with  his  tomahawk  and 
knife  without  his  gun,  Wimer  recovering  himself  presented 
his  gun  at  the  Indian  who  stopt  short  in  Amaze  and  standing 
motionless  was  shot  down.  Wimer  then  ran  off  and  blun- 

1  Holston. 

2  Colonel  Isaac  Shelby,  whose  home  at  this  time  was  close  to  the 
southern  border  of  Virginia,  and  at  or  near  the  present  Bristol, 
Tennessee.  3  Nolachucky. 

650 


COLONEL  FLEMING'S  JOURNAL,   1779-1780 

dering  a  second  time  fell  in  a  hollow  place,  the  Indians 
loosing  his  tract  he  loaded  his  gun  and  observing  an  Indian 
running  toward  him  shot  at  him  with  a  zest  50  yards  and 
thinking  he  wounded  him  in  the  belly  he  was  no  longer 
pursued  and  made  his  Escape  he  discovered  another  party 
of  fifteen  whom  he  avoided,  and  got  to  where  Skeggs  Party 
overtook  him,  inable  to  go  further  from  his  Legg  and  knee 
being  much  swelled.  Tomlins  the  only  person  missing  of 
this  Party  got  in  wounded  in  both  his  Arms.  Capt.  Pawling 
coming  up  who  had  gone  back  for  my  sadlebags  which  I  had 
left  we  went  to  Mr.  Cummins  15  miles  from  Col.  Shelbys 
he  informed  us  that  the  Indians  had  attacked  a  Fort  on 
Nonachucky  and  lost  three  after  which  they  went  to 
the  house  mentioned  above. 

May  23.  Continued  our  Journey  left  the  Court  house 
on  our  right,  passed  George  Finleys  and  fell  into  the  road 
a  mile  below  Capt.  Daisurs  went  to  Col.  Wm.  Campbells 
23  Miles  from  Mr.  Cummins. 

May  24.  Halted  below  the  Magazine  Spring  passed 
Davis  where  I  got  a  Gun  of  Capt.  Christian  he  had  sent  out 
last  Fall  when  he  designed  to  go  to  Kentucky.  I  had 
picked  up  a  Blanket  of  his  at  the  Block  house  we  passed 
Catarines  and  went  to  Capt.  Stephens  a  mile  down  the 
River. 

May  25.  Went  on  our  way  dined  at  Wm  Sawyers  and 
reached  Mr.  Triggs  at  Mahanaim  37  miles  from  Stephens. 

May  26.     Crossed  New  River  lodged  at  Mrs.  Madisons. 

May  2J.  Reached  home,  my  horses  got  home  in  the 
Morning  having  sent  them  on  the  day  before.  I  found  my 
Family  well  and  in  health  after  nine  months  Absence. 

Laus  Die. 

Warrant  for  1000  acres  on  the  waters  of  Goose,  Beargrass 
Creeks  beginning  at  a  Sugar  tree,  Ash,  Elm  and  Buck  Eye 
on  the  side  of  a  hill  corner  to  Wm  Christians  land,  thence 
N.  53°  E.  400  poles  Crossing  the  Creek  to  a  Sugar  tree  thence 
So.  37°  E.  400  poles  crossing  the  Creek  to  two  sugar  trees 
on  Col.  Christians  land  and  along  the  same  crossing  the 
Creek  twice  N.  37°  W.  400  poles  to  the  beginning. 

2T  651 


TRAVELS  IN  THE  AMERICAN  COLONIES 

Settlement  and  preemption  Assigt  of  Jas.  Ross  On  the 
head  waters  of  a  Smaller  branch  that  empties  into  the  Ohio 
near  the  upper  end  of  the  3  Hand  thence  with  Griffins  East 
line  to  the  branches  of  Harrods  Creek  for  quantity. 

The  Buffalo  lick  in  No  2  is  a  water  lick  at  the  foot  of  a 
hill  betwixt  the  lick  and  the  Creek  on  the  So.  side  of  the 
Lick.  George  Hendrix  Settlement  and  Preemption  upon 
an  East  Branch  of  Hustons  Fork  of  Licking  Creek  including 
two  of  Credentons  Cabbins  and  a  marked  tree  with  R.  S. 
upon  the  West  side  of  the  3rd  Branch  about  three  miles 
from  the  head,  laid  on  State  Warrants  on  the  preemption 
beginning  with  Towns  upper  lines  on  the  sd  Creek 

and  running  up  both  sides  of  the  Creek  including  a  tree 
marked  R.  S.  on  the  West  side  of  sd  Creek  and  two  of  Cre 
dentons  Cabbins. 

April1  28.  Entered  with  the  Surveyor  of  Kentucky  1000 
[acres]  by  virtue  of  a  Military  War[ran]t  on  the  waters  of  a 
branch  of  Panther  Creek,  emptying  on  the  West  side  of  the 
sd  Creek  above  a  Buffalo  Lick  branch,  the  lick  lying  about 
f  of  a  mile  from  Panther  Creek  the  sd  Land  lying  Northerly 
from  the  sd  Lick  about  four  miles  including  the  Forks  of 
the  sd  first  mentioned  Branch  about  13  miles  from  the  mouth 
of  Panther  Creek  and  running  up  both  side[s]  for  quantity. 

May  29.  200  acres  Ass[ignmen]t  of  Jno.  Lovell  to  include 
the  Buffalo  Lick  in  the  above  Location  extending  Northerly 
towards  the  above  Location. 

500  [acres],  part  of  a  Military  Wart  of  one  thousand  due 
the  sd  Fleming  lying  about  Pitmans  Station  Six  Miles  on  a 
Spring  branch  that  runs  into  Pitmans  Creek  of  a  branch 
of  G.  River  to  include  two  springs  and  a  sink  on  both  sides 
of  the  branches  and  running  down  to  Pitmans  Creek  for 
quantity.  This  entery  withdrawn  and  Joined  to  the  follg  : 

500  acres  part  of  a  military  Warrant  for  one  thousand 
[acres]  on  the  E.  side  of  Panther  Creek  twelve  miles  from 
the  mouth  to  include  a  spring  marked  E.  H.  L.  H.  with  a 
small  improvement.  500  acres  N/3  withdrawn  and  laid 
on  the  Above  round  it. 

1  May. 
652 


COLONEL  FLEMING'S  JOURNAL,   1779-1780 

Preemption  on  Beargarss  of  1000  Acres  Beginning  at 
a  Sugar  tree  Ash  and  Elm  and  Buckeye  on  the  side  of 
a  hill  corner  to  Wm  Christians  land  thence  N.  53  E. 
400  poles  crossing  the  Creek  to  a  Sugar  tree  thence  S.  37  E. 
400  poles  to  an  Ash  and  sugar  tree  thence  So.  53  W.  400 
poles  crossing  the  Creek  to  two  sugar  trees  on  Col.  Chris 
tians  line  and  along  the  same  crossing  the  Creek  twice 
N.  37°  W.  400  poles  to  the  beginning. 

Preemption  and  Settlement  on  a  small  E  branch  of  Hus 
tons  Fork  of  Licking  including  two  of  Credentons  Cabbins 
also  a  marked  tree  with  R.  S.  on  the  west  side  of  the  said 
branch  about  three  miles  from  the  head. 

Location  of  a  Military  Warrant.  At  the  mouth  of  Panther 
Creek  on  both  sides  including  a  Cypress  Spring  on  Green 
River  just  above  the  mouth  of  Panther  Creek  marked  one 
Large  White  Oak  a  little  below  the  Spring  L.  H.  A  Loca 
tion  on  Little  Mountain  Creek  a  branch  of  Hinkstons  Fork 
on  the  So.  side  below  Wm  Calks  improvement  One  and  a 
half  miles  on  a  small  fork  of  the  sd  Creek  on  the  West  side 
and  running  up  the  branch  for  Compliment.  The  Waters 
of  Licking  this  taken 

Dollins  best  Pocket  Telescope  with  a  Stand. 

/7/p  Nov.  2  Sent  in  by  Col.  David  Robinson  a  Claim 
prov[ed]  in  before  the  Court  of  Kentucky  to  lands,  as  Sur 
veyors  mate  to  the  Old  Virginia  Regt  likewise  Thos  Lovels 
claim  as  a  drummer  in  the  sd  Regt  assigned  to  me,  and  sent  a 
duplicate  of  these  Claims  for  20x350  Acres  by  Col.  Barbour. 

Received  by  Mr.  Wallances  conveyance  three  Warrants 
from  the  treasury  of  One  Thousand  Acres  each  these  War 
rants  left  in  my  Portmantle  with  Henry  Wilson  at  Fort 
Liberty. 

1780  Jan.  4  Obtained  a  Certificate  of  preemption  for 
One  Thousand  Acres  of  land  for  improving  in  1775  located 
on  Beargrass  Joining  Wm  Christians  the  Commissioners 
Certificate  I  sent  in  by  Capt.  Craig  a  duplicate  by  Capt. 
Owen  the  nth  Feby  1780. 

Jan.  13.  Obtained  a  Settlement  and  preemption  for  Geo. 
Hendrix  on  a  West  Fork  of  Hustons  branch  of  Licking. 

653 


TRAVELS  IN   THE  AMERICAN  COLONIES 

14000  Acres. 

Purchased  a  preemption  of  looo  Acres  from  Henry  Bauch- 
man  heir  at  Law  to  Jacob  Bauchman  for  £200. 
Sold  the  above  to  Jacob  Mors  for  £500. 
Purchased  a  preemption  and  Settlement  at  10000  from 
James  Ross  by  Col.  Bowmans  for  which  I  gave  Col.  Jno 
Bowman  my  Bond.  —  Memorandum  to  get  Col.  Bowmans 
truss  for  the  right  side  it  take  3  feet  three  inches  to  measure 
round  him. 

Preemption  on  Beargrass 1000 

On  Eighteen  Mile  Creek 1400 

Hendrix  Licking 400 

Lovets  Military  Claim 50 

My  own 2000 

State  Warrant        1500 

6350 

Memorandum  to  get  Col.  Bowman's  Salmon's  Gography 
from  Col.  Prestons. 

For  Col.  Floyd  a  7  or  8  or  12  or  15  yds  to  be  sent  to  Col. 
Bowmans  Care. 

Land   Surveyed   in  Kentucky  by  Military 

Warrants  before  1779 206050 

Certificates  granted  by  the  Commissrs     .     .     1096650 

1302700 
Treasury  Warrants  of  the  1 5th  Feb.   .     .     .     1122992 

Do  to  April  1st 802804 

1925796 
At  Wintleys  Station 

Women  and  Children 54 

Men _22 

76 
At  St  Asaphs 

Women  and  Children 74 

Men 25 

Blacks 20 

119 

6S4 


COLONEL  FLEMING'S  JOURNAL,   1779-1780 

Clarks 

Men 10 

Women  and  Children _2j 

33 
Dougharlys 

Men 5 

Women  and  Children 16 

21 

Harrodsburg 400 

Counterfit  30  Dollars  July  22d  1776 
Do       40  April  II    1778. 

Memorandum. 

To  enter  a  Salt  Lick  56  miles  E.  from  Big  glue  licks  on 
licking  on  the  first  Large  Creek  that  empties  into  B. 
Sandy  Creek  about  30  miles  from  the  mouth  of  Sandy. 
100  Acres  between  Col.  Lunn  and  Wm  Fleming  the 
expences  to  be  equally  born  and  Capt  Linn  to  direct 
the  survey  L  In  the  Fork  of  18  mile  Creek  three  or 
four  miles  above  the  mouth  of  the  Creek  empties  into 
the  Ohio  at  the  upper  end  of  18  mile  Hand. 

Certificates  granted  by  the  Commissrs  in  Ken 
tucky    1334050  acres 

Surveyed  in  Kentucky  before  !779byMilitary 

Warrants 206050 

Warrants  of  the  15  October  taken  in  1779    .     1122992 

Do  to  Apr  ist  1780  taken  in  by  the  Survey       802804 

3465896 


COLONEL    WILLIAM    FLEMING'S    JOURNAL     OF 
TRAVELS   IN   KENTUCKY  IN   1783 


INTRODUCTION 

THE  General  Assembly  of  Virginia,  on  the  2ist  of  June, 
1781,  passed  a  resolution  providing  for  the  appointment  of 
a  commission  "to  call  to  account  all  officers,  agents,  com 
missaries,  quartermasters,  and  contractors,  who  have  been 
or  are  in  service  in  the  Western  country  .  .  .  and  report  to 
the  governor."  In  the  following  November,  a  few  weeks 
after  his  resignation  from  the  council  because  of  a  rheu 
matic  complaint,  Colonel  Fleming  received  a  letter  which 
prompted  him  to  write  Governor  Nelson  :  "I  am  very  sen 
sible  Government  has  great  reason  to  apprehend  impositions 
and  fraud  in  almost  every  department  in  that  Country 
(Western),  chiefly  owing  to  persons  imployed  in  behalf  of 
the  State,  who  are  at  too  great  distance  from  the  notice  of 
their  superiours,  to  be  immediately  caled  to  account  for 
their  misconduct,  turn  their  views  too  much  to  their  private 
interest  —  Great  sums  have  been  advanced  for  provisions, 
great  quantities  have  been  purchased,  and  great  quantities 
by  negligence  have  been  lost  —  Capt :  Todd,  who  will 
deliver  this  to  your  Excellency,  informs  me,  only  half  of  the 
horses  purchased  and  paid  for  by  the  State  in  this  quarter, 
on  account  of  General  Clark  have  been  delivered.  I  hope 
the  Commissioners  appointed  to  settle  and  adjust  these  ac 
counts,  will  have  sufficient  powers  given  them  to  discrimi 
nate  the  guilty  from  the  innocent  —  that  the  latter  may  not 
suffer  for  the  faults  of  the  former."  1 

Colonel  Fleming  expressed  the  fear  that  his  right  arm  which 
was  rendered  almost  useless  by  "a  severe  rheumatic  com 
plaint"  would  not  permit  him  to  make  the  journey  and  he 
foresaw  the  need  of  a  military  escort  for  protection  from 

1  Calendar  of  Firginia  State  Papers,  Vol.  II,  p.  598. 

659 


TRAVELS  IN  THE  AMERICAN   COLONIES 

the  Indians,  but  as  finally  constituted  the  members  of  the 
commission  were  :  Colonel  William  Fleming,  Colonel  Samuel 
McDowell,  Caleb  Wallace,  and  Colonel  Thomas  Marshall, 
father  of  Chief  Justice  Marshall.  The  manuscript  of  the 
journal  is  among  the  papers  of  the  Lyman  Draper  Collection 
in  the  library  of  the  State  Historical  Society  of  Wisconsin 
and  there  is  a  copy  among  the  Reuben  T.  Durrett  Manu 
scripts  in  the  library  of  the  University  of  Chicago. 


660 


COLONEL    WILLIAM     FLEMING'S    JOURNAL    IN 
KENTUCKY  FROM  JAN.  4x11  TO  APRIL  22ND,  1783 

KENTUCKY  1783.  Jany.  4th.  Left  Mrs.  Triggs  *  in  Compy 
with  Mr.  Wallace 2  Our  Ser[van]ts  and  baggage  the  day  Cloudy 
with  snow  and  cold,  went  to  Harrodsburg  where  we  were  to 
meet  an  escort  of  25  men  ordered  by  the  Commanding  Officer 
of  Lincoln  County  and  there  met  Col.  McDowal,3  the  Sec 
retary,  Genl  Clark,  Mr.  Shannon  and  some  others  waited 
for  the  Escort  meeting  and  one  of  the  Serts  coming  in  who 
had  gon[e]  by  Col.  Bowmans  to  deliver  some  letters  etc.  27  s 
for  James  Smith,  from  Bowmans  4  he  had  taken  the  road  to 
Henry  Wilsons  and  detained  us  so  long  that  we  could  not 
get  further  than  McAfees  5  station  which  was  deserted,  the 
people  having  suffered  greatly  by  the  Indians  last  summer 
having  several  people  killed  and  the  place  attacked  briskly 
by  a  large  party  of  Indians.  In  this  place  we  lodged  all 
night  which  was  stormy  with  snow,  we  were  Joined  by  some 
of  the  escort  and  some  who  took  the  Opportunity  of  the 
Compy  going  to  Jefferson  County. 

Jany.  $th.  Set  out  in  the  morning  very  cloudy,  cold, 
snowing  and  threatening  a  Storm,  crossed  Salt  River,6  and 
Chaplains  Forks,  came  on  Simpsons  run  where  at  a  spring 

1  Colonel  Stephen  Trigg,  who  had  served  with  Fleming  on  the 
former  commission,   founded  Trigg's   Station,   four  miles   north 
east  of  Harrodsburg,  in   1780.     He  was  killed  in   the   battle  of 
Blue  Licks,  August  19,  1782. 

2  Caleb  Wallace,  one  of  the  commissioners. 

3  Colonel  John  McDowell,  Secretary  of  the  Commission. 

4  Colonel  Abram  Bowman,  founder  of  Bowman's  Station,  six  miles 
east  of  Harrodsburg. 

6  McAfee's  Station  on  the  East  Fork  of  Salt  River,  about  seven 
miles  from  Harrodsburg,  was  settled  by  the  McAfee  brothers  in 

1779- 

6  East  Fork  of  Salt  River,  Chaplin's  Fork  being  the  West  Fork. 

66 1 


TRAVELS  IN  THE  AMERICAN  COLONIES 

branch  Genl  Clark  collected  some  petrified  Cockles,  it  was 
so  cold  I  could  not  light  as  the  Compy  rode  briskly  on 
those  I  fot *  were  sea  cockles,  some  wholy  petrified,  others 
half  petrified  some  single  shells,  others  the  whole  cockles, 
some  few  of  the  Clam  kind,  some  sheels  2  seemed  broke  and 
dented  in  by  the  pressure  of  foreign  bodies  from  above, 
and  cemented  by  the  petrifying  matter,  they  seemed  either 
to  be  real  Antedeluvians,  or  to  have  lain  there  since  that  part 
of  this  country  was  possessed  by  the  sea,  as  these  was  real 
marine  shells,  in  four  or  five  miles  we  got  to  Kinslows  3 
station  which  was  entirely  destroyed  by  the  Enemy  last 
summer  about  this  4  time  of  Col.  Todds  5  defeat  at  Licking, 
excepting  two  dirty  huts  in  which  we  could  not  lodge,  we 
therefore  encamped  in  a  field  the  night  very  windy  and  cold 
and  next  morning,  Jan.  6,  in  five  miles  we  reached  Cox  Station, 
32  miles  from  Harrodsburg;  as  the  next  day  was  Court  day 
we  determined  to  rest  having  buisness  with  the  Militia 
Officers  and  Sherriff  of  the  County  we  encamped  in  an  old 
field. 

Jany.  ?th.    A  fine  moderate  day.     Did  our  buisness  with 
Col.   Cox  Col.  of  the  County  and  gave   the  Sherriff  sum 
mons'  for  such  Persons  as  we  were  informed  would  throw 
light  on  the  mismanagement  of  the  public  Stores  etc.  :  - 
We  eat  with  Col  Cox,  and  got  some  corn  from  him  paying 
I  shl  each  meal  and   3   shl  busl  for  the  corn.     Here  Mr. 
Jno.  May  desired  me  to  give  him  any  warrants  I  had  to 
locate  and  he  would  locate  it  for  me  having  only  a  400  acre 
w[arran]t  I  gave  it  him,  —  spoke  to  Capt.  Oldham  to  survey 
James  Speeds  entry  round  Manslick,  sent  up  Archd  Woods 
entry  on  the  Beachfork  to  Thomas  Woods  at  Wilsons  by  - 
Boyd  and  wrote  him  to  get  it  surveyed  as  soon  as  possible 
as  I  could  not  take  any  further  trouble  on  me  about  it  — 
wrote  to  Hub.  Taylor  conserning  my  entries  on  Panther 

1  Found.  2  Shells. 

3  Kincheloe's   Station,  on   Simpson's   Creek,   a   branch  of  Salt 
River.  4  The. 

5  Colonel  John  Todd,  who  was  defeated  in   the  battle  of  Blue 
Licks,  August  19,  1782. 

662 


COLONEL    FLEMING'S   JOURNAL,   1783 

Creek,  that  as  he  had  kept  the  locations  so  long  I  expected 
[he]  would  survey  them  but  if  he  declined  to  do  it  on  Acct  of 
any  agreement  with  Mr.  Lee  on  Mr.  Masons  acct  that  I  had 
wrote  to  Col :  Abm  Bowman  and  Col.  Knox  to  show  the 
plans  and  to  get  one  of  his  deputies  to  survey  them,  —  We 
were  Joined  by  some  more  of  Our  Escort  and  now  were  an 
Ensign  and  Seventeen  privates  instead  of  25  promised. 

Jany.  8th.  The  Eighth  we  set  out  for  Louisville  at  the 
Falls  of  Ohio,  a  fine  moderate  day  in  13  miles  down  the  Creek 
over  some  indifferent  land.  We  left  the  Creek1  and  went 
down  Salt  River  3  miles  crossing  at  an  Hand,  where  a  boy 
had  been  taken  and  one  kiled  2  days  before  I  crossed  at  the 
same  place  in  79  —  We  left  Salt  river  and  Crossed  Floyds 
Fork  and  Fern  Creek,  travelling  through  poor  indiferent 
green  cherry  land.  Floyds  fork  empties  into  Salt  river, 
Fern  Creek  is  lost  in  ponds  and  low  flat  land  a  back  of  the 
Falls  —  the  land  altered  for  the  better  as  we  came  to  sd 
branch  of  Bear  grass.  We  passed  Popes  or  Sullivans  upper 
Station  near  dark  and  went  to  Col.  Floyds  i\  miles  from 
thence,  going  past  the  lower  dutch  Station  or  Hoglens, 
where  the  greatest  part  of  our  escort  st[o]pped  having  parted 
with  Gl  Clark  2  and  the  rest  of  the  Company  at  Popes  except 
Mr.  Daniel  the  Att  Gl3  As  Col.  Floyd  was  not  at  home  we 
went  to  Louisville  the  yth  and  discharged  the  Escort,  drawing 
for  them  four  days  meat  and  flower  and  three  bushl  Corn, 
we  found  the  place  almost  deserted  of  Inhabitants,  the  few 
left  depending  chiefly  on  the  Garrsion,  neither  being  pro 
vided  with  Corn  or  Forriage  or  other  necessaries  for  the 
entertainment  of  travellers,  nor  Cane  near  the  place.  We 
found  this  place  by  no  means  proper  to  do  buisness  in,  the 
Garrison  barely  having  a  sufficiency  of  provisions,  that  is 
bad  Flower  and  beef,  not  being  able  to  purchase  any  on  the 
Credit  of  the  State,  they  are  supplied  with  Whiskey  from 
Fort  Pitt  at  20  shl  or  24  shl  per  Gallon  and  at  this  time  they 
had  it  in  great  plenty. 

1  Simpson's  Creek.  2  General  George  Rogers  Clark. 

$  Attorney  General. 

663 


TRAVELS  IN  THE  AMERICAN   COLONIES 

morning  of  the  loth 

Jany.  loth.  In  the  Afternoon  three  boats  hove  in  sight, 
with  2000  Galls.  One  Family  came  down  as  setlers  and 
several  passengers  Majr  Harrods  wife,  the  Majr  l  having 
left  the  boats  at  Licking  Majr  and  Capt.  Moseby  with  others  ? 
Capt.  Phill :  Barbour  was  here  4  or  5  days  before  our  arrival. 
Col.  Floyd  came  in  the  Forenoon,  we  determined  to  move 
our  quarters,  either  to  Capt.  Sullivans  or  Beargrass.  at  Gl 
Clarks  desire  we  gave  him  our  Oppinion  in  writing  about 
the  Posts  he  was  ordered  to  erect  at  the  mouth  of  Kentucky, 
Licking,  and  Limestone  in  which  we  advised  him  to  set 
about  the  Post  at  Kentucky  directly,  as  only  one  could  be 
undertaken  at  once.  In  the  Afternoon  a  signal  was  made 
on  the  other  shore  and  there  the  Glass  discovered  five  or 
Six  men,  boats  were  ordered  to  bring  them  over  but  we  could 
not  stay  to  know  who  they  were,  it  drawing  towards  night, 
and  being  in  hast  to  get  from  so  disagreable  a  place  where 
many  of  the  men  etc.  were  in  Liquor,  and  our  horses  kept 
upon  the  Fort  starving,  spoke  with  Mr.  Harrod  who  informed 
me,  on  their  way  from  Kentucky  they  had  rested  themselves 
a  day  and  two  nights  at  Bellmonts  and  that  the  family 
were  all  well,  got  to  Col.  Floyds  at  night. 

Jany.  nth.  Finding  no  vacant  house  in  that  Station 
went  over  to  the  upper  dutch  Station  but  did  not  suc 
ceed.  On  our  return  to  Col.  Floyds  we  met  with  Capt. 
Sullivans  who  had  been  recommended  to  us  as  a  proper 
person  to  lodge  with.  Gl  Clark  had  spoken  to  him,  and  he 
expected  the  Commissn  but  he  insisted  on  having  -|  shl  day 
for  each,  boys  as  well  as  others,  for  victualling  only,  which 
would  have  swelled  our  Account  so  high  and  seemed  so 
extravagant  that  we  were  determined  to  return  to  Lincoln, 
but  by  Col.  Floyds  influence  we  got  a  Cabbin  in  the  Dutch 
Station,  and  was  victualled  by  Handberry  and  got  Corn 
from  Col.  Floyds  --  and  the  i$th  being  Monday  moved 
the[nce]  and  proceeded  to  buisness  —  ijih  Do.  The  i$th 

1  James  Harrod. 
664 


COLONEL  FLEMING'S  JOURNAL,    1783 

being  the  day  appointed  for  the  return  of  the  Summons  to 
appear  we  prepared  to  go  to  Louisville  —  when  we  reached 
Fort  Nelson  at  the  Falls  we  found  no  Evidences,  and  deter 
mined  to  return  to  N  :  Holland.  I  was  informed  that  the 
Frenchmen  that  came  over  were  from  St.  Vincent 1  and 
Kaskaskias,  that  one  of  them  was  clerk  to  the  Court  at 
Kaskas[kia].2  Mr.  Carbono,  on  my  enquiring  for  them  Gl 
Clark,  told  me  they  were  gon  to  Beargrass,  that  Affairs  were 
in  confusion  in  the  Illinois,  that  they  were  at  a  loss  who  were 
to  direct  them,  that  they  came  in  about  this  and  were  de 
signed  to  go  to  Congress  if  the  State  of  Virgi[ni]a  had  left 
them  to  themselves.  I  expressed  myself  several  times  to 
Genl  Clark  that  I  wanted  to  see  the  I  could  not  help 

them  being  they  were  sedulously  kept  out  of  the  way,  as 
the  General  hinted  they  came  chiefly  to  him  Capt.  George 
returned  from  the  Chickesaws  in  the  Eavening  but  did  not 
give  us  any  information  of  his  transactions  but  in  general 
terms  said  all  was  well  and  that  there  was  peace.  We  ex 
pected  to  see  or  know  something  more  next  day  after  he 
had  rested,  but  was  disappointed.  We  lodged  in  the  Fort 
the  night  excessive  cold. 

Jany.  i6th.  We  rode  down  to  the  lower  end  of  the  Falls 
rode  into  Rock  Hand  and  several  others,  where  we  picked 
up  many  petrified  substances.  Walnut  in  different  degrees 
of  petrefaction,  Buffalo  dung  turned  to  a  perfect  stone, 
Goose  dung  turned  to  stone,  some  partly  petrified  whilst 
some  of  the  same  remained  in  its  natural  state,  petrified 
roots  of  trees  and  a  petrified  Buffalo  horn  which  unfor 
tunately  broke  in  three  pieces  seperating  it  from  the  rock,3 

1  An    English   name   temporarily    substituted    for   the    French 
Vincennes. 

2  A  French  settlement  on  the  Kaskaskia  River  in  Illinois. 

3  On  examing  this  petrified  horn  I  observed  that  the  bottom 
part  of  it,  for  it  was  seperated  from  the  bony  substance  in  their 
side,  was  filled  with  a  clayee  matter  hardened  to  stone,  that  the 
lip  or  solid  part  of  the  horn  was  perfectly  petrified  throughout 
and   had   the   appearance  of  a   Stalactites,   that  the  lower  part 
next  the  head  was  likewise  entirely  petrified,  and  that  the  longi 
tudinal  fibers,  that  formerly  made  part  of  the  substance  of  the 

665 


TRAVELS  IN  THE  AMERICAN   COLONIES 

petrified  shells  etc.  I  observed  in  the  rocks  in  general 
that  they  had  striate  running  in  paralel  lines  through  their 
whole  substance  and  shooting  out  from  their  surfaces  not 
well  defined  trochilee  an  inch  in  diameter  two,  three,  or 
four  inches  in  length  with  fine  perpendicular  rings  on  the 
surface  circular  and  the  joints  rather  confused  than  properly 
defined.  The  flat  rocks  that  every  where  cover  the  bottom 
of  the  Ohio  are  formed  by  the  sand  and  Clay  that  is  left  by 
the  water,  and  the  petrifying  or  stone  cement  insinuating 
between  the  particles  hardning  by  degrees  forms  at  last  a 
solid  stony  flag  which  as  it  dries  cracks  in  irregular  squares 
of  various  thickness  from  4  Inches  to  18,  20,  24  Inches  etc  : 
thickness  and  fastning  any  thing  lying  on  their  surfaces  or 
that  is  buried  in  them  when  in  a  soft  state,  is  at  length 
petrified  with  the  rock ;  the  Buffalo  dung  on  the  surface  of 
the  rock  above  the  surface  was  as  hard  as  what  was  below 
the  surface  so  was  the  goose  dung  etc.  :  —  I  was  informed 
the  Oionn  1  or  Illinois  nut  grows  near  the  Falls  and  above 
Beargrass  it  is  a  species  of  the  Hickory  [or]  the  cotton  tree 
neither  of  which  I  saw. 

Jany.  ijth.  We  returned  to  the  Fort  after  riding  a 
considerable  time  in  the  river.  I  spoke  to  Capt.  George 
and  told  him  the  Commissrs  requested  of  him  an  Invoice 
of  the  goods  he  purchased  from  Capt.  Barbour.  He  in 
formed  me  he  had  none  and  seemed  to  evade  it  which 
made  me  suspect  Barbour  had  been  tampering  with  him. 
Before  we  left  Fort  Nelson  near  the  Eavening  I  went  to  see 

horn,  very  plainly  appeared,  where  the  circular  exterior  fibers 
had  been  worn  off,  and  the  circles  on  the  surface  near  the  foot 
common  in  horns  were  compleat  —  in  short  there  was  not  the 
least  reason  to  dispute  its  being  a  horn  compleatlly  petrified,  and 
a  Buffaloes  from  its  form  and  size  —  and  that  it  grew  on  the  right 
side  of  the  head,  it  was  Eight  inches  in  a  straight  line  from  the 
Tip  to  the  Butt  in  length,  at  the  most  6}  Inches  in  Circumference, 
and  J  at  the  tip,  there  was  a  small  part  of  the  lip  so  incorporated 
with  the  rock  that  it  could  not  be  separated  which  I  judged  to 
[be]  half  an  inch  in  length  —  I  picked  up  several  pieces  of  pure 
coal.  —  Note  in  MS. 
1  Pecan. 

666 


COLONEL   FLEMING'S  JOURNAL,    1783 

George  and  found  the  1  laid  up  in  bed  asleep,  did  not  wake 
him. --The  Frenchmen  were  kept  out  of  sight,  —  and  we 
set  out  for  New  Holland  2  —  riding  briskly  my  horse  went 
below  a  beach  tree  a  limb  of  which  hurt  my  left  Eye  and 
Ear  which  bled  a  little  but  smarted  a  good  deal  —  when  we 
got  home  we  understood  Col.  Marshall 3  had  passed  in  his 
way  to  Louisville  and  found  some  Evidences  attending  that 
was  summoned.  As  we  advertised  that  we  should  do  buis- 
ness  at  this  Place  when  we  were  at  Fort  Nelson  and  Gl 
Clark  not  being  come  we  could  not  proceed  in  their  examina 
tion  till  all  parties  were  present  which  at  farthest  will  be  on 
Monday.  The  Inhabitants  tan  leather  with  beach  tree 
bark  they  likewise  find  sugar  tree  bark  will  answer,  —  Blue 
Ash  a  spieces  of  the  White  Ash  and  called  so  from  the  bark 
tinging  water  of  that  colour,  grows  to  be  a  large  tree  as  does 
the  Prickly  ash,  the  White  Ash  and  the  Cotton  tree.  -  -  The 
soil  after  crossing  Salt  River  alters  much  from  what  it  is  in 
Lincoln  and  Fayelle 4  in  general  being  mixed  with  Sand  and 
of  a  lighter  colour,  and  much  more  inclined  to  Beach,  and 
few  inhabitants  of  Louisville  having  moved  from  their 
former  situation  higher  up  the  river,  and  being  supplied 
with  water  from  the  well  in  Fort  Nelson  or  making  use  of 
the  River  water,  say  they  are  much  healthier  and  not  sub 
jected  to  the  Phagadencie  Cancerous  ulcers  and  malignant 
fevers  so  general  when  I  was  there  in  1779.  The  water  then 
used  was  streams  breaking  out  in  the  river  banks  fed  from 
Ponds  at  some  distance  from  the  place,  the  water  was  highly 
impregnated  with  noxious  particles  I  imagine  of  the  Arseni 
cal  kind,  either  before  it  left  the  pond  or  in  its  passage 
through  the  earth  to  the  River.  The  well  in  the  Fort  is 
supplied  from  the  river,  it  is  dug  to  the  level  of  the  bed  of 
the  Ohio,  the  water  filters  through  two  strata  of  sand  and 
Pebles  and  rises  and  sinks  in  the  well  as  the  River  rises  and 

1Him. 

2  New  Holland,  or  Low  Dutch  Station,  was  on  the  west  bank  of 
Beargrass  Creek,  a  few  miles  S.  by  E.  of  the  Falls. 

3  Colonel  Thomas  Marshall,  one  of  the  commissioners. 

4  Fayette. 

au  667 


TRAVELS  IN  THE  AMERICAN  COLONIES 

falls,  is  feet  deep.  Genl  Clark,  Mr.  Daniel  AttG,1 

and  a  party  came  up  from  Fort  Nelson  and  got  a  house  ad 
joining  fitted  up,  we  drew  100  Ibs  flower  at  the  Fort  and 
got  corn  for  our  horses  from  Col.  Floyds. 

Jany.  2Oth.  Col.  Marshall  came  from  Lexington  and 
joined  us  to  proceed  on  Buisness  —  We  entered  on  Gl 
Clarks  papers  and  books  and  took  several  depositions  rela 
tive  thereto.  Some  hunters  that  had  gone  out  this  morn 
ing  from  the  Station  returned  in  the  Night  and  reported 
that  fifteen  miles  from  this  on  the  trace  to  Boons  station 
they  were  fired  on  by  five  or  Six  Indians  and  that  one  of 
their  party  was  shot,  Mr.  Glahan,  a  young  man  that  lived 
at  this  place  —  the  I9th  in  the  Evening  I  went  over  to  Col. 
Floyds  to  see  his  eldest  son,  in  a  warm  fever,  and  had  some 
talk  with  Jno.  May  about  my  land.  He  said  that  he  had 
spoke  to  Wilson  who  married  Wid[o]w  Pendergrass  not  to 
let  Kendrix  Preemption  interfere  with  my  warr[an]t  ajoining 
—  returned  Monday  morning  — 

Jany.  2ist.  Entered  on  Capt.  Georges  and  Barbour  affair. 
George  denied  his  having  wrote  to  the  executive  that  the 
bell  2  he  drew  was  to  be  paid  in  paper  currency  and  is  to 
produce  his  letter  tomorrow,  several  depositions  were  taken 
concerning  his  conduct  whilst  at  Fort  Jefferson  —  a  party 
went  out  to  bury  the  dead  and  returned  at  night.  Our 
servants  could  only  get  six  of  our  horses  two  of  mine  and 
one  of  Mr.  Wallaces  being  missing. 

Jany.  22nd.     Took  in  deposition  on  various  cases. 

Jany.  2$rd.  Capt.  George  had  not  got  his  papers  neces 
sary  to  warrant  us  enter  on  C.  Barbours  buisness,  he  went 
to  the  Falls,  we  were  employed  in  taking  depositions  etc. 
received  a  petition  from  the  Reg[imen]t  complaining  that 
many  of  them  had  not  got  their  County  money,  were  in  ar 
rears  for  their  pay  and  Clothing,  desired  Gl  Clark  to  direct  the 
Capt.  to  make  out  his  lists  of  for  defi[ci]ency  of  Clothing  etc. 
We  had  information  that  two  men  were  killed  at  the  mouth 
of  Salt  River  the  2ist  continued  to  do  buisness  this  week 

1  Attorney  general.  2  Bill. 

668 


COLONEL   FLEMING'S   JOURNAL,    1783 

the  2()th  went  over  to  Col.  Floyds  and  out  with  Mr.  Jno. 
May,  continued  to  do  buisness  taking  depositions  and  getting 
what  light  we  could  in  it  till  Saturday  the  8th  Febry.  Col. 
McDowel  1  being  determined  to  go  up  to  Lincoln  I  was 
very  anxious  to  get  Capt.  Barbours  affair  determined  before 
he  went  as  I  perceived  it  went  on  best2  slowly  loth  deter 
mined  Capt.  Barbours  affair  and  settled  it  at  758811  Ibs  6| 
post  cost  and  allowing  him  2\  advance  for  the  Cargo  de 
livered  at  Fort  Jefferson  made  in  all  24661.24  Ibs  6  sh  8D 
instead  of  237325  Dollars  clear.  Col.  McDowal  went  up 
to  Lincoln  went  over  to  Col.  Floyds  to  get  him  to  make  a 
survey  at  the  mouth  of  Harrods  Creek.  It  rained  and  we 
put  it  off  till  next  day,  we  rode  to  the  mouth  of  Goose  Creek 
but  could  find  no  beginning  of  Col.  Byrds  land,  we  then 
went  up  the  river  to  Harrods  Creek  and  began  from  McKin- 
zies  corner  running  down  the  river.  It  was  then  dark,  we 
lay  on  Goose  Creek  next  morning,  run  McKinzies  lower 
line  and  compleated  the  Settlement  survey  of  400  acres, 
then  run  the  1000  acre  warrant  survey  which  nearly  joined 
Spangliss  line,  Terrys  Settelment  and  McKinzies  lower  line, 
one  continued  cane  break;  having  finished,  in  our  return 
viewed  my  preemption  of  1000  acres  joining  Col.  Christians 
land  with  which  I  am  well  pleased  —  returned  to  New 
Holland  and  went  on  with  the  buisness  till  Sunday  morning. 
Feby.  2jrd.  We  were  alarmed  by  the  signal  of  two 
guns  from  the  Falls,  the  usual  signal  being  i,  2  or  3  dis 
charged  from  a  six  pounder  according  to  alarm  to  be  given. 
In  two  houres  after  the  report  was  heard  an  Express  arrived 
with  intelligence  that  the  Enemy  had  taken  all  the  horses 
at  the  Falls  and  swam  them  over  the  Ohio  below  the  Falls 
that  Lt  Clark  and  25  men  were  dispatched  across  the 
River  after  them  but  returned  and  found  the  Enemy  had 
taken  of  the  most  of  the  horses  from  Popes  Station  —  con 
tinued  to  do  buisness  till  the  28th  we  set  out  on  our  return 
for  Lincoln,  lodged  in  a  Bottom  which  old  Mr.  Christian 
located.  There  is  some  good  land  and  a  pritty  situation 

1  Samuel  McDowell,  one  of  the  commissioners.  2But. 

669 


TRAVELS  IN  THE  AMERICAN  COLONIES 

for  building  on.  We  could  not  cross  Salt  River  lower  on 
Account  of  the  back  water  from  the  Ohio,  crossed  a  creek 
at  the  head  of  the  Bottom  and  then  Salt  River,  went  to 
Col.  Coxes  got  corn  for  our  horses  and  crossed  Chaplains 
fork,  lodged  to 1  miles  from  Coxs  - 

Mar.  i.  The  next  day  crossed  the  Beach  Fork,  came  to 
Harrodsburg,  and  in  the  evening  went  to  Mrs.  Triggs. 
Monday  the  zd  went  to  Harrodsburg  to  the  Gen.  Court 
which  adjourned  to  the  low  dutch  station  4  and  $th  at  court, 
the  6th  met  the  trustees  for  the  seminary  of  learning  at 
Mr.  Madisons,  agreed  on  proposals  to  be  laid  before  the 
Assembly,  returned  at  night  to  Mrs.  Triggs,  and  the  Jth  rode 
to  Col.  Bowmans  to  do  buisness.  Saturday  night  rode  to 
Mrs.  Triggs. 

Mar.  loth.  Went  over  to  Lexington  to  finish  the  Buisness 
which  we  did  on  tuesday  and  Wednesday,  and  designed  to 
return  on  Thursday.  On  Wednesday  Evening  a  man  that 
had  been  at  Harrodsburg  came  in,  he  was  fired  at  by  In 
dians  half  way  from  the  River,  his  horse  was  wounded  in 
the  Neck,  he  made  his  escape.  A  party  was  ordered  out 
on  thursday  which  detained  us  that  day  and  we  finished  the 
whole  buisness,  paid  Col.  Marshall,  for  two  surveys  which 
Col.  Boon  is  to  make  for  me  that  the  plots  might  not  be 
detained  in  the  Office,  Friday  the  \^th  returned.  i$th 
rode  to  Mr.  Mays  and  paid  him  his  fees  for  Survey  etc.  of 
the  settlement  I  purchased  from  Douglass,  a  warrant  adjoin 
ing,  and  my  preemption,  —  we  were  informed  that  the 
Indians  had  taken  the  horses  from  Sulivans  old  Station  and 
kild  one  man  and  wounded  another  on  Salt  River  after  we 
left  Beargrass.  Met  Col.  Floyds  at  Mr.  Mays  and  paid 
him  for  the  corn  I  had  for  my  horses,  likewise  gave  him  three 
half  GoonaV  for  expences  of  their  carriers  etc.  :  in  making 
my  surveys  —  I  went  to  Mr.  James  Speeds  on  Saturday 
Evening  and  got  an  obligation  for  his  making  me  a  right 
to  the  half  of  Six  hundred  acres,  a  location  I  gave  him  around 
Col.  Todds  entry  on  Manstun  for  allowing  him  to  half  of 

lTwo. 

670 


COLONEL  FLEMING'S  JOURNAL,    1783 

my  interest  in  the  Agreement  with  Col.  Todd,  returned  on 
Sunday,  the  i6th. 

Mar.  ijth.  Went  to  Col.  Bowmans  and  continued  do 
ing  buisness  till  Saturday  the  22.  In  the  course  of  this 
week  I  received  letters  from  Mr.  Fleming  etc.  by  Capt. 
Madison,  we  were  informed  one  Mouns  and  another  were 
kiled  on  Rockcastle,  two  men  kild  on  Cumberland,  and  Col. 
Daniel  Smith  wounded,  small  parties  of  Indians  were  seen 
in  different  skirts  of  the  settlement,  many  chased  by  them. 
Col.  Jno.  Montgomery  and  two  or  three  others  were  pursued 
coming  from  Beards  town,1  and  alarms  were  given  at  some 
of  the  stations  —  we  fixed  on  the  $th  of  April  to  set  out  from 
Col.  Logans,  on  our  return  and  dispatched  Advertisements 
to  that  purpose  —  Got  Col.  Jno.  Bowmans  and  Col.  Abm. 
Bowmans  depositions  proving  Joh.  Ross  assignment  of  a 
Settlement  and  preemption  claim  to  1400  acres  of  land 
taken  before  Col.  Benjm  Logan  —  took  in  all  the  Claim 
but  had  not  time  to  enter  into  a  consideration  of  them,  we 
broke  up  on  Saturday  night,  on  Sunday  bundled  up  the 
papers.  All  Saturday  and  Sunday  it  rained  verry  hard  and 
raised  cane  run  so  that  my  Sert  could  not  Cross  it  with  my 
horses.  Thursday,  Friday  and  Saturday  it  thundered  very 
loud  and  longer  than  I  ever  observed  it  before.  Monday 
continued  to  rain,  the  Rivers  and  Runs  exceeding  high, 
which  determined  the  Party  to  post  pone  setting  out  till 
Wednesday,  the  qth  employed  in  getting  my  load  and  Sadies 
etc.  in  order  for  the  Journey. 

April  j.  The  express  that  Col.  Legras  Maj.  Boscroon 
and  Capt.  Frolier  etc.  were  come  to  the  Falls  dispatched 
the  letters  to  Col.  McDowell  to  stop  him  he  being  on  his 
way  to  Col.  Logans.  Saturday  the  $th  rode  to  Col.  Har- 
rods.  Sunday  6th  returned  to  Mrs.  Triggs  from  Jno. 
Smiths  where  I  lodged  verry  ill,  took  a  smart  purge,  received 
a  letter  from  Harrodsburg  informing  the  Illinois  Gentlemen 
were  come  up.  I  wrote  them  to  ride  up  to  St.  Asaphs  where 
we  would  take  in  their  claims,  was  informed  that  a  prisoner 
was  taken  at  Sturgis  Station  on  Friday  week  and  on  last 

1  Bardstown. 
671 


TRAVELS  IN  THE  AMERICAN  COLONIES 

Sunday  two  Indians  were  shot  of  a  raft  crossing  Floyds 
Fork.  Monday  the  Jth  being  better  left  Mrs.  Triggs,  in  my 
way  lodged  at  Saml  Givens  and  on  the  8th  got  to  Col. 
Logans  where  I  met  Col.  Legres,  Maj.  Bowman,  Capt.  Frolier 
May,  Williams  and  Mr.  Henry  from  St.  Vincent  were  joined 
by  Col.  Marshall  and  Mr.  Wallace  in  the  Evening  here  we 
were  informed  that  a  party  of  Indians  had  taken  horses  from 
a  Station  near  Coxs  were  pursued  overtaken  at  the  Ohio 
and  two  of  them  Killed,  the  horses  except  one  recovered,  a 
number  of  Rafts  discovered  near  Estells  Station.  One 
Lane,  a  Surveyor,  kild  above  Boonsborough,  the  loth  a 
man  was  kild  on  the  road  from  Harrodsburg  to  Coxes  on 
the  Beach  Fork  in  this  week  several  people  were  pursued 
and  fired  on  in  various  quarters  horses  taken  from  Gilberts 
Creek.  On  Saturday  Jth  Genl  Clark  and  Mr.  Daniels  came 
up  and  informed  us  that  Col.  Floyds  :  One  of  his  Brothers 
and  another  person  going  to  the  Salt  works  were  fired  on 
by  Indians,  Col.  Floyd  Mortally  wounded,  his  Brother's 
horse  shot  under  him,  and  the  third  person  shot  dead,  that 
Col.  Floyds  with  his  Brothers  Assistance  got  to  the  Salt 
works.  Sunday  had  Acct  from  different  parts  of  the  Coun 
try  that  the  Enemy  were  taking  off  horses  from  Duhs  1 
River,  Salt  River  etc. ;  a  person  fired  on  near  the  Crab 
orchard  —  they  seem  to  be  spread  over  the  country --We 
are  just  alarmed  with  the  News  that  Inglish  2  was  Attacked 
and  that  the  Indians  had  broken  to  the  Station  and  were 
tomahawking  the  Women,  the  men  being  drawn  out  in 
quest  of  Indians,  [manuscript  illegible]  was  out  with  a 
party  and  discovered  fires  on  Saturday  night  in  the  Nobs 
of  Duhs  River  and  had  sent  for  a  reinforcement,  expresses 
were  dispatched  several  ways  Col.  Logan  set  off  for  Whilleys  3 
where  the  men  were  to  rendivous,  in  the  evening  they  re 
turned  and  reported  that  6  Indians  ran  up  to  the  house  of 
Michl  Woods  and  one  going  in  the  door  was  shut.  Old  Mr. 
Woods,  a  young  woman  4  and  negro  being  in  the  house, 

1  Dicks.  2  English.  3  Colonel  William  Whitley. 

4  The  name  Mary  is  here  inserted  in  the  manuscript. 

672 


COLONEL  FLEMING'S  JOURNAL,   1783 

that  the  negro  knocked  the  Indian  down  whilst  the  young 
woman  got  an  ax  they  got  them  dispatched  the  Old  woman 
kept  the  door  shut  that  before  the  Indians  without  could 
break  the  door  open  a  man  ran  up  and  began  firing  on  them 
wounded  one  on  which  they  ran  off. 

At  Col.  Logans  I  observed  several  petrifactions  of  the 
Shells  formerly  mentioned  of  Roots  and  of  a  hornets  nest 
so  that  if  they  were  looked  for  they  might  I  believe  be  found 
all  over  the  Country.  The  Frenchmen  from  the  Illinois 
informed  me  that  they  were  never  troubled  at  St.  Vincent 
or  Opost  either  with  Fleas  or  Ratts  neither  of  which  could 
live  there,  the  latter  may  be  accounted  by  the  water  being 
impregnated  by  Arsenic.  .  .  . 

April  14.  Were  informed  that  Col.  Floyd  died  on  Thurs 
day,  he  was  wounded  on  tuesday,  there  was  five  in  Company  : 
one  man  shot  dead,  Col.  Floyd  wounded,  all  the  horses  shot 
except  Col.  Floyds. 

April  75.  This  day  had  information  that  Old  Mr.  Har 
bisons  son-in-law  was  killed  last  night  and  that  [manuscript 
illegible]  Mr.  Wallace  was  elected  a  delegate  for  Lincoln,  at 
night  Mr.  Wimton  from  Kaskaskias  came  up  but  was  so 
indisposed  he  [was]  unable  to  proceed  with  us  and  returned 
next  morning  Settled  with  Col.  Logan  and  began  my  Journey 
home,  parted  with  Walker  Daniel  Atty  General  for  the  Dis 
trict,  spoke  to  him  to  [manuscript  illegible]  buisness  in  this 
Country  which  he  promised  to  do,  but  gave  him  no  money 
having  run  short.  I  told  him  I  would  give  him  a  writing 
for  it  [in]  a  few  days.  Encamped  on  a  Branch  shoot  of 
to  give  him  time  for  the  Company  to  [manuscript 
illegible]. 

Started  in  the  morning,  went  the  old  trace,  got  alarmed, 
several  fresh  horse  tracts  before  us,  turned  out  at  a  Spring 
12  miles  from  Ingliss  to  let  our  horses  feed,  were  joined  by 
Jno.  and  George  May  Capt.  Brackenridge  and  two  three  or 
others,  likewise  a  party  from  Salt  Lick  Creek. 

April  77.     Encamped  on  Scago  1  Creek  above  the  Fork, 

1  Scaggs. 
673 


TRAVELS  IN  THE  AMERICAN  COLONIES 

several  horse  tracts  on  the  Creek,  made  a  halt  till  the  rear 
came  up.  Maj.  Mosebys  lost  his  provision  horse  and  pro 
visions  —  at  the  crossing  of  Rockcastle  was  a  black  mare 
which  followed  us,  got  to  the  Hazel  patch,  a  fresh  shod  horse 
tract  before  us,  went  on  to  the  No.  Branch  of  Lawrel  River, 
encamped,  we  were  detained  in  the  morning,  Geo.  May  having 
lost  four  horses  which  had  been  frightened  by  Gun  discharged 
he  pursued  their  tracts  and  got  them  in  five  weeks,  halted  at 
Lin  Camp  C  and  encamped  7  miles  from  the  Flat  Lick,  were 
joined  by  several  in  the  night,  got  letters  [from]  Govern 
ment  by  John  Reed,  who  was  going  to  Kentucky  and  in 
formed  me  he  was  going  to  the  Chickesaw  nation  —  passed 
Flat  Lick  crossed  Cumberland  and  rested  after  crossing  the 
Foarding.  Encamped  on  Yellow  Creek,  Crossed  Cumber 
land  mountain,  halted  at  Owins  and  encamped  on  Trading 
Creek,  Halted  at  Valley  Station  and  Scotsplain  3  miles 
from  there. 


674 


INDEX 


Abecas  (Abihkas),  Upper  Creek  Indians, 

116  n.,  177,  189,  270. 
Abicouches  (Abikudshi),  508  n.,  532. 
Acolapissas,  see  Colapissas. 
Adair,  James,  259. 
Addams,  Deacon,  320. 
Akens,  William,  642. 
Alabama,  fort,  see  Fort  Toulouse. 
Alabama  River,  499  n. 
Albany,  N.  Y.,  in  1765,  416-417. 
Albert,  Pierre,  239,  240,  246,  247-450. 
Aleck,  Captain,  great  medal  chief  of  the 

Creeks,  496. 
Alexandria,  Va.,  407. 
Alibamu  (Alibama)  Indians,  270  n.,  483. 
Allaire,  Sieur,  90. 

Allibamonts,  Mingo,  speech  of,  273-274. 
Altamaha  River,  report  that  the  English 

were  to  erect  a  fort  at  the  mouth  of, 

203. 

Altem,  354,  355. 
America,  "Back  Part"  of,  proposal  for 

government  of,  424-425. 
American  Revolution,  Dr.  Berkenhout's 

reflections  regarding,  579-582. 
Amherst,  Sir  Jeffrey,  407  n.,  420,  430  n., 

443- 

Ancenys,  Marquis  d',  41. 

Anderson's  ferry,  586  n. 

Andrews,  Capt.,  10. 

Andros,  Sir  Edmund,  8. 

Annapolis,  Md.,  in  1765,  408-409. 

Antigua,  island  of,  description,  375-376. 

Apalachicola,  a  Lower  Creek  town,  184. 

Arbre  Croche,  Mich.,  361  n. 

Arkansas  Indians,  villages,  55,  56,  57, 
86;  food  and  clothing,  57;  moon 
worship,  57;  treatment  of  smallpox 
patients,  57;  number,  57,  150;  belief 
in  metempsychosis,  58;  women,  58; 
attack  Frenchmen,  85. 


Arkansas  River,  French  settlement  on 
55-56,  480. 

Arlois,  Jean,  246,  247,  251,  252. 

Arnold,  Benedict,  608  n. 

Artagnac,  Marquis  d',  25  n. 

Artaguiette,  Diron  d',  journal  of  his 
tour  up  the  Mississippi,  15-92;  in 
spector-general  of  Louisiana,  16;  a 
director  of  the  Western  Company, 
16;  founder  of  Baton  Rouge,  16; 
talk  to  the  Cahokias,  81 ;  command 
ant  of  Fort  Conde,  268. 

Artaguiette,  Pierre  d',  32  n. 

Atasi  (Ottesey),  Creek  town,  505  n.,  540. 

Aufaugoulas,  51. 

Augusta,  Ga.,  an  Indian  trading  post, 
518;  treaty  of,  547  n. ;  garrison  at,  563 . 

Aust,  586  n.,  587,  590-591,  597- 

Aveas,  364. 

Ayanabi,  Choctaw  town,  284  n. 

Badons,  536. 

Baillie,  Richard,  512. 

Balize,  French  post  at,  90. 

Ballow,  William,  103. 

Baltimore,  Frederick  Calvert,  sixth  lord, 
408  n. 

Bannister  bridge,  Va.,  605. 

Barbara,  Don  Antonio,  234. 

Barbery,  5. 

Barbour,  James,  618. 

Barbour,  Capt.  Phil.,  664,  666. 

Barbour,  Col.,  623,  624. 

Barby,  synod  of,  585. 

Bard,  manager  of  salt  works  in  Ken 
tucky,  636. 

Baton  Rouge,  La.,  16,  43. 

Bauchman,  Henry,  654. 

Bauchman,  Jacob,  654. 

Baudouin,  Michael,  missionary  to  the 
Choctaws,  264,  265. 


675 


INDEX 


Baumann,  335. 

Bayagoulas,  16,  42  n. 

Baynton,  457. 

Bay  of  St.  Joseph,  26,  38,  39,  40. 

Bay  St.  Louis  (Galfeston  Bay),  25,  28. 

Bayou  St.  John,  17,  26,  244  n.,  460, 
484. 

Beauchamps,  M.  de,  mission  to  the 
Choctaws,  259-297;  residence,  261. 

Beaufort,  S.  C.,  398. 

Becancour,  Indian  town,  312. 

Beemer,  James,  124. 

Bell,  John,  533. 

Bellerive,  Louis,  Saint  Ange  de,  78,  79, 
80,  474-475- 

Bellows,  Lieut.,  319,  321. 

Belt,  Nicholas,  641. 

Berkenhout,  Dr.  John,  mission  to  Amer 
ica,  569-570;  sketch,  569,  572;  excur 
sion  from  New  York  to  Philadelphia, 
570-582;  arrest  and  imprisonment  in 
Philadelphia,  571,  572,  576-577;  re 
flections  on  the  American  Revolution, 

579-582. 

Beroth,  Jacob,  326,  327. 

Berry,  Col.,  318. 

Bertel,  Chevalier  de,  290  n. 

Bethabara,  N.  C.,  356. 

Bethesda  orphanage,  395. 

Bhonneau,  23,  28. 

Bienville,  Jean  Baptiste  le  Moyne,  Sieur 
de,  governor  of  Louisiana  and  founder 
of  New  Orleans,  16,  18  n.;  illness  of, 
36,  37,  38,  39;  founder  of  Mobile, 
267  n. 

Big  Bone  Lick,  466-467. 

Billings,  9. 

Biloxi,  Miss.,  17,  27,  28. 

Bird's  Ordinary,  594,  607. 

Black,  Nicolas,  543. 

Black  Drink,  220  n.,  502. 

Black  Horse  regiment,  578  n. 

Bladen,  Thomas,  governor  of  Maryland, 
408  n. 

Blakewey,  Maj.  William,  98. 

Blum,  586  n.,  587,  591. 

Bois  Bleux  Indians,  273. 

Boisbriant,  Pierre  Duque  de,  first  com 
mandant  of  the  Illinois  country,  32  n., 
69,  78. 


Boispinel,  Sieur,  37. 

Bonnalds,  Capt.,  642. 

Bonnefoy,  Antoine,  captive  among  the 

Cherokees,  239-251;  escape,  251-255. 
Bonville,  M.  de,  263. 
Boonesborough,  Ky.,  624,  626-627. 
Booth,  Thomas,  125. 
Boscroon,  Major,  671. 
Boston,  Mass.,  Col.   Cuthbert  Potters' 

experience  in,  7-9;    description,  449- 

451. 

Boufouka,  a  Choctaw  town,  285  n. 
Boulanger,  Father,  Jesuit  priest  in  the 

Illinois  country,  34,  44,  52,  59,  64. 
Bourdon,  32. 
Bourmont,  commandant  of  the  Missouri 

country,  29,  84. 
Boutteux,  31. 
Bowling,  Major,  103. 
Bowman,  Col.,  631,  661  n.,  671. 
Bowman,  Isaac,  644,  645. 
Bowman,  Col.  John,  671. 
Bowman's  Station,  Ky.,  631. 
Boyd,  John,  624. 
Boyle,  Robert,  founder  of  Indian  school, 

403  n. 

Brackenridge,  Capt.,  673. 
Bradstreet,  Simon,  governor  of  Massa 
chusetts,  7  n.,  8,  9. 
Br    hear's  Station  (Shepherdsville),  Ky., 

620  n. 

Bratton,  Dorothy,  618. 
Brikstone,  339. 
Brimins  (Brim),  Creek  Indian  chief,  182, 

183,  185,  186,  187,  194,  203,  208-209, 

215. 

Brinley,  Francis,  7  n. 
Briscoe,  637. 
Broesing,  599. 
Broughton,  Thomas,  97. 
Brown,  Major,  7,  n. 
Brown,  James,  642. 
Brown,  Richard,  509,  540,  551,  553. 
Brown,  Samuel,  102,  103,  132. 
Bruce,  Stephen,  589. 
Brunswick,  N.  C.,  402. 
Brunswick,  N.  J.,  574. 
Bryan,  William,  536  n. 
Bryan's  Station,  Ky.,  627  n. 
Bryand,  Margan,  350. 


676 


INDEX 


Buffaloes,  hunting  of,  53,  54,  60,  83,  84, 
465  ;  speed  of,  2 19 ;  great  herds  of,  468, 
469;  hump  of,  627;  uses  of,  628-629. 

Buffalo  Lick,  Va.,  344. 

Bull,  Mr.,  7. 

Bullit,  Capt.  Thomas,  620  n. 

Burges,  Indian  trader,  552. 

Burlington,  N.  J.,  414. 

Burnaby,  Admiral  Sir  William,  377. 

Burns,  233. 

Burton,  Ralph,  433. 

Butler,  Father,  389. 

Byrd,  Col.,  669. 

Caderaqui,  428. 

Cadet,  Marie  le,  30. 

Cadillac,  M.  de  la  Motte,  governor  of 
French  Louisiana,  69  n. 

Cahokia,  111.,  French  settlement,  474. 

Cahokia  Indians,  village  of,  76,  80; 
Renard  Indians  prepare  to  attack, 
78;  Artaguiette's  talk  to,  81. 

Caimullga,  Creek  town,  532. 

Calaway,  Col.,  634,  635. 

Caldwell,  647,  650. 

Cameron,  497,  511. 

Campbell,  Lieut.,  426. 

Campbell,  Indian  trader,  535. 

Canaan,  Conn.,  447. 

Canada,  Indian  captives  in,  301,  3  £- 
305;  description,  431-442;  iron 
works,  435-436;  considerations  re 
garding  government  of  French  popu 
lation  in,  439-442. 

Cannaday,  John,  207. 

Cannes  Brulees,  16,  25,  27,  40. 

Cap  a  1'Ail,  67. 

Cap  a  1'Anguille,  60. 

Cap  a  la  Cruche,  66. 

Cape  Canaveral!,  390. 

Cap  St.  Anthoine,  67. 

Cap  St.  Cosmose,  67. 

Carbono,  665. 

Garland,  Thomas,  636. 

Carlisle,  Earl  of,  569. 

Carlisle,  Penn.,  Irish  settlement,  331. 

Carols,  Madam,  308. 

Carr,  Capt.,  234. 

Carroll's  Manor,  609. 

Carron,  24. 


Carteret,  Philip,  widow  of,  5  n. 
Castachas,  Choctaw  town,  285  n. 
Castle  William,  540. 
Catawba    Indians,    regulation    of   trade 

with,  132-133. 

Caughnawaga,  Indian  village,  43 1 . 
Ceard,   Sieur,   concession  of,   in   French 

Louisiana,  20,  21. 
Chagey,   fortified   Cherokee   town,    131, 

H3,  H9- 

Chamberlain,  Ensign,  233. 

Chambers,  Indian  trader,  142. 

Chambly,  Sieur,  264. 

Chaouacha  Indians,  25,  29,  41. 

Chapitoulas,  40. 

Charleston,  S.  C.,  trade  routes  to  Cher 
okee  country,  95-96;  description, 
397,  399;  surrenders  to  the  British, 

595- 

Charlestown,  N.  H.,  301. 

Chateaugue,  Jean  Baptiste  Lemoyne, 
Sieur  de,  39,  267  n. 

Chaudepisse,  Riviere  de  la,  43. 

Chavacleyhatchie,  545. 

Chavagne,  Sieur  de,  42. 

Chebucto  (Halifax),  Nova  Scotia,  310. 

Chehaw,  see  Geehaws. 

Cheneth,  manager  of  salt  works  in  Ken 
tucky,  621. 

Chepar,  88. 

Cherokee  Indians,  trade  and  regulation 
of  English  trade  with,  95,  98,  132,  133, 
!54>  !57>  IS9>  number  and  distribu 
tion,  95,  250;  relations  with  the 
French,  96,  118,  127,  142,  239,  250- 
251;  ceremonies,  101,  102,  no,  113; 
scarcity  of  provisions  among,  106; 
urged  to  build  a  corn  house,  109; 
hostile  relations  with  the  Creeks, 

II5-II8,    I2O-I2I,    120-128,    146-149, 

152-158,  188-189,  I985  attachment 
to  the  English,  138;  Creeks  and 
Choctaws  allied  against,  144,  145, 
146;  relations  with  the  Chickasaws, 
I56-i57,  190;  Gen.  Oglethorpe  re 
ceives  a  delegation  of,  222,  239 ;  small 
pox  among,  239;  treatment  of  pris 
oners,  242-249 ;  food  of,  245 ;  access 
of  northern  Indians  to,  465. 
Cherokey-Leech-che,  193. 


677 


INDEX 


Chesnal  du  Diable,  45,  60. 

Chesne,  64. 

Chester,  John,  144,  151. 

Chester,  Peter,  governor  of  West 
Florida,  493. 

Chestertown,  Md.,  410  n. 

Chetimachas,  Choctaw  village,  42. 

Chevalie,  Louison,  359. 

Chicago  River,  362,  363. 

Chickasaw  Indians,  relations  with  the 
French,  31,  33,  85,  103,  254;  with 
the  English,  103,  254;  with  the  Choc- 
taws,  135;  with  the  Cherokees,  156- 
*57,  i°o;  with  the  Creeks,  168-172, 
201,  211,  520,  526  n.;  number  of 
warriors,  216. 

Chicken,  Col.  George,  journal  of  his 
journey  to  and  through  the  Cherokee 
country,  95-172;  sketch,  96;  talks 
to  Cherokees,  105,  106,  109,  115,  126- 
131,  145,  146,  161-162;  letters  to 
President  Arthur  Middleton,  106- 
107,  134-139,  H2,  I5I-I53;  letters 
to  Eleazer  Wigan,  145,  148,  163-165; 
instructions  to  commander  of  Fort 
Moore,  167-168;  letter  to  Tobias 
Fitch,  1 68,  211. 

Chigilly,  Creek  Indian,  185,  215. 

Chim,  359. 

Chimhucky,  553,  558. 

Chippewa  Indians,  360,  426. 

Choctaw  Indians,  at  war  with  the  Chick- 
asaws,  51,  90,  122,  135;  relations 
with  the  French,  103,  287,  290;  pre 
pare  for  war  against  the  Cherokees, 
144-147;  relations  with  the  English, 
196,  206,  218,  291;  seek  an  alliance 
with  the  Creeks  against  the  Chick- 
asaws,  201-202;  English  and  French 
factions,  206-207,  259,  269,  275,  289, 
290-291;  number  of  warriors,  216; 
territory  of,  259;  "Six  Villages," 
273,  277  n.,  278;  Creek-Choctaw 
boundary,  386-387;  at  war  with  the 
Creeks,  519,  534. 

Christian,  Col.  William,  651,  653,  669. 

Chun  key,  a  Choctaw  town,  293  n. 

Clark,  7. 

Clark,  George  Rogers,  617,  622,  642. 

Claycatskee,  a  Creek  village,  548,  549. 


Clinton,  Sir  Henry,  569,  574. 

Cody,  Elizabeth,  313,  314. 

Cohoes,  falls  of  the  Mohawk  River,  447. 

Colapissas,  Choctaw  Indians,  35  n.,  38, 

39,41- 

Colbert,  Indian  trader,  521. 

Colliet,  Mrs.,  564. 

Collins,  William,  141. 

Collys,  MM.    settlement  near  Natchez 

established  by,  34,  43,  46,  88. 
Commantle  Indians,  184. 
Comyns,  555,  557. 
Conchasbekas,    Indian    village,    251    n., 

253- 

Connecticut,  description,  447-448;  pop 
ulation  in  1765,  448. 
Continental  Congress,  character  of  the 

members  of,  579. 
Continental  currency,  580,  593. 
Conustee,  an  Upper  Cherokee  town,  in, 

122. 

Conway  Cabal,  574  n. 
Cook,  Lieut.-Col.,  228. 
Cooper,  Joseph,  Cherokee  interpreter, 

102,  105,  108,  126,  162. 
Cooper,    William,    Indian    trader,    132, 

151,  160. 

Coosa  (Kusa)  Old  Town,  534. 
Coosa  Indians,  see  Kusa  Indians. 
Coosha,  Choctaw  town,  206. 
Cornall     (Cornell),     Creek    interpreter, 

495,  496,  497,  498,  499,  501,  520  n., 

543- 

Corn  Island,  621  n. 
Cornwallis,  Lord,  575. 
Couchas,  Choctaw  Indians,  269  n. 
Couroye  Indians,  51,  52. 
Coussot,     Pierre,     Cherokee     prisoner, 

244,  247,  251,  252. 
Coustilas,  Sieur,  39. 
Coweta  Indians,  see  Kawita  Indians. 
Cox,  Col.,  662. 
Cox,  John,  655. 
Crafton,  Capt.  Edward,  510. 
Creek  Indians,  country  of,  175;  number 

of  warriors,  216;    black  drink,  220  n., 

502;     food    and    clothing,    220-221; 

dancing,  220-221;    snake  dance,  517; 

polecat  dance,  532;  occupation  of  the 

women,    221;     huts,    221;     customs, 


678 


INDEX 


502-503  ;  the  town  square,  503  ;  the 
town  hothouse,  503 ;  mounds,  504 ; 
at  ball  play,  546;  horse  stealing,  384, 
512,  541;  drunkenness,  513,  514,  515, 
5SS-SS6;  sale  of  rum  to,  525  n.,  544, 
553  n-»  555,  560;  mission  of  Tobias 
Fitch  to,  175-212;  Lord  Adam  Gor 
don's  account  of,  384-385;  mission  of 
David  Taitt  to,  493-565 ;  English 
trade  and  trade  relations  with,  175, 
1 80,  192,  197,  221,  493,  494,  504-505, 
512,  525  n.,  526  n.,  533,  539,  544, 
552  n.;  hostile  relations  with  the 
Cherokees,  115-118,  120-121,  126- 
128,  144,  145,  146,  147,  154,  155,  158, 
180-181,  182,  188-189,  198-199;  at 
war  with  the  Yamassees,  194,  202- 
203,  204-205,  209;  murmur  against 
the  English,  195 ;  Gen.  Oglethorpe 
treats  with,  215-216,  221;  hostile 
relations  with  the  Chickasaws,  198, 
201,  202,  21 1 ;  hostile  relations  with 
the  Choctaws,  218-219,  519  n.,  534; 
Creek-Choctaw  boundary,  386-387; 
French  faction,  175,  199-200;  rela 
tions  with  the  Spaniards,  184,  185, 
186-188,  193,  2IO-2H,  215,  496,  527- 
528,  547  n.,  558,  559;  cede  lands  to 
the  Georgia  Trustees,  216;  refuse  to 
cede  lands  on  the  Escambia  River, 
493,  494,  524  n. 

Crips,  485. 

Croghan,  George,  457,  464  n.,  466,  478  n. 

Croix,  Portage  de  la,  444. 

Crow,  Cherokee  chief,  101,  102,  107,  108. 

Crow,  Creek  Indian  king,  141,  578. 

Crown  Point,  302,  307,  309,  443~444- 

Cummins,  651. 

Cussita,  Creek  Indian  town,  549-550. 

Cuzens,  Indian  trader,  533. 

Dalford,  Capt.,  318. 
Damerval,  Sieur,  38,  39. 
Daniel,  Walker,  663,  673. 
Darensbourg,  Sieur,  41. 
Dauphine  Island,  24,  388,  484-485. 
Davion,  Antoine,  44. 
Davis,  625-626. 
Davis,  John,  649. 
Davis,  Robert,  649. 


Davis,  Stephen,  320. 

Days,  Dr.,  564. 

Deane,  Capt.,  436. 

Deane,  Silas,  573. 

Degrave,  51,  87. 

Delaire,  Sieur,  41. 

Delavall,  John,  5,  10. 

Delaware,  410  n. 

Delaware  Indians,  457. 

Delorme  (De  1'  Orme),  principal  agent 
of  the  Western  Company,  23,  24,  28, 
38. 

Demezieres,  Marquis,  30,  43. 

Deplace,  309. 

Derneville,  255. 

Desliette,  commandant  at  Natchez,  88. 

Desnepveus,  66. 

Dieskau,  Ludwig  August,  445. 

Dobbs,  Arthur,  governor  of  North 
Carolina,  401,  402. 

Dog  Lieutenant,  Creek  Indian,  504,  505. 

Doge,  Capt.,  622. 

Donalson,  Col.,  642. 

Dongan,  Col.  Thomas,  8. 

Doub,  a  tanner,  587,  592. 

Dougherty,  Cornelius,  132. 

Douglass,  a  surveyor,  622,  643. 

Doway,  David,  Indian  trader,  98,  104, 
132,  151,  160,  163,  164. 

Draper,  Lyman  C,  618,  660. 

Drillard,  39. 

Du  Buisson,  Sieur,  42. 

Du  Cay,  5. 

Du  Clos,  25,  28. 

Dufresne,  Sieur,  56. 

Dulongpre,  40,  44,  53,  59- 

Dumanoir,  Sieur  Feaucon,  presents 
grievances  against  the  Western  Com 
pany,  19;  director  of  the  settlement 
of  St.  Catherine,  near  Natchez,  26, 
46,  88. 

Dun,  John,  556,  557. 

Dunlap,  John,  571. 

Dunmore's  War,  617. 

Durant,  26. 

Dureedweer  Indians,  310. 

Durnford,  Elias,  governor  of  West 
Florida,  540. 

Durrett,  Reuben  T.,  618,  660. 

Dutisnet,  79. 


679 


INDEX 


East  Florida,  defence,  383;   description, 

390-394. 

Eastman,  Amos,  313,  314. 
Eberhard,  327. 

Ecores  a  Prudhomme,  33  n.,  62. 
Eden,  William,  564. 
Effatiskiniha,  Creek  Indian,  532,  533. 
Elejoy    (Ellijay),    Upper   Cherokee    In 
dian  town,  no,  123,  124. 
Elkhatchie,  Creek  Indian  town,  529. 
Ellis,  John,  103. 
Emistisiguo,    Creek   Indian    chief,   495, 

507-509,  513,  5i8,  521-522,  523,  524, 

536,  537,  542,  552,  554- 
Engel,  329. 

English's  Station,  647  n. 
Escambia  River,  493,  497,  498,  524. 
Esopus,  N.  Y.,  416. 
Estatoe   (Old),   Cherokee  Indian   town, 

108,  150,  161. 
Eufaula,     Creek     Indian     town,     528; 

see  also  Lower  Eufaula,  Upper  Eufaula. 
Eutchie    (Uchee),    Creek   Indian    town, 

218  n.,  527  n.,  545,  546. 
Eveleigh,  Samuel,  119,  141. 
Evens,  345. 

Facey,  John,  141. 

Fairfax,  Thomas,  404  n. 

Farnsworth,  Stephen,  319. 

Fauquier,  Francis,  lieutenant  governor 
of  Virginia,  403,  407. 

Feldhausen,  Heinrich,  326,  327. 

Fillart,  29. 

Fischer,  612. 

Fitch,  Capt.  Tobias,  his  mission  to  the 
Creek  Indians,  144,  175-212;  letter 
by  Col.  George  Chicken  to,  168; 
South  Carolina  Indian  Commissioner, 
175;  talks  to  Creek  Indians,  178-179, 

195-196,   198-199,  210-21 1. 

Five  Nations,  417-418. 

Fleming,  Col.  William,  sketch,  617; 
journals  of  travels  in  Kentucky,  617- 
674;  commissioner  for  adjusting  land 
titles  in  Kentucky,  618;  commissioner 
for  settling  accounts  with  officers  in 
Kentucky,  659;  illness,  629,  641,  671. 

Florida,  east  coast  of,  390. 

Floyd,  Capt.  John,  622  n. 


Floyd,  Col.,  killed  by  the  Indians,  672, 
673. 

Folesum,  Israel,  562. 

Fontaine,  28,  33. 

Foot,  Jacob,  306. 

Forrest,  Stephen,  Creek  Indian  inter 
preter,  496,  525,  538,  545,  550,  551, 
562. 

Fort  Alabama,  see  Fort  Toulouse. 

Fort  Albany,  6. 

Fort  Augusta,  Ga.,  222  n. 

Fort  Augusta,  at  Mosquito  Point, 
Jamaica,  379. 

Fort  Bull,  420. 

Fort  Bute,  481,  482. 

Fort  Brewerton,  420. 

Fort  Chamble,  443. 

Fort  Charles,  379. 

Fort  Chartres,  erection  of,  32;  descrip 
tion,  69,  363  n.,  472-474;  importance, 
459;  location,  68,  471  n.,  489;  threat 
ened  with  destruction,  476,  477  n. ; 
George  Croghan's  conference  with 
Indians  at,  478  n. 

Fort  Cockspur,  394. 

Fort  Conde,  description,  386-387,  388. 

Fort  Congarees,  erection  of,  95. 

Fort  Coronado  Sancto,  100,  101. 

Fort  de  St.  Pierre  des  Yazons,  erection, 
33  n.;  description,  51. 

Fort  Diego,  224  n.,  225  n.,  227-228. 

Fort  Dummer,  317  n. 

Fort  Edward,  446. 

Fort  Epec,  363. 

Fort  Erie,  426. 

Fort  Frontenac,  428. 

Fort  George,  at  Port  Antonio,  Jamaica, 

379- 

Fort  George,  on  Lake  George,  445. 
Fort  George,  N.  Y.,  415. 
Fort  Hendrick,  419. 
Fort  Herkimer,  419. 
Fort  Hunter,  418,  419. 
Fort  Jefferson,  668. 
Fort  Johnson,  N.  Y.,  417,  419. 
Fort  Johnston,  N.  C.,  367,  401. 
Fort  La  Motte,  307. 
Fort  Ligonier,  464. 
Fort  Little  Niagara,  425. 
Fort  Louis,  17,  29,  267  n. 


680 


INDEX 


Fort  Massac,  purpose  of,  469-470. 

Fort  Massachusetts,  305,  317. 

Fort  Michilimackinac,  361  n. 

Fort  Moore,  erected  for  the  protection 
of  Indian  trade,  95,  165  n.;  garrison 
of,  167;  instructions  to  commander 
of,  167-168;  location,  181  n. 

Fort  Moosa,  228. 

Fort  Niagara,  importance,  424;  garri 
son,  425. 

Fort  Ninety-Six,  96. 

Fort  Nelson,  665,  667. 

Fort  Oneida,  420. 

Fort  Ontario,  description,  421,  422. 

Fort  Oswego,  421. 

Fort  Pensacola,  description,  381-382; 
barracks,  486. 

Fort  Picolata,  226  n. 

Fort  Pitt,  464,  488. 

Fort  Prince  George,  S.  C,  101  n. 

Fort  Prince  George  (Palachocolas  Fort) 
on  the  Savannah  River,  222  n. 

Fort  Rosalie,  description,  45,  49. 

Fort  St.  Andrews,  233  n. 

Fort  St.  George,  225  n. 

Fort  St.  John,  308. 

Fort  St.  Joseph,  362. 

Fort  San  Francisco  de  Pupo,  225  n.,  226. 

Fort  Schuyler,  419. 

Fort  Stanwix,  418-419. 

Fort  Ticonderoga,  444. 

Fort  Tombecbe,  270  n. 

Fort  Toulouse,  200  n.,  250,  536. 

Fort  Turner,  305. 

Fort  William,  232  n.,  233,  235. 

Fort  William  Augustus,  429-430. 

Fort  William  Henry,  445. 

Fortner,  Joseph,  314,  317. 

Foulton,  Indian  trader,  142. 

Fouquet,  Sieur,  25. 

Fox  Indians,  32,  76,  77,  78. 

Francklyn,  Capt.,  236. 

Franklin,  Benjamin,  576. 

Frederick,  Md.,  588  n.,  590. 

French  Pirates,  6,  7. 

French,  Robert,  529,  553. 

Friedrichsville,  Va.,  see  Winchester,  Va. 

Frolier,  Capt.,  671,  672. 

Fuhrer,  Valentin,  353. 

Fulton,  James,  150. 


Funchal,  capital  of  Madeira,  description, 

371-373- 

Funk,  Justice,  335. 
Fusihatchi,  a  Creek  Indian  town,  510  n., 

537- 

Gage,   Thomas,    instructions    to   Harry 

Gordon  and  to  George  Croghan,  457; 

letter  to  the  Earl  of  Shelburne,  458- 

462;     letter    to    Secretary    Conway, 

477  n. 
Galphin,  George,  505  n.,  524  n.,  526  n., 

S4i,  550,  558. 
Garret,  Col.,  647. 
Gaspard,  Indian  trader,  285,  286. 
Gates,  Horatio,  574  n. 
Geehaws    (Chehaw),    a    Creek     Indian 

village,  545  n.,  546,  550. 
George,  Capt.,  665,  666,  668. 
Georgetown,  S.  C.,  398. 
Georgia,    a    prohibition    province,    215; 

trade  with   the   Creek   Indians,   215; 

Report  of  a  Georgia  ranger,  215-236; 

Spanish    attempts    against,    223-224, 

232-236;    description,  394-396. 
Gerard,  Conrad  Alexander,  581  n. 
Germain,  Lord  George,  570,  573. 
German  Flats,  418. 
Germaney,  James,  521,  527. 
Germantown,  Va.,  593,  608. 
Gibson,  Capt.,  235. 
Gillespey,  John,  206,  207. 
Givens,  Samuel,  672. 
Glahan,  668. 

Glover,  Capt.  Charlesworth,  167. 
Goggle  Eyes  (Steyamasiechie),  a  Creek 

Indian,  178,  179,  192,  205. 
Gold,  Major  Nathan,  6  n. 
Goose  Creek,  S.  C.,  militia  of,  defeats 

the  Yamasees,  96;    settlement  of,  97. 
Gordon,  Lord  Adam,  birth,  368  ;  journal 

of  travel  in  the  American  Colonies,  367- 

453;    colonel  of  the  66th  Regiment, 

367;     member    of    Parliament,    368; 

commander    of     Scotch    forces,    368 ; 

reception    in    Boston,    368,    451-452; 

confers    with    British    Secretaries    of 

State,  368. 
Gordon,    Capt.    Harry,    journal    of    an 

expedition    down    the    Ohio    and    the 


68 1 


INDEX 


Mississippi,  457-489;    captain  in  the 

6oth  Regiment,  458. 
Gordon,  John,  392. 
Gosport,  Eng.,  369. 
Gottlob,  327,  328,  330,  331,  333,  334,  337, 

339,  346,  349,  350,  353-354,  355,  3&- 
Gowdy's  Fort,  100  n. 
Graham,  Thomas,  543,  544. 
Grand  Gouffre,  50,  479  n.,  488. 
Grand  Isle,  426,  427. 
Grandelle,  261. 
Grant,  James,  governor  of  East  Florida, 

393- 

Grant's  Station,  Ky.,  647. 

Granville,  Richard,  Earl,  325,  326,  402  n. 

Grave,  Sieur  de,  33. 

Gray,  James,  510. 

Great  Harrington,  Mass.,  447. 

Great  Kanawha  River,  465. 

Great  Lakes,  war  vessels  on,  423 ;  nav 
igation  of,  424. 

Great  Tallassies,  Creek  Indian  town,  513. 

Green  Bay,  Wis.,  475  n. 

Green-corn  dance,  134  n.,  140. 

Grierson,  Thomas,  524  n.,  525,  527,  544, 
563. 

Grosh,  589. 

Grout,  Elijah,  319. 

Groves,  Leslie,  388. 

Grube,  Rev.  Bernhard  Adam,  326,  327, 

335,339,  354- 
Gudell,  219. 
Guenot,  33,  38. 
Guilhet,  40. 
Gulf  Stream,  390. 
Gun  Merchant,  Creek  Indian,  511. 
Guston,  Henry,  119,  150,  160. 

Haberland,  Joseph,  326,  327,  331,  334, 

335,  346,  353,  354- 
Habersham,  Joseph,  598  n.,  604. 
Haid,  Jost,  334. 
Hains,  Edward,  555. 
Halifax,  N.  C.,  403. 
Halifax,  Nova  Scotia,  308,  310,  312. 
Halifax,  Va.,  597,  604. 
Hamar,  Capt.,  236. 
Hambough,  an  Indian  trader,  359. 
Hamburgh,  minutes  of  journal  of,  359- 

364- 


Hamm,  George,  608. 

Hancock,  Mrs.  Honor,  313,  314. 

Hanover,  Penri.,  588  n. 

Harbison,  673. 

Harcourt,  D',  18. 

Hardwick,  310. 

Hardy,  Charles,  236  n. 

Harris,  Thomas,  337. 

Harris'  Ferry,  330  n. 

Harrod,  Major  James,  643,  664. 

Harrodsburg,  Ky.,  629,  630. 

Hartford,  Conn.,  description,  448. 

Hasford,   Richard,    104,    133,    155,    157, 

1 60. 

Hastings,  John,  321. 
Hastings,  Col.  Theophilus,  181  n. 
Hastings,  Dr.,  319,  320. 
Hatton,  Capt.  William,   133,   138,   150, 

159,  160. 
Hauser,  598. 

Haviland,  William,  443  n. 
Hazeur,  commandant  of  Fort  Tombecbe, 

263,  270,  273,  276,  277,  285,  286. 
Hearn,  John,  97. 
Hebberden,  Dr.  Thomas,  374. 
Heckewelder,  Christian,  585,  603,  604, 

609,  610,  612. 
Heil,  Leonh.,  591,  609. 
Hell  Gate,  453. 
Henderson,  Samuel,  626. 
Hendrix,  608,  652,  653. 
Henry,  of  Vincennes,  672. 
Hepner,  589. 

Herrman,  Augustine,  4  n. 
Herrman,  Casparus,  4,  10. 
Hewet,  John,  102,  103,  104,  119,  132. 
Heywood,  William,  306,  317. 
Hillabies,  Creek  Indian  town,  520  n.,  530. 
Hinckley,  Edmund,  314. 
Hinsdell,  Col.  Ebenezer,  305,  317. 
Hirte,  Tobias,  587,  592,  594. 
Hitchins,  James,  98. 
Hoby-o-haw-Chey,  a  king  of  the  Upper 

Creek  Indians,  192. 
Hoffman,  327. 
Hoge,  William,  Creek  interpreter,  207, 

208. 
Hopeahachey,  Creek  Indian,  speech  of, 

189-190. 
Horrocks,  Rev.  James,  403. 


682 


INDEX 


Houmas  Indians,  34,  42,  483,  489. 

How,  Caleb,  305. 

Howard,  539. 

Howarth,  560. 

Howe,  Robert,  367. 

Howe,   Sir  William,   422   n.,   574,   575, 

579-580. 

Hows,  John,  165-166. 
Hubard,  Capt.,  318. 
Hudson  River,  description,  415-416. 
Hunt,  John,  125. 
Huspah,  a  Yamasee  Indian  chief,  204  n., 

205. _ 

Hutchins,  Thomas,  457,  487. 
Hutchinson,  Thomas,  450. 

Iberville  River,  480,  481  n.,  482,  489. 

Illinois  Country,  Jesuit  missionaries,  34, 
44;  sickness,  52;  Indian  trade,  52,  70, 
424,  477 ;  salt  making,  68 ;  inhabit 
ants,  70;  description,  74,  362-364; 
inadequate  military  protection,  383 ; 
French  government  of,  435;  ex 
pense  of  defending,  476;  confusion  of 
affairs  in,  665. 

Illinois  Indians,  villages,  69-70,  71 ; 
number,  71 ;  characteristics,  71 ;  food, 
clothing  and  shelter,  71-72;  occupa 
tion,  72  ;  treatment  of  captives,  72 ; 
marriage,  72-73  ;  women,  73  ;  speed, 
73;  dancing,  74;  medicines,  74;  war 
riors,  79;  Jesuit  missionaries  among, 
69;  hostile  relations  with  the  Fox 
Indians,  32,  75,  77,  364. 

Illison,  340,  342. 

Indians,  medicine  men,  35-36,  57 ;  school 
for  education  of,  403  n. ;  at  ball  play, 
262,  517,  546;  conservatism  of,  461; 
see  also  names  of  tribes  and  towns. 

Indian  trade,  in  the  Illinois  Country,  70; 
with  the  Cherokees,  95  ;  regulation  of, 
98/102,  106-107,  119,  125-126,  128- 
129,  132,  133,  136-139,  144,  159,  460- 
462;  with  the  Creeks,  192,  199-200, 
221,512,525;  in  Canada,  310;  on  the 
Great  Lakes,  424;  on  the  Mississippi 
and  Missouri  rivers,  458-460,  475 ; 
rivalry  between  the  French  and  the 
English  in,  476,  477;  protection  of, 
476,  477- 


Indian  traders,  character  of,  98,  106, 
424,  494,  504-505,  508,  512,  525,  544; 
alienate  the  Creeks  from  the  English 
interest,  215;  insolence  of,  216; 
carry  smallpox  to  the  Cherokees,  239; 
encourage  the  Cherokees  to  continue 
war  against  the  French,  250. 

Ingepretsen,  Erich,  326,  327,  330. 

Irwin,  Capt.,  647,  650. 

Isle  aux  Noix,  443  n. 

Isle  Perrot,  430. 

Itogen,  Richard,  631. 

Jamaica,  island  of,  description,  377-381. 

Jeffreys,  7,  9. 

Jenkins,  Daniel,  124,  125. 

Jerseys,  East,  and  West,  description,  413- 
414. 

Johnsen,  Robert,  348. 

Johnson,  609. 

Johnson,  George,  315. 

Johnson,  John,  son  of  Sir  William  John 
son,  367. 

Johnson,  Lieut.,  320. 

Johnson,  Sir  William,  residence  of,  417- 
418;  takes  Fort  Niagara,  424;  In 
dians  cede  tract  of  land  to,  427;  de 
feats  Dieskau,  445 ;  Lord  Adam 
Gordon's  appreciation  of,  447. 

Johnstone,  George,  governor  of  East 
Florida,  385-386;  a  peace  commis 
sioner,  569,  576  n. 

Jones,  97. 

Jones,  Capt.,  233. 

Jones,  Thomas,  206,  540. 

Jones,  Willie,  401  n. 

Jore,  Upper  Creek  Indian  town,  123. 

Joyeuse,  Sieur,  241. 

Juchereau  de  St.  Denis,  see  St.  Denis. 

Kailardshi,  Creek  Indian  town,  515-516. 
Kalberlahn,  Hans  Martin,  326,  327,  328, 

336,  338,  346. 
Kampf,  588,  589. 
Kashita,  Lower  Creek  Indian  town,  157, 

184,  185,  186,  195,  221. 
Kaskaskia,  111.,  description,  67-68,  472. 
Kaskaskia  Indians,  76,  364,  472. 
Kawita,  Lower  Creek  Indian  town,  133, 

184  n.,  185,  215,  216,  221,  549. 


2X 


683 


INDEX 


Kearl,  Daniel,  151,  160. 

Kellwick,  612. 

Kent  Island,  409,  410. 

Kentucky,  immigration  to,  617,  637; 
adjustment  of  preemption  claims,  618, 
631,  644,  645-646;  salt  and  salt 
springs,  620,  623 ;  hardships  of  early 
settlers,  622,  630,  636;  hostility  of 
Indians,  623,  626,  635,  636,  642,  643, 
644,  645,  647,  650,  661,  669,  671,  672- 
673  ;  game,  624 ;  shell  fish,  624  n. ; 
maple  sugar,  631-632,  635;  climate, 
637-638;  nettles  and  nettle  cloth, 
637,  643;  drainage,  639-640;  soil, 
639-460;  wilderness  road  to,  648- 
650;  commission  to  settle  accounts 
with  officers  of,  659. 

Keowee,  principal  town  of  the  Lower 
Cherokees,  96,  101,  153. 

Kerlazious,  37. 

Kettlewell,  John,  634  n. 

Killbrun,  318. 

Kincheloe's  Station,  Ky.,  662  n. 

Kingston,  Jamaica,  description,  377. 

Kingston,  Ontario,  428  n. 

Kirk,  Edward,  132,  143. 

Klaziou,  24. 

Knowles,  Sir  Charles,  governor  of 
Jamaica,  381. 

Knox,  Col.,  644,  663. 

Koenigsderfer,  Gottlob,  326. 

Kohl,  Robert,  347. 

Kornike,  Robert,  334. 

Kra,  Fende,  333. 

Krause,  Johan,  603. 

Kucher,  Peter,  329. 

Kulumi,  Creek  Indian  town,  501  n. 

Kusa  Indians,  134-135. 

La  Babiche,  Wea  Indian  village,  75. 
La  Bature  au'.Chevreuil,  45. 
La  Borde,  38,  39. 
La  Boulaye,  Sieur,  56. 
Lafavour,  Jonathan,  312. 
Lake  Erie,  426. 
Lake  George,  description,  445. 
Lake  Michigan,  shores  of,  361. 
Lake  Ontario,   appearance,  421;    navi 
gation,  422-423,  428-429;  water,  426. 
Lake  Ponchartrain,  460,  484. 


Lake  St.  Francis,  430. 

Lake  St.  Louis,  430. 

Lake  St.  Pierre,  435. 

Lambert,  Samuel,  314. 

Langvin,  Chickasaw  captive,  31,  33,  62, 

85,87. 

Larouve,  Sieur,  264. 
La   Tour,  M.  de,  lieutenant-general   of 

French  Louisiana,  18,  23,  24,  26,  30,  31, 

38,  39- 

Lave,  539,  540. 
Lavin,  7. 
Lau,  David,  611. 
Laurens,  St.  Luke,  309. 
Law,  John,  financial  operations  of,  15- 

16;   concession  of,  31,  56. 
Le  Blanc,  46,  49,  88. 
Le  Chef  or  Le  Clef,  Indian  trader,  475. 
Lee,  Dr.  Arthur,  570,  577. 
Lee,  Philip  Ludwell,  407  n. 
Lee,  Richard  Henry,  570,  571,  576. 
LeGras,  53,  54,  241. 
Le  Gras,  Col.,  671,  672. 
Le  Houx,  49. 
Leisler,  Jacob,  3,  5,  6. 
Le  Moyne,  Charles,  Baron  de  Longueil, 

governor  of  Canada,  302  n.,  308 ;  letter 

to,  303-305. 
Le  Rocher,  363. 
Lesslie,  James,  508. 
Le  Sueur,  commandant  of  Fort  Toulouse, 

270  n. 

Letushe,  Madam,  309. 
Lewis,  Francis,  504,  514,  525. 
Lewis,  General,  629. 
Lewse,  309. 
Liberge,  246. 

Ligonier,  Lord,  field-marshal,  578  n. 
Lindlay,  Col.,  628. 
Lindsey,  Sir  John,  381,  388. 
Linganesue,  308. 

Lischer,  Johannes,  326,  327,  334,  335. 
Lisle,  M.  de,  32,  75. 
Lititz,  Penn.,  585. 
Little    Oakchoys     (Okchayi),    a    Creek 

Indian  town,  530-531. 
Little  Tallassie,  a  Creek  Indian  town, 

506-507. 
Livilliers,  87. 
Lloyd,  Thomas,  4,  10. 


684 


INDEX 


Lockyer,  Capt.,  388. 

Loesch,  G.,  328,  329,  330,  331. 

Loesch,  Herman,  326,  327,  328,  329,  336, 

339,340,34i,348,354- 
Loesch,  Jacob,  326,  327,  329,  333,  334, 

336,  338,  340,  344-345,  349,  354- 

Logan,  Col.  Benjamin,  643,  671. 

Logan's  Fort,  624. 

London,  Bishop  of,  letter  by  king  of 
England  to,  7. 

London,  Md.,  409. 

Long  Island,  description,  415. 

Longe,  Sawney,  129. 

Longueil,  M.  de,  66. 

Looney's  Ferry,  341  n. 

Loring,  Joshua,  367,  422,  426. 

L'Orme,  principal  agent  of  the  Western 
Company,  28  n. 

Louboey,  M.  de,  263,  297. 

Loudoun's  Ferry,  447. 

Louis,  due  de  Bourgogne,  311  n. 

Louisiana,  settlement  of,  16,  21-23,  41 » 
hurricane  in,  24-25,  27,  28,  29;  dis 
content  with  government  of,  89; 
Spanish  possession  of,  481  n.,  483. 

Louisville,  Ky.,  settlement  of,  621-622; 
description,  663,  667. 

Lovell,  John,  652. 

Lovell,  Thomas,  644,  653. 

Loving,  Adam,  352. 

Lower  Eufaula,  Creek  Indian  town,  555. 

Lunge,  Jacob,  326,  327,  338,  339. 

Lun-ham-ga,  Upper  Creek  Indian  town, 
189. 

Lunn,  Col.,  655. 

Lydius,  John  Henry,  306  n. 

Lyman,  318. 

Lynch's  Tavern,  597. 

Lyne,  Col.  Edmund,  618,  628,  629. 

Lyttleton,  William  Henry,  governor  of 
Jamaica,  378  n.,  381. 

McAffee,  James,  623  n. 
McAffee's  Station,  Ky.,  661  n. 
McBain,  Laufflin,  104. 
McCormick,  Alexander,  102,  132. 
Macdonald,  Joseph,  343  . 
McDowell,  Col.  John,  661. 
McDowell,  Samuel,  660,  669. 
Macee,  12. 


McFall,  an  Indian  trader,  501,  514,  516, 

521,  536,  537,  539- 
Machbichemalla,     Creek     Indian,     532, 

553-554- 

Mackay,  505  n.,  529. 

McKenzie,  Alexander,  376  n. 

Maclane,  235. 

McLean,  563. 

McQueens,  James,  514,  561. 

Mad  Dog,  Creek  Indian  doctor,  538,  539, 
542. 

Madeira,  island  of,  description,  370-375. 

Madison,  Capt.,  671. 

Madison,  Mrs.,  651. 

Mahoney,  Florence,  168,  212. 

Malouins  (merchants  of  St.  Malo), 
grievances  against  the  Western  Com 
pany,  19-21. 

Manchac  River,  43. 

Marin,  Sieur,  241,  242. 

Markham,  William,  4,  10. 

Marlot,  Sieur,  31,  40. 

Marr,  Indian  trader,  104. 

Marshall,  Col.  Thomas,  660,  667,  668. 

Marshall,  Frederick  William  von,  599, 
603,  610. 

Marston,  John,  642. 

Martin,  Moses,  603. 

Maryland,  Germans  in,  326;  descrip 
tion,  408-410. 

Mascouten  Indians,  362-363. 

Maskingonge,  plains  of,  434. 

Mason,  663. 

Massachusetts,  charged  with  violating 
the  Acts  of  Trade,  3  ;  population,  4, 
49 ;  overthrow  of  the  Andros  Govern 
ment,  8-9;  description,  448-451; 
and  the  Stamp  Act,  449-450,  451- 
452  n.;  Lord  Adam  Gordon  proposes 
a  change  in  the  government  of,  450. 

Massy,  Sieur,  27. 

Matchinkoa,  an  Indian  village,  364. 

Matlack,  Timothy,  575,  577,  578. 

Matulicht,  Jerome,  386. 

Maxwell,  William,  570,  574,  576,  579. 

May,  George,  673,  674. 

May,  John,  662,  668,  673. 

Meally,  John,  558. 

Mekchiquamias  Indians,  82,  83. 

Mellicq,  Sieur,  32,  68. 


685 


INDEX 


Menchaeg  River,  see  Manchac. 

Mercier,  Francois  le,  78,  80. 

Merk,  John,  328  n.,  331. 

Merkli,  Christopher,  326,  327,  334,  342. 

Metchel,  Solomon,  314. 

Meurer,  Philipp,  336. 

Miami  Indians,  75. 

Michigamea,  village  of  Illinois  Indians,  70. 

Michigan,  description,  360,  361,  362. 

Michilimackinac,  360,  431. 

Mico  Lucko,  517,  520. 

Middleton,  409. 

Middleton,  Arthur,  96,  106,  144,  159- 
160,  190-191. 

Mifflin,  Thomas,  574  n. 

Milborne,  Jacob,  10. 

Miller,  John,  550,  553. 

Millikin,  James,  104,  119,  131,  141,  158. 

Mine  au  Fer,  479  n.,  488. 

Mingo  Town,  464  n.,  488. 

Misere,  364,  472  n. 

Missellimer  Mill,  327. 

Missesauga  Indians,  423,  429. 

Mississippi  River,  description,  43,  471, 
478-479,  482;  early  settlements  on, 
458,  472,  474,  479,  480,  481;  Indian 
settlements  on,  483  ;  Indian  trade  on, 
458,  475  ;  navigation  of,  479,  480-481. 

Missouri  Country,  commandant  of,  29. 

Missouri  Indians,  77,  80. 

Missouri  River,  Indian  trade  on,  475. 

Mobile,  Ala.,  commandant  at,  39;  sick 
ness  of  inhabitants,  383  ;  description, 
386-388,  485;  Indian  trading  post, 
460;  trade  with  New  Orleans,  484  n. 

Mobilians,  Choctaw  Indians,  261  n.,  262. 

Mohawk  Indians,  418. 

Mohawk  Valley,  417. 

Molton,  John,  Creek  interpreter,  207- 
208. 

Mongoulacha,  Choctaw  Indian  chief, 
speech  of,  266-268. 

Moniack,  Jacob,  536,  542,  544. 

Monjoy,  Creek  Indian,  556. 

Monocacy,  Md.,  588,  589. 

Montcalm,  Marquis  de,  444. 

Montgomery,  Col.  John,  671. 

Montreal,  Indian  trade  of,  310;  de 
scription,  321-322,  431-433;  number 
of  houses  in  1765,  442. 


Moore,  Marvin,  607. 

Moravians,  early  settlements  in  America, 
325;  a  travel  diary  of,  325-356; 
archives,  326,  585;  religious  beliefs 
and  practices,  344  n.,  348,  353,  355. 

Morgan,  George,  457,  468. 

Morin,  75,  76. 

Morrisania,  453. 

Morris,  Lewis,  453. 

Morro  Castle,  389,  487-488. 

Morter,   Creek    Indian,  511,  520,   522- 

523,  529,  531,  542,  544-545- 
Moseby,  Major,  664,  674. 
Moses,  Capt.,  305. 
Mosley,  Thomas,  536,  541. 
Mouns,  671. 

Mount  Pleasant,  N.  Y.,  425-426. 
Mouy,  Sieur  de,  40. 
Mucklasses,  Creek  Indian  village,  509  n., 

541- 

Miiller,  Jac.,  328,  336. 
Miiller,  Joseph,  328  n.,  331. 
Murray,  James,  336  n.,  443. 
Muskingum  River,  465. 
Myot,  262. 

Natchez,  Miss.,  settlement  of,  16,  20,  26, 
46;  hurricane  at,  28;  fort  at,  45,  88, 
479,  480. 

Natchez  Indians,  number,  48;  relations 
with  the  French,  33,  34-35,  36,  37, 
41,  86,  90,  255,  531  n.;  food,  48;  reli 
gion,  48-49;  festivals,  48-49 ;  villages, 
49;  orders,  34  n.,  49;  marriage  rela 
tions,  49;  features,  49;  among  the 
Cherokees  and  the  Chickasaws,  251; 
among  the  Creeks,  531. 

Natchies,  a  village  of  Natchez  Indians, 
53i  n. 

Natchitoches  Indians,  89. 

Natchitoches,  La.,  settlement  of,  16; 
garrison,  89;  fort,  481. 

Navy  Island,  426. 

Neely,  John,  100. 

Neilsen,  597. 

Neisser,  587,  612. 

Nelson,  Thomas,  governor  of  Virginia, 

659- 

Neuschwanger,  334. 
Neuser,  329. 


686 


INDEX 


Nevill's  Tavern,  593. 

New  Bern,  N.  C.,  401. 

Newbury,  7. 

Newcastle,  Del.,  410. 

New  Holland  (Low  Dutch  Station),  Ky., 
664,  667  n. 

New  Orleans,  removal  of  capital  of 
French  Louisiana  to,  17;  founded  by 
Bienville,  18;  defence,  26;  hurricane 
in,  24;  engineering  affairs  in,  29;  lack 
of  provisions,  30;  famine,  89;  sick 
ness,  39;  purple  fever  epidemic,  89; 
Indian  trade,  458-459,  460;  descrip 
tion,  482,  483. 

Newport,  Eng.,  369. 

New    York,    City   of,    description,   414, 

415. 

New  York,  description,  414-429. 

Niagara  Falls,  425,  447. 

Nicholson,  Francis,  governor  of  Virginia, 

3,6. 

Nicola,  Col.  Lewis,  576  n. 
Nielsen,  Jeppe,  586  n.,  597. 
Niverville,  Boucher  de,  301. 
Nocoochee,  Cherokee  Indian  town,  108, 

131- 

Nogouwee,  Cherokee  Indian  town,  145. 
Nolan,  18. 

Noland,  Thomas,  590,  591,  592,  609. 
Norfolk,  Va.,  description,  406. 
North    Carolina,    description,    400-403 ; 
'  Moravians    in,    525-520;     concession 

to  the  Moravians,  585. 
North,  Lord,  570. 
Noyant,  Sieur  de,  88. 
Noyouwee,  Cherokee  Indian  town,  104. 
Number  Four,  see  Charlestown,  N.  H. 
Nyberg,    Laurentius   Thorstansen,   333, 

339- 

Oakchoys      (Okchayi),      Creek      Indian 

town,  177,  511  n.,  537. 
Oakfuskee,    Creek    Indian    town,    157, 

176  n. 
Occacochee,  Upper  Creek  Indian  town, 

135- 

Ockel,  William,  589,  590. 
Ocmulgee  River,  561. 
Oconee,  Lower  Cherokee  Indian  village, 

154  n. 


Ogdensburg,  N.  Y.,  see  Oswegatchee. 

Ogle,  Benjamin,  610,  611. 

Ogle,  Thomas,  609. 

Oglethorpe,  General  James,  letter  to  the 
Georgia  Trustees,  215-216;  treats 
with  the  Creek  Indians,  215-216,  221 ; 
tour  to  the  Creek  Country,  218-221; 
receives  a  delegation  of  Cherokee 
Indians,  222,  239;  commands  forces 
against  St.  Augustine,  224-229; 
cruizes  against  the  Spaniards,  229- 
232;  defends  Georgia  coast  against 
the  Spaniards,  232-236. 

Ohio  River,  thought  to  be  tributary  to 
the  Wabash,  66  n.,  241  n.;  descrip 
tion,  465-471 ;  Falls  of,  467-468, 
489,  621-622,  665-666. 

Oldham,  Capt.,  662. 

Onion,  5,  10. 

Onondaga  River,  420-421. 

Oony,  Choctaw  Indian  town,  276  n. 

Orleans,  Duke  of,  15,  16. 

O'Reilly,  389. 

Oriskany  Fields,  418. 

Oswegatchee,  421,  428,  429. 

Otis,  James,  address  to  Lord  Adam 
Gordon,  451-452  n. 

Ottawa  Indians,  312-313,  360,  361. 

Ottawa  River,  430,  431. 

Pader,  329,  331. 

Paillou,  Sieur,  major  general  of  French 

Louisiana,  35  n.,  36-37,  41. 
Pain  Court  (St.  Louis),  474,  475. 
Pain's  Ordinary,  595,  606. 
Pakamans,  Creek  Indians,  270  n. 
Pakan-Tallahassee,  Creek  Indian  town, 

534,  535- 

Palachocolas  Fort,  222  n. 
Pallachocola,   Creek  Indian  town,   554, 

557- 

Palmes,  Major  Edward,  6  n. 
Parisien,  87. 
Parker,  Isaac,  319. 
Parker,  Ruth,  320. 

Parris,  Alexander,  138  n.,  139,  162,  167. 
Partoson,  Andrew,  205. 
Pasquier,  Sieur,  40. 
Passaic  River,  description,  413. 
Paterson,  Robert,  628. 


687 


INDEX 


Pauger  or  Peauger,  Sieur,  engineer,  17- 
18,  23,  26,  90. 

Pawling,  Capt.,  642,  647,  651. 

Paya  Lucko,  Creek  Indian,  511,  518, 
519  n.,  529,  530. 

Peacock,  8. 

Penn,  5. 

Penn,  John,  412. 

Pennsylvania,  Moravians  in,  325 ;  de 
scription,  410-413. 

Penrose,  Col.,  578. 

Pensacola,  Fla.,  commandant  at,  38; 
French  take  possession  of,  39;  de 
scription,  383-384;  fort,  486-487; 
frequented  by  Creek  Indians,  384-385, 

493- 

Peoria,  Indian  village,  363,  474. 

Perilaud,  75,  76,  77. 

Perkins,  538. 

Perkins,  Col.,  604. 

Perrier,  89. 

Perry,  320. 

Perth  Amboy,  414. 

Petersburg  (Peter  Little's  Town),  Penn., 
588  n.,  611. 

Petersen,  Hans,  326,  327,  336,  342. 

Petit  Gouffre,  50,  497  n. 

Petite  Pointe  Coupee,  53. 

Petits  Colas,  41. 

Pettit,  246. 

Pfeil,  Friedrich  Jacob,  326,  327,  345. 

Philadelphia,  description,  410-411;  In 
dian  trade,  477  n.;  character  of 
members  of  the  Executive  Council, 
S?^,  579;  in  the  Revolution,  581. 

Phips,  Spencer,  301,  303  n. 

Pigg,  John,  509-510,  522  n.,  540,  541, 
SSi,  554  n. 

Pimitoui  Indians,  32  n. 

Pitman's  Station,  Ky.,  652. 

Pittman,  Philip,  473  n.,  478. 

Plowman,  4. 

Point  Pleasant,  Battle  of,  617. 

Pointe  Coupee,  16,  43,  54,  254,  480  n., 
481,  489. 

Ponpon,  78,  79,  80. 

Pontual,  Sieur  de,  38. 

Pope's  Station,  Ky.,  663. 

Portier,  Guillaume,  244,  247,  251. 

Port  Royal,  Jamaica,  377. 


Porto  Santo,  374-375. 
Portsmouth,  Eng.,  369. 
Pottawatornie  Indians,  361  n.,  362,  363. 
Potter,     Col.     Cuthbert,     commissioner 

from    Virginia    to   New    England,    3 ; 

journal    of    his    journey,    4—11;     his 

papers  searched  in  Boston,  8-9. 
Poussin,  25. 
Powell,  Samuel,  342. 
Power,  578. 
Pradel,  29,  84. 
Prairie  de  Roche,   111.,   French  village, 

472. 

Prairie  des  Roches  Indians,  32. 
Preston,  Col.,  627. 
Pretor,  544,  545. 
Priber,    Christian,    239-240,    246,    247- 

250. 

Princeton,  N.  J.,  413,  575. 
Princeton  College,  574. 
Pringle,  Walter,  377. 
Proprietary  Provinces,  objection  to,  409, 

412-413. 

Providence,  R.  I.,  452. 
Pulaski,  Count,  cavalry  of,  580. 
Pumpkin  King,  Creek  Indian  chief,  469. 
Purrysburg,  S.  C.,  222  n. 
Putnam,  Ebr.,  319. 
Putnam,  Lawrence,  319. 
Putnam,  Thomas,  319. 

Quapaw  Indians,  519-520  n. 

Quebec,  mutiny  of  soldiers  at,  308; 
mode  of  passing  signals  to  Montreal, 
434-435;  description,  437-439;  num 
ber  of  houses  in  1765,  442. 

Quin,  578. 

Quirk,  Capt.,  626. 

Rae,  James,  546,  548. 

Rae,  Robert,  546,  548. 

Rail,  Johann  Gottlieb,  575. 

Rauch,  Christ.,  328,  344. 

Rawlings,  Pemberton,  634. 

Rea,  Indian  trader,  524,  525. 

Red  House,  Va.,  593,  604. 

Red  Shoe,  head  of  the  English  faction  of 

the  Choctaw  Indians,  259;   see  Soulier 

Rouge,  Ymatahatchitou. 
Reh,  Benjamin,  346—347. 


688 


INDEX 


Reichel,  Bishop  John  Frederick,  his 
mission  to  the  American  branch  of  the 
Moravian  Church,  585 ;  his  journey 
from  Lititz,  Penn.,  to  Salem,  N.  C., 
and  return,  585-613. 

Reichel,  Mrs.,  597,  613. 

Renard  Indians,  see  Fox  Indians. 

Renault,  Philippe  Francois,  70  n.,  77, 
82. 

Reutz,  586. 

Rhode  Island,  description,  452;  popu 
lation  in  1765,  452. 

Rice,  Capt.,  317. 

Ricla,  Conde  de,  389. 

Riddle's  Station,  Ky.,  635. 

Ringfros  Mill,  347. 

Ripley,  John,  381. 

Rivard,  Joseph,  Cherokee  prisoner,  244, 
247. 

Riviere  a  Margot,  61,  479  n.,  488. 

Riviere  d'Artaguiette,  488. 

Roberts,  Capt.,  636,  642. 

Robertson,  an  engineer,  482. 

Robinson,  Capt.,  453. 

Robinson,  Col.,  653. 

Rochon,  485. 

Rock  Hall,  Md.,  409. 

Rogers,  318. 

Roman,  Salvador,  234. 

Rose,  331. 

Ross,  James,  644,  652. 

Ross,  John,  671. 

Rossard,  38. 

Rothrock,  606. 

Roucere,  Sieur,  261,  263. 

Rush,  Dr.  Benjamin,  577. 

Russell,  Capt.  Charles,  98,  99. 

Rutland,  Mass.,  301. 

Ryde,  Eng.,  369. 

Saa,  Don  Jos.  de,  373. 

Sac  Indians,  362  n. 

Sackville,  Col.  Sackville  George  Stop- 
ford,  573. 

Saginaw  (Saquena)  Bay,  360. 

Saginaw  Indians,  360. 

St.  Asaph's,  Ky.,  624. 

St.  Augustine,  Fla.,  siege  of,  227-229; 
description,  391,  393~394J  fort,  392- 
393- 


St.  Catherine,  concession  of,  90. 

St.  Cosme,  Jean  Francois  de,  67. 

St.  Denis,  Juchereau  de,  commandant  at 
Natchitoches,  89,  90. 

St.  Esteve,  Sieur  de,  17. 

St.  Francis  Indians,  311,  313  n.,  316. 

St.  Genevieve,  472  n. 

St.  John's,  capital  of  Antigua,  descrip 
tion,  376. 

St.  John's  College,  408  n. 

St.  Joseph's  River,  362. 

St.  Julien,  Peter,  97. 

St.   Kitts,   Island   of,   description,  376- 

377- 

St.  Lawrence  River,  434-435. 
St.  Louis  (Pain  Court),  Mo.,  474,  475. 
St.  Malo,  see  Malouins. 
St.  Marys  River,  391-392. 
St.  Regis  Indians,  430. 
St.  Thereze,  M.,  79. 
Salegee,  Creek  Indian,  551,  555,  557. 
Salem,  N.  C.,  599. 
Salt  River,  619,  623. 
Saluda  Old  Town,  S.  C.,  100  n. 
Sanchez,  Capt.  Sebastian,  234. 
Sanders,  Robert,  305  n. 
Santa  Rosa,  Island  of,  382-383. 
Saratoga  (Old),  N.  Y.,  446. 
Sauboye,  M.  de,  89. 
Savage,  John,  393. 
Savannah,  Ga.,  description,  395. 
Savannah  Town,  S.  C.,  133. 
Savey,  John,  132,  163. 
Sawyer,  William,  651. 
Schau,  589,  609. 
Schaub,  612. 
Schenectady,    N.    Y.,    cut    off    by    the 

Indians,  6;   description,  417. 
Schleider,  Nal.,  611. 
Schuyler,  Philip  John,  417  n.,  446. 
Schweisshaupt,  588,  589,  610,  611. 
Scot,  Indian  trader,  530,  550. 
Scroggs,  Lieut.  Robert,  234. 
Scudder,  Col.  Nathaniel,  576  n. 
Scutchabee,    Creek     Indian,    548,    549, 

559- 

Seaward,  8. 
Secuspoga,  Upper  Creek  Indian  village, 

529,  530. 
Seidel,  Christian,  327  n. 


689 


INDEX 


Seidel,  Nathaniel,  326,  328,  335,  337, 
338,  339,  340,  342,  343,  344,  346,  352, 
354,  355- 

Sempoyeffa,  Creek  Indian,  549. 

Seneca  Indians,  fall  upon  the  Wacca- 
maws,  138;  influence  with  the  Creeks, 
188-189;  characteristics,  417-418, 
422;  cut  off  an  armed  force  under 
Lieut.  Campbell,  426. 

Sepe  Coffee,  leader  of  the  Creek  Indians 
against  the  Yamasees,  183,  184,  185, 

194,  209,  210,  211,  212. 

Sergeant,  John,  212. 

Shannon,  661. 

Sharp,  John,  Indian  trader,  charged 
with  unfair  dealings  with  the  Chero- 
kees,  98,  129-130;  instructions  to, 
132-133;  takes  his  slaves  into  the 
Indian  Country,  138,  159;  satisfac 
tion  given,  145-146,  197;  letter  by 
Col.  George  Chicken  to,  157;  Tobias 
Fitch  demands  satisfaction  of  the 
Creeks  for  robbery  of,  178,  191,  192- 

193- 

Sharpe,  Horatio,  governor  of  Maryland, 
408-409. 

Shawnee  Indians,  271  n.,  457,  466. 

Shelby,  Col.  Isaac,  650  n. 

Shelton,  593,  596. 

Shirley,  William,  governor  of  Massa 
chusetts,  301,  303. 

Shrimpton,  Col.,  8. 

Silver  Bluff,  S.  C.,  505  n. 

Simory,  William,  512,  527,  562. 

Simpson,  Hugh,  539,  544. 

Simsbury,  Conn.,  448. 

Sioux  Indians,  66. 

Six  Nations,  311,  457. 

Slaughter  (Sloughter),  Henry,  governor 
of  New  York,  6. 

Slaughter,  Major,  636. 

Small,  William,  234. 

Smith,  planter,  564. 

Smith,  Quaker,  578. 

Smith,  Col.  Daniel,  671. 

Smith,  Capt.  Henry,  622. 

Smith,  James,  661. 

Smith,  John,  10. 

Smith,  Dr.  William,  411  n. 

Socuspoga,  see  Secuspoga. 


Sotehouy,  village  of  Arkansas  Indians, 
55  ;  garrison  at,  86. 

Soulier  Rouge,  Choctaw  Indian,  284; 
speech  of,  286 ;  nephew  of,  291 ;  prom 
ises  to  kill  Ymatahatchitou,  291-292; 
see  also  Red  Shoe. 

South  Carolina,  Indian  trade,  95,  137, 
215  ;  Stono  Slave  Insurrection  in,  222- 
223;  description,  397-401. 

Spangenberg,  Bishop  Augustus  Gottlieb, 
325,  328  n. 

Spanish  Town,  Jamaica,  description, 
377-378. 

Speed,  James,  662,  670. 

Spinola,  Don  Diego,  224  n. 

Spotswood,  Alexander,  203  n. 

Squire  Mickeos,  210-211. 

Stamp  Act,  368,  449-450. 

Stanard,  Thomas,  314. 

Stark,  John,  301,  314  n. 

Stauffer,  588. 

Staunton,  Va.,  335  n. 

Stedham,  Benjamin,  554. 

Stephens,  Capt.,  651. 

Sterling,  Lieut.,  233. 

Stevens,  Enos,  321. 

Stevens,  Isaac,  301. 

Stevens,  Phineas,  Indian  captive,  301 ; 
frontiersman,  301 ;  his  mission  to 
Canada  for  the  recovery  of  prisoners, 
301-317;  instructions  to,  302-303; 
building  his  house,  319-321. 

Stevens,  Samuel,  305. 

Stinging-Lingo  Indians,  199. 

Stocklitea,  Creek  Indian,  520. 

Stoehr,  Hr.,  594,  599. 

Stone  Arabia,  N.  Y.,  418. 

Stono  Slave  Insurrection,  222-223. 

Stotz,  Jac.,  597. 

Strubb,  Samuel,  597. 

Stuart,  Charles,  540. 

Stuart,  Capt.  John,  superintendent  of 
Indian  affairs  for  the  Southern  Dis 
trict,  386;  difficulties  with  the  Creeks, 
493  ;  letters  to  Hillsborough,  493,  494; 
instructions  to  David  Taitt,  495-496; 
letters  to  the  Creeks,  518-521,  546. 

Stull,  Capt.,  642. 

Sturgis  Station,  Ky.,  671. 

Sullivan,  Capt.,  664. 


690 


INDEX 


Sutherland,  Lieut.,  235. 
Swaglehatchies,  556. 

Taensa  Indians,  25,  41. 

Taitt,  David,  journal  of  a  journey  to 
and  through  the  Creek  Country,  493- 
565 ;  ill  treatment  by  Indian  traders, 
494;  in  charge  of  Creek  Indian  af 
fairs,  494;  a  loyalist,  494 ;  instructions 
to,  495-496;  letters  to  John  Stuart, 
521-526,  552-554- 

Taleachey,  Creek  Indian,  551. 

Tallapoosa  Indians,  190,  191,  270. 

Tallapoosa  River,  501;  falls  of,  511, 
526  n. 

Tallassee,  Upper  Creek  Indian  town, 
202  n. 

Tallassiehatchie,  Upper  Creek  Indian 
town,  532,  534. 

Tamatley,  Indian  town,  551  n.,  554. 

Tampa  Bay,  392. 

Tamusey,  Cherokee  Indian  village,  132. 

Taneytown,  Md.,  588  n. 

Tanneberger,  David,  612. 

Tanneberger,  Johann,  329. 

Tapley,  John  Adam,  509. 

Tapoucha  Indians,  87. 

Tasbe,  John,  309. 

Taskanamgouchy,  Choctaw  Indian, 
speech  of,  272,  275. 

Tatoulimataha,  Choctaw  Indian,  293. 

Taylor,  Hub.,  662. 

Taylor,   Col.  William,  487  n. 

Tehr,  Carl,  611. 

Tellico,  Upper  Cherokee  Indian   town, 

III-II2,    134-135,   245,   246. 

Temple,  John,  569,  570,  571. 

Tennant's  Tavern,  333. 

Tennessee,  Upper  Cherokee  Indian 
town,  112;  speech  by  the  head  war 
rior  of,  112-113,  1 1 8 ;  hostile  neighbors 
of,  114. 

Tennessee  River,  243  n.,  245,  470  n. 

Terre  Blanche,  46,  49. 

Terrisse,  90. 

Terry,  643,  644,  669. 

Test,  10. 

Thaumeur,  missionary  priest,  81. 

Thomas,  Elias,  169. 

Thomas,  George,  governor  of  Antigua,  376. 


Thompson,  5. 

Thompson,  John,  624. 

Thonniqua  Indians,  44,  88,  90. 

Thousand  Islands,  429  n. 

Three  Rivers,  435  n. 

Three  Rivers  (river),  436-437. 

Tickhomebey,  or  Tickhoneby,  181,  182, 

201. 

Tisne,  Sieur  du,  32,  34. 
Todd,  Col.  John,  662  n. 
Todd,  Capt.  Levi,  629. 
Todd's  Station,  Ky.,  629  n.,  641. 
Tohomes,  Choctaw  Indians,  267  n. 
Tomachichi,  see  Tomo-chi-chi. 
Tomautley,  Cherokee  Indian  town,  107- 

108,  547. 

Tomeche,  Creek  Indian,  556. 
Tommantle  Indians,  185,  188,  202- 

203. 
Tomo-chi-chi,    chief  of   the   Yamacraw 

Indians,  223,  555. 
Tonica  Indians,  25,  29,  488. 
Tonty,  Sieur  de,  36,  75. 
Tool,  Robert,  561. 
Toopoya,  Creek  Indian,  537. 
Topahatkee,    Creek    Indian,    552,    553, 

558. 

Tortuga  Islands,  389. 
Toupaou,   Choctaw   Indian,   speech   of, 

274. 

Townley,  Col.  Richard,  5,  10. 
Townshend,  Col.  Roger,  445. 
Toxsaah,  Cherokee  Indian  town,  131, 

145- 

Traverse,  17-18. 
Trenton,  N.  J.,  5,  413. 
Trigg,    Col.    Stephen,    618,    637,    646, 

661  n. 

Trois  Chenaux,  44,  45. 
Tryon,  Col.  William,  governor  of  North 

Carolina,  367,  401,  402. 
Tuccareecho,    Cherokee     Indian     town, 

108  n. 
Tuccaseegee,     Cherokee     Indian     town, 

143  n. 
Tuckabatchee,     Upper     Creek     Indian 

town,    501    n.,    509,    513,    514,    515, 

526. 
Tugaloo,    Cherokee    Indian    town,    142, 

H5,  151- 


691 


INDEX 


Tunica  Indians,  483. 

Turpin,  Sieur,  246. 

Tuskegee,  Creek  Indian  town,  541. 

Tyous  Indians,  46. 

Uchee,  see  Eutchie. 

Ulloa,  Don  Antonio  de,  481  n. 

Upper    Eufaula,    Creek     Indian    town, 

527. 

Upper  Marlboro,  Md.,  409  n. 
Usher,  7. 

Van  der  Dussen,  Alexander,  228  n. 

Vaudreuil,  Marquis  de,  governor  of 
French  Louisiana,  261,  287. 

Velden,  Vanden,  505-506,  507,  522  n. 

Vera  Cruz,  392,  460. 

Verbois,  Chevalier  de,  259. 

Verbois,  Pechou  de,  261. 

Vermont,  burning  of  the  capitol,  301. 

Villiers,  Sieur  de,  241. 

Vincennes  (St.  Vincent),  673. 

Virginia,  effect  of  English  Revolution  of 
1688  in,  3;  Indian  trade,  137;  Ger 
mans,  326;  log  cabins,  590;  descrip 
tion,  403-407. 

Wabash  River,  241  n.,  469. 

Waccamaw  Indians,  138. 

Wachovia,  N.  C.,  326,  356  n. 

Waggoner,  Samuel,  603. 

Wagner,  598. 

Wagner,  Hans,  355  n. 

Wakokayi,    Creek    Indian    town,    534, 

535- 

Wallace,  Caleb,  660,  661,  673. 
Warren,  Capt.,  228. 
Washa    (Ouacha)    Indians,    35    n.,    38, 

39- 
Washington,  George,  574,  575,  578-579, 

580,  581. 
Watauga,  642  n. 
Watteville,      Bishop      Johannes      von, 

334  n. 

Wea  (Wiatanon)  Indians,  75. 
Webb,  Seth,  313,  314. 
Weeo- tee-nee  Indians,  135. 
Welch,  Nich.,  622. 
Weldren,  540. 
Weller,  588. 


Weoka,  Creek  Indian  village,  535. 
Western  Company,  proprietors  of  French 

Louisiana,  15-16;    grievances  against, 

19;    administration  of,  38,  39. 
Wetter,  Joh.  Jac.,  610. 
Wetunkey,  a  Creek  Indian  village,  536. 
Wharton,  457. 
Wheeler,  5. 
Wheeler,  Moses,  321. 
Wheelwright,  Nathaniel,  302,  303,  305, 

306,  308,  309,  312,  315,  316. 
Whey,  Aaron,  509-510. 
White,  Andrew,  131,  143,  163. 
Whitfield,  George,  395. 
Whitley,  Col.  William,  647  n.,  672. 
Wigan,  Eleazer,  Indian  interpreter  and 

trader,  97,  99,  105,  107-108,  113,  126; 

letters   of    Col.   George    Chicken    to, 

145,    148,     163-165;     letter    to    Col. 

Chicken,  155-156. 
Wiggin,  Capt.,  219,  221. 
Wiggin,  Thomas,  206. 
Willard,  Joseph,  319. 
Willard,  Major,  318. 
William  and  Mary  College,  403. 
Williams,  4. 
Williams,  672. 

Williamsburgh,  Va.,  403,  404. 
Williamson,  Capt.,  305. 
Wilmington,  N.  C.,  description,  401. 
Wilson,  Henry,  624,  661. 
Wilson's  Station,  Ky.,  644. 
Wimer,  650. 
Wimton,  673. 
Winchester,  Va.,  334  n. 
Winston,  Richard,  359. 
Winthrop,  Major  Fitz-John,  6  n.,  7. 
Wolf,  Creek  king,  385,  509,  510,  527  n., 

541- 

Wolfe,  James,  438  n. 
Wood,  William,  195. 
Wood  Creek,  420. 
Woods,  Joseph,  318,  319. 
Woods,  Mary,  672. 
Woods,  Michael,  672. 
Woods,  Thomas,  662. 
Worcester,  Mass.,  448-449. 
Wormeley,  Ralph,  3,  4,  10. 
Wright,  James,  governor  of  Georgia,  395, 
396,  520. 


692 


INDEX 


Wright's  Ferry,  586  n. 
Wrights  Ordinary,  605. 

Xander,  329. 

Yamasee  Indians,  96,  133,  179,  182,  188, 

194,  202-203,  204-205,  209. 
Yazoo,  Choctaw  Indian  village,  51,  276  n. 
Ymatahatchitou,    head   of   the   English 

faction  of  the  Choctaw  Indians,  261  n., 


262,  263,  265,  270,  273,  275,  277,  283- 

284,  287,  290,  292-293,  294. 
Ymonguolacha,  Choctaw  Indian,  267. 
You-ho-lo-mecco,     head     man     of     the 

Upper  Creek  Indians,  135. 
Yowani,  Choctaw  Indian  town,  263  n. 


Ziegler,  328. 
Zinzendorf,  Count,  325. 


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